Revolutionary Europe, 1789-1815

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Crown &vo. With Maps, Js, 6d.

European History, 476-918

By a W. C. OMAN, M,A„ Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford.
Forming Volume I, of Periods of European History.

'Notwithstanding its modest scale,
this volume (Period I. ) will be valued
by all historical students as supply-
ing a real want in our historical
literature, and supplying it well.
, . . He paints on a small scale, it
is true, but his touch is sure and his
insight keen. For the accuracy of
his facts his historical reputation is
a sufficient guarantee.' — Times.

* Though on a comparatively small
scale, Mr. Oman's sketch is com-
plete and vivid. His insight and
acumen in appreciating the bearing
of events and in estimating the
influence of personal character are
particularly striking, whilst his
pleasing and picturesque style makes
the perusal of his work as enjoyable
from the literary as it is instructive

from the historical point of view. —
Glasgow Herald.

' Mr. Oman seems to have, or to
have acquired, the art of compres-
sion without sacrifice of interest, as
we can testify from a somewhat
careful reading of the volume. . . .
We have only been able to indicate
the main features of a most useful
and well-executed work : we look
forward with pleasure to the forth-
coming volumes of the series, which
promise to be a monument of utility
and of interest to all students of
European history. The volume,
which is well printed and neatly
bound, concludes with a full and
well-consjtructed index.' —
Birmingham Daily Gazette.

Crown 8vo* With Coloured Maps, 6s,

The Balance of Power, 1715-1789

By A. HASSALL, M.A., Student of Christ Church, Oxford.
Forming Volume VI. of Periods of European History.

' Although it contains more than
400 pages, we felt as we read its last
page that it was too short. It is
not, however, too short to prevent
its author dealing adequately with
his subject according to the scheme
of the whole series. There is little
detail in it, and but little theorising,
and what it contains are clear state-
ments of masterly summaries. . . .
We may cordially recommend this
interesting and well-written volume.'
— Birmingham Daily Gazette.

'Treated with much accuracy,

patience, and vigour.' — Educational
Times.

'The infinite oscillations of * the
Balance of Power do not lend
themselves very readily to com-
pressed narrative, but the author
has struggled manfully with the
difficulties of his subject, and not
without a distinct measure of success.
He has availed himself of the latest
researches on the period, and his
narrative is well ordered and illus-
trated by excellent maps and some
useful appendices. ' — Manchester
Guardian.

Crown &vo. With Coloured Maps. 6s.

The Ascendancy of France, 1598- 1715

By H. O. WAKEMAN, M.A., All Souls College, Oxford.
Forming Volume V. of Periods of European History.

'Mr. Wakeman's summary has
an orderly sequence, and his nar-
rative has clearness and coherence
that must be accounted, in the cir-
cumstances, quite admirable. 1 —
Saturday Review.

' His story is no dry compendium,
but a drama, each act and scene of
which has its individual interest.' —
Qnardian.

'We are well pleased to accord
to this volume the warm welcome
which we have already given to the
seventh and first volumes of this
valuable series. ' —
Educational Times.

'This work, which deals with
Period V. in the series of books on
Periods of European History, fully
maintains the reputation of that
admirable series, wherein a con-
nected view of modern European
history is attempted to be given.' —
Daily Chronicle.

1 Mr. Wakeman has produced an

and

excellent sketch, both clear
concise.' — Oxford Magazine.

' Mr. Wakeman's book is a sound,
able, and useful one, which will
alike give help to the student, and
attract the cultivated general reader.'
— Manchester Guardian.

'Mr. Wakeman always groups
his facts with remarkable skill and
ability. The two volumes which
have now appeared — Period I. and
Period V. — are promising in the
extreme of a thoughtful and schol-
arly work in " Periods of European
History. " '—Scotsman.

' Thoroughly scholarly and satisfac-
tory monograph.' — Leeds Mercury.

'It is a period full of moving
scenes and figures that catch the eye,
and Mr. Wakeman has written of it
with grasp and with lucidity. The
student will find this volume a valu-
able aid to the obtaining of com-
prehensive and sound views of the
period. '—Yorkshire Post.

Crown &vo. With Coloured Maps. 6s.

European History, 1789-1815

By H. MORSE STEPHENS, M.A., Balliol College, Oxford.
Forming Volume VII. of Periods of European History.

' Mr. Stephens has written a very
valuable and meritorious - book,
which ought to be widely used. . . .'
— Manchester Qnardian.

' We have nothing but praise for
Mr. Stephens' lucid, well-ordered
narrative.'— National Observer.

'This is a clear and vigorous
summary of the history of a period
crowded with extraordinary events. '
— Qnardian.

' The appearance of a text-book
of this period of European history
(Period VII.), such as the one

before us, is an event which every
genuine historian will heartily wel-
come. To say that Mr. Morse
Stephens has compiled the best
English text-book on the subject
would be faint praise.' —
Journal of Education.

' We are happy to extend a hearty
welcome to this much-needed series,
which, if it throughout keeps on
the same high level of this volume
(Period VII.), will fill up a painful
gap in our accessible historical
literature. ' — Educational Times.

.PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY/

REVOLUTIONARY EUROPE

1789-1815

In Eight Volumes. Crown &vo. With Maps.

PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY

General Editor— ARTHUR HASSALL, M.A.,
♦ Student of Christ Church, Oxford.

THE object of this series is to present in separate Volumes a
comprehensive and trustworthy account of the general develop-
ment of European History, and to deal fully and carefully with the
more prominent events in each century.

The Volumes embody the results of the latest investigations,
and contain references to and notes upon original and other
sources of information.

It is believed that no such attempt to place the History of
Europe in a comprehensive, detailed, and readable form before
the English Public has yet been made, and it is hoped that the
Series will form a valuable continuous History of Mediaeval and
Modern Europe.

Period I.— The Dark Ages. a. d. 476-918. By C. W. C. Oman, M. A. ,
Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford. 7s. 6d.

Period II.—. The Empire and the Papacy, a.d. 918-1273.

By T. F. Tout, M.A., Professor of History at Victoria University,
Manchester.

Period III.— The Close of the Middle Ages. a.d. 1272- 1494.

By R. Lodge, M.A., Professor of .History at the University of
Glasgow.

Period IV. Europe in the 16th Century, a.d. 1494- 1598.

By A. H. Johnson, M. A., Historical Lecturer to Merton, Trinity,
and University Colleges, Oxford. 7s. 6d.

Period V. —The Ascendancy of France, a. d. i 598- 1 7 1 5.

By H. O. Wakeman, M.A., Fellow of All Souls College,
and Tutor of Keble College, Oxford. 6s.

Period VI.— The Balance of Power. a.d. 1715-1789.

By A. Hassall, M.A., Student of Christ Church, Oxford. 6s.

Period VII. —Revolutionary Europe, a. d. i 789- 1 8 1 5.

By H. Morse Stephens, M.A., Professor of History at Cornell
University, Ithaca, U.S.A. 6s.

Period VI 1 1. —Modern Europe. From a. d. i 8 1 5. By G. W. Prothero,
Litt. D., Professor of History at the University of Edinburgh.

REVOLUTIONARY

EUROPE

1789-1815

BY

H. MORSE STEPHENS, M.A.

BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AT CORNELL UNIVERSITY, ITHACA, U.S.A.,

AUTHOR OF 'A HISTORY OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION,' ETC.

PERIOD VII

Hon&on

RI VI NGTONS
1897

Fourth Edition

A

All rights reseiued

AUTHOR'S PREFACE

In this volume I have endeavoured to write a history
of Europe during an important period of transition. I
have reduced military details to the smallest possible
limits, and have preferred to mention rather than to
describe battles and campaigns, in order to have more
space to devote to such questions as the Belgian
revolution of 1789, the reorganisation of Prussia in
1806-12, and the Congress of Vienna. I have through-
out tried to describe the French Revolution in its
influence on Europe, and Napoleon's career as a great
reformer rather than as a great conqueror. The inner
meaning of the period and its general results I have
sketched in a short introductory chapter, on which the
rest of the volume is really a detailed historical com-
mentary.

The maps which accompany the volume are intended
to show the changes in the boundaries of States, and
not to give the position of places mentioned in the

vil

viii Preface

text Every one who reads such a volume as the
present must use an atlas as his constant companion,
for no book of this size could possibly contain a
sufficent number of maps adequate to the illustration
of the events narrated. *

In conclusion, I must express my thanks to Mr.
W. R. Morfill, Reader in Slavonic to the University
of Oxford, for giving me a canon for the spelling of
Russian proper names, and to the Editor, Mr. Arthur
Hassall, for willing assistance and friendly encourage-
ment

H. MORSE STEPHENS.

Cambridge, 1893.

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

The Period from 1789 to 1815 an Era of Transition—The Principles pro-
pounded during the period which have modified the political
conceptions of the Eighteenth Century : I. The Principle of the
Sovereignty of the People; II. The Principle of Nationality;
in. The Principle of Personal Liberty— The Eighteenth Century,
the Era of the Benevolent Despots — The condition of the Labouring
Classes in the Eighteenth Century : Serfdom — The Middle Classes
— The Upper Classes — Why France led the way to modern ideas
in the French Revolution— The influence of the thinkers and
writers of the Eighteenth Century in bringing about the change —
Contrast between the French and German thinkers — The low state
of morality and general indifference to religion — Conclusion,

CHAPTER I.

1789

The Treaty of 1756 between France and Austria — The Triple Alliance
between England, Prussia, and Holland, 1788 — The Minor Powers
of Europe— Austria : Joseph 11.— His Internal Policy— His Foreign
Policy— Russia : Catherine— Poland — France : Louis xvi. — Spain :
Charles iv.— Portugal : Maria 1. — Italy — The Two Sicilies:
Ferdinand 1 v.— Naples — Sicily — Rome : Pope Pius vi. — Tuscany :
Grand Duke Leopold — Parma : Duke Ferdinand— Modena : Duke
Hercules in. — Lombardy— Sardinia: Victor Amadeus ill.— Lucca
— Genoa— Venice— England : George in.— The Policy of Pitt —
Prussia: Frederick "William n. — Policy of Prussia— Holland-
Denmark : Christian vn.— Sweden: Gustavus in.— The Holy
Roman Empire— The Diet— The Electors— College of Princes
—College of Free Cities— The Imperial Tribunal— The Aulic
Council— The Circles— The Princes of Germany— Bavaria — Baden
— Wurtemburg— Saxony — Saxe- Weimar — The Ecclesiastical Princes
— Mayence— Treves— Cologne— The Petty Princes and Knights of

the Empire — Switzerland — Geneva— Conclusion,

ix

PAGE

x Contents

CHAPTER II
1 789- 1 790

PAGE
The Empress Catherine and the Emperor Joseph II. —The Turkish War
—Campaign of 1789 against the Turks— Battles of Foksany and the
Rymnik— Capture of Belgrade — Revolution in Sweden— Affairs in
Belgium — Policy of Joseph 11. in Belgium — Revolution in Liege —
Elections to the States-General in France — Meeting of the States-
General : struggle between the Orders — The Tiers-^tat declares
itself the National Assembly — Oath of the Tennis Court — The
Seance Royale— Mirabeau's Address to the King — Dismissal of
Necker — Riot of 12th July in Paris— Capture of the Bastille — Recall
of Necker — Louis xvi. visits Paris — Murder of Foullon— Session of
4th August — Declaration of the Rights of Man — Question of the
Veto — March of the women of Paris to Versailles— Louis xvi. goes
to reside in Paris — Effect of the Revolution in France on Europe—
The Revolution in Belgium — Formation of the Belgian Republic —
Death of the Emperor Joseph 11. — Failure of his reign— The attitude
of Louis xvi. to the French Revolution — The new French Constitu-
tion—Civil Constitution of the Clergy — Measures of the Constituent
Assembly — Mirabeau — Danger threatened to the new state of
affairs in France by a foreign war — Mirabeau and the French Court
— Probable causes of a foreign war — Avignon and the Venaissin —
Affair of Nootka Sound— The Pacte de Famille— Rights of Princes
of the Empire in Alsace — The Emperor Leopold master of the
situation, ........ 4*

CHAPTER III

1 790- 1 792

The Emperor Leopold — His Internal Policy — The Policy of Prussia-
Leopold's Foreign Policy — Conference of Reichenbach— Leopold
and the Turks — Treaty of Sistova — Leopold crowned Emperor —
Leopold and Hungary— State of Parties in Belgium— Their Internal
Dissensions — Congress at the Hague— Leopold reconquers Belgium
— War between Russia and Sweden— Treaty of Verela — War be-
tween Russia and the Turks— Capture of Ismail — Treaty of Jassy—
Position of Leopold — The State of France — Mirabeau's advice —
Death of Mirabeau— The Flight to Varennes — Its Results : in
France — The Massacre of 17th July 1791 — Revision of the Constitu-
tion — Its Results : in Europe — Manifesto of Padua— Declaration
of Pilnitz — Completion of the French Constitution of 1791 — The
Polish Constitution of 1791 — The Legislative Assembly in France —
The Girondins— Approach of War between France and Austria —
Causes of the War— Attitude of Europe— Death of the Emperor

Contents xi

PAGE
Leopold — Murder of Gustavus in. of Sweden — Policy of Dumou-
riez — War declared by France against Austria — Invasion of the
Tuileries, aoth June 1792 — Francis 11. crowned Emperor — Invasion
of France by Prussia and Austria— Insurrection of 10th August
1792 — Suspension of Louis xvi.— Desertion of Lafayette— The
Massacres of September in the prisons — Battle of Valmy — Meeting
of the National Convention — The Girondins and the Mountain —
Conquest of Savoy, Nice, and Mayence — Battle of Jemmappes —
Conquest of Belgium— Execution of Louis xvi.— War declared
against Spain, Holland, England and the Empire — Catherine
invades Poland —Overthrow of the Polish Constitution — Second
Partition of Poland— Contrast between the resistance of France
and Poland, ........ 82

CHAPTER IV

1793-1795

France at War with Europe— Altered Character of the War— The
Revolutionary Propaganda — First Campaign of 1793 — Battle of
Neerwinden — Desertion of Dumouriez — Creation of the Committee
of Public Safety — Insurrection in La Vendue — Creation of the
Revolutionary Tribunal — Struggle between the Girondins and the
Mountain — Overthrow of the Girondins — Second Campaign of 1793
— Loss of Valenciennes and Mayence — Civil War in France —
Royalist and Federalist Risings — Loss of Toulon — Constitution of
x 793 — The work of the first Committee of Public Safety — The Great
Committee of Public Safety — Growth of its Power— Position of
Robespierre — The Reign of Terror — The Committee of General
Security, the Deputies on Mission, the Revolutionary Tribunal,
the Laws of the Suspects and the Maximum — Results of the
Terror — Battles of Hondschoten, Wattignies, and the Geisberg —
Relief of Maubeuge — Recovery of Lyons and Toulon — Fall of the
Hebertists and the Dantonists — Campaign of 1794 — Battles of
Fleurus, Kaiserslautern, and 1st June 1794 — Fall of Robespierre
— Rule of the Thermidorians : First Phase : the Survivors of the
Mountain — Conquest of Holland — The Batavian Republic — Suc-
cesses on the Rhine, in Savoy, Italy, and Spain — Insurrection in
Poland — The Campaign of Kosciuszko — Third and Final Partition
of Poland — Contrast between the Polish and French Revolutions —
Its Causes— Change in the Attitude of the Continental Powers
to the French Republic — Rule of the Thermidorians : Second
Phase : the Survivors of the Girondins and Deputies of the Centre
— Insurrections of 12th Germinal and 1st Prairial in Paris — The
Constitution of the Year in. (1795)— The Treaties of Basle-
France again enters the Comity of Nations, . .124

xii Contents

CHAPTER V
1795-1797

PAGE

Results of the Treaties of Basle on the Foreign Policy of France-
Constitution of the Year in. — The Directory— The Legislature:
Councils of Ancients and of Five Hundred — Local Administration
of France— The Insurrection of Venddmiaire— The Rising of 13th
VendSmiaire in Paris— The First French Directors, Councils, and
Ministers — Dissolution of the Convention— England and the
£migris — Treason of Pichegru — Exchange of Madame Royale—
Desire for Peace in France— France and Prussia— Suggestion of
Secularisations in Germany — France and the Smaller States of
Europe — Attitude of Russia — Campaign of 1795 in Germany —
Bonaparte's Campaigns of 1796 in Italy — Battle of Montenotte—
Armistice of Cherasco — Battle of Lodi — Armistice of Foligno —
Conquest of Upper Italy — Battles of Castiglione, Areola, and
Rivoli — Peace of Tolentino with the Pope — Campaign of 1796
in Germany — Battle of Altenkirchen — Retreat of Moreau— Effects
of the Campaign in Germany — Treaty between Prussia and France
— Internal Policy of the Directory — Pacification of La Vended —
The State of France — The Directory, Councils, and Ministers in
* 1796— Creation of the Ministry of Police — Alliance between France
and Spain— Treaty of San Ildefonso — Battle of Cape Saint-
Vincent — The Batavian Republic — Negotiations between England
and the Directory — Death of the Empress Catherine of Russia —
Bonaparte's Campaign of 1797 in the Tyrol— The Campaign of
1797 in Germany— Preliminaries of Leoben between France and
Austria, ........ 158

CHAPTER VI

1797- 1799

Elections of 1797 in France — Policy of the Clichians— Struggle between
the Directors and the Clichians — Negotiations for Peace between
England and the Directory — Changes in the French Ministry— Re-
volution of 18th Fructidor — Bonaparte in Italy — Occupation of
Venice — The Ligurian and Cisalpine Republics formed — Annexa-
tion of the Ionian Islands by France — Treaty of Campo-Formio
— Capture of Mayence — The Batavian Republic — Battle of Cam-
perdown — Bonaparte's Expedition to the East — Capture of Malta
— Conquest of Egypt — Battle of the Nile— Internal Policy of

Contents xiii

PAGE
the Directory after 18th Fructidor— Foreign Policy— Attitude of
England, Prussia, Austria, and Russia— The Helvetian Republic-
Italian Affairs — The Roman and Parthenopean Republics formed
—Occupation of Piedmont and Tuscany by France — The Law of
Conscription — Outbreak of War between Austria and France —
Murder of the French Plenipotentiaries at Rastadt— The Cam-
paign of Z799 — In Ital y — Battles of Cassano, the Trebbia and Novi
—Italy lost to France— In Switzerland— Battle of Zurich— In
Holland— Battles of Bergen — Results of the Campaign of 1799 —
Policy and Character of the Emperor Paul of Russia— Bonaparte's
Campaign of 1799 in Syria— Siege of Acre — Battle of Mount
Tabor— Struggle between the Directors and the Legislature in
France— Revolution of 22d Prairial— Changes in the Directory and
Ministry— Bonaparte's return to France— Revolution of 18th Bru-
maire— End of the Government of the Directory in France, • 187

CHAPTER VII

1799-1804

Constitution of the Year viii.— The Consulate— The Council of State
—The Tribunate— The Legislative Body— The Senate— Internal
Policy of the Consulate — General Reconciliation— The Code Civil
—Ministers of the Consulate — Foreign Policy of the Consulate —
Russia — Prussia — The Pope — Campaign of Marengo— Campaign
of Hohenlinden— Winter Campaign of Moreau and Macdonald —
The Treaty of Luneville— Arrangements in Italy — Policy and
Murder of the Emperor Paul of Russia— The Neutral League of
the North — Battle of Copenhagen— War between Spain and
Portugal— Treaty of Badajoz — Campaign of 1801 in Egypt —
Peace of Amiens between England and France— Reconstitution
of Germany — Secularisation of the German ecclesiastical dominions
— Reconstitution of Switzerland — Concordat between the Pope
and Bonaparte — Internal Organisation of France under the Con-
sulate — The new Departments — Annexation of Piedmont — The
Prefectures — System of National Education — Constitutional
Changes in France— Bonaparte First Consul for life — Recommence-
ment of War between England and France — Causes— Position of
Affairs on the Continent — Plot of Pichegru and Cadoudal—
Execution of the Due d'Enghien — Bonaparte becomes Emperor
of the French —Francis 11. resigns the title of Holy Roman Emperor
for that of Emperor of Austria, ..... 217

xiv Contents

CHAPTER VIII
1 804- 1 808

PAGE

Napoleon, Emperor of the French — His Coronation as Emperor and as
King of Italy— The Imperial Court— The Grand Dignitaries,
Marshals, and Imperial Household — Institutions of the Empire
— Ministers and Government — The Camp at Boulogne — Pitt's last
coalition — Campaign of 1805 — Capitulation of Ulm— Battles of
Austerlitz and Caldiero —Battle of Trafalgar — Treaty of Pressburg
— Death of Pitt — Prussia declares War— Campaign of Jena — Cam-
paign of Eylau — Campaign of Friedland — Interview and Peace of
Tilsit — The Continental Blockade — Capture of the Danish Flee
by England — French Invasion and Conquest of Portugal— State of
Sweden— The Rearrangement of Europe — Louis Bonaparte King
of Holland — Italy— Joseph Bonaparte King of Naples— Battle of
Maida — Rearrangement of Germany— Bavaria — Wiirtemburg —
Baden — Jerome Bonaparte King of Westphalia — Murat Grand
Duke of Berg — Saxony — Smaller States of Germany — Mediatisation
of Petty Princes— Confederation of the Rhine— Poland — The Grand
Duchy of Warsaw — Conference of Erfurt, .... 237

CHAPTER IX

1808-1812

Napoleon's two reverses between the Treaty of Tilsit and the Congress
of Erfurt— England sends an army to Portugal — Campaign of
Vimeiro and Convention of Cintra— The Revolution in Spain—
Joseph Bonaparte King of Spain — Victory of Medina. del RioSeco
and Capitulation of Baylen — Napoleon in Spain — Sir John Moore's
advance — Battle of Corunna — The Resurrection of Austria-
Ministry of Stadion — Campaign of Wagram — Treaty of Vienna-
Campaign of 1809 in the Peninsula— Battle of Talavera— Expedition
to Walcheren— Napoleon and the Pope— Annexation of Rome-
Revolution in Sweden— Revolution in Turkey — Treaty of Bucharest
— Greatest Extension of Napoleon's dominions — Internal Organi-
sation of the Empire— The new Nobility— Internal reforms— Law
— Finance — Education — Extension of these reforms through
Europe — Disappearance of Serfdom — Religious Toleration —
Reorganisation of Prussia — Reforms of Stein and Scharnhorst —
Revival of German National feeling — Marriage of Napoleon to
the Archduchess Marie Louise — Birth of the King of Rome— Steady
opposition of England to Napoleon — Policies of Canning and
Castlereagh — Campaigns of 18 10 and 181 1 in the Peninsula — Signs
of the decline of Napoleon's power between 1808 and 1812, . 263

Contents xv

CHAPTER X
1810-1812

PAGE
Causes of Growing Disagreement between Alexander and Napoleon —
Intervention of Castlereagh and Bernadotte — The Attitude and
Internal Policy of Prussia — Invasion of Russia by Napoleon— Battle
of Borodino— Retreat of the French from Russia — Campaign of
1812 in the Peninsula — Battle of Salamanca — Policy of Bernadotte
— Prussia declares War— First Campaign of 18 13 in Saxony —
Armistice of Pleswitz — Convention of Reichenbach — Congress of
Prague — Austria declares War — Second Campaign of 1813 m Saxony
— Battle of Dresden— Treaty of Toplitz— Battle of Leipzig— General
Insurrection of Germany against Napoleon — Campaign of 18 13 in
the Peninsula — Battle of Vittoria — Wellington's Invasion of France
—Negotiations for Peace — Proposals of Frankfort— The Allies in-
vade France— Napoleon's first Defensive Campaign of 1814 — Other
Movements against Napoleon — Bernadotte — Holland — Battle of
Orthez — Italy — Congress of Chatillon— Attitude of France towards
Napoleon — Treaty of Chaumont — Napoleon's Second Defensive
Campaign of 1814— Occupation of Paris by the Allies — The Policy
of Talleyrand — The Provisional Government — Alexander's Speech
to the French Senate— Napoleon declared to be no longer Emperor
—Abdication of Napoleon— Provisional Treaty of Paris — Battle of
Toulouse— Arrival of Louis xviu., and his Assumption of the
Throne of France — First Treaty of Paris, .... 299

CHAPTER XI

1814-1815

The Congress of Vienna— Monarchs and Diplomatists present — History
of the Congress— Treaty between France, Austria, and England—
The Questions of Saxony and Poland — The German Confederation
—Disposition of the provinces on the left bank of the Rhine—
Mayence and Luxembourg— Reconstitution of Switzerland— Re-
arrangements in Italy— Questions of Murat, Genoa, and the
Empress Marie Louise— Sweden— Denmark— Spain— Portugal-
England's share of the spoil— The Questions of the Slave Trade and
the Navigation of Rivers— Close of the Congress— Preparations
against Napoleon — The first reign of Louis xvm. in France —
Napoleon's return from Elba— The Hundred Days— The Campaign
of Waterloo— Occupation of Paris— Second Treaty of Paris —
Napoleon sent to St. Helena— The Holy Alliance— Return of

xvi Contents

PAGE
Louis xviii. — Government of the Second Restoration— The Chambre
Introuvable — Reaction in Spain and Naples— Territorial Results
of the Congress of Vienna— The Principle of Nationality— Perma-
nent Results of the French Revolution in Europe — The Problem
of harmonising the Principles of Individual and Political Liberty
with that of Nationality, ...... 336

APPENDICES

Appendix I. The Rulers and Ministers of the Great Powers of

Europe, 1789-1815, ..... 364

Appendix II. The Rulers of the Second-rate Powers of Europe,

1789-1815, ...... 366

Appendix III. The Family of Napoleon, . . . .368

Appendix IV. Napoleon's Marshals, ..... 370

Appendix V. Napoleon's Ministers during the Consulate and Empire,

1799-1814, 372

Appendix VI. Concordance of the Republican and Gregorian Calendars, 374

Index, *«••••••• 377

MAPS

Europe in 1789.
Europe in 1802.
Europe in 18 10.
Europe in 1815.

At end of book.

INTRODUCTION

The Period from 1789 to 1815 an Era of Transition— The Principles propounded
during the period which have modified the political conceptions of the
Eighteenth Century : 1. The Principle of the Sovereignty of the People ; 11.
The Principle of Nationality ; hi. The Principle of Personal Liberty—
The Eighteenth Century, the Era of the Benevolent Despots— The condition
of the Labouring Classes in the Eighteenth Century : Serfdom— The Middle
Classes— The Upper Classes — Why France led the way to modern ideas
in the French Revolution— The influence of the thinkers and writers of
the Eighteenth Century in bringing about the change — Contrast between
the French and German thinkers— The low state of morality and general
indifference to religion — Conclusion.

The period from 1789 to 181 5 — that is, the era of the French
Revolution and of the domination of Napoleon — marks one
of the most important transitions in the history of a Period of
Europe. Great as is the difference between the Transition,
material condition of the Europe of the nineteenth century,
with its railways and its electric telegraphs, and the Europe
of the eighteenth century, with its bad roads and uncertain
posts, it is not greater than the contrast between the political,
social, and economical ideas which prevailed then and which
prevail now. Modern principles, that mark a new depar-
ture in human progress and in its evidence, Civilisation, took
their rise during this epoch of transition, and their develop-
ment underlies the history of the period, and gives the key
to its meaning.

The conception that government exists for the promotion of
the security and prosperity of the governed was fully grasped
in the eighteenth century. But it was held alike by philosophers

PERIOD VII. A

2 European History, 1 789- 1 8 1 5

and rulers, alike in civilised England and in Russia emerging
The Sove- ^ rom barbarism that, whilst government existed for
reignty of the good of the people, it must not be administered
the People. ^ ^ p e0 pi e# This fundamental principle is in
the nineteenth century entirely denied. It is now believed
that the government should be directed by the people through
their representatives, and that it is better for a nation to make
mistakes in the course of its self-government than to be ruled,
be it ever so wisely, by an irresponsible monarch. This notion
of the sovereignty of the people was energetically propounded
during the great Revolution in France. It is not yet univer-
sally accepted in all the states of modern Europe. But it has
profoundly affected the political development of the nineteenth
century. It lies at the base of one group of modern political
ideas ; and, though in 181 5 it seemed to have been propounded
only to be condemned, one of the most striking features of the
modern history of Europe since the Congress of Vienna, has
been its gradual acceptance and steady growth in civilised
countries.
The second political belief introduced during the epoch
The Prin- °* transition from 1789 to 1815 was the recog-
cipie of nition of the idea of nationality in contradistinc-
Nationaiity. tion t0 that of the g tatCj which j> re vaile<i in the

last century. In the eighteenth century the State was typified
by the ruling authority. National boundaries and race limits
were regarded as of no importance. It was not felt to be an
anomaly that the Catholic Netherlands or Belgium should be
governed by the House of Austria, or that an Austrian prince
should reign in Tuscany and a Spanish prince in Naples.
The first partition of Poland was not condemned as an offence
against nature, but as an artful scheme devised for the purpose
of enlarging the neighbouring states, which had appropriated
the districts lying nearest to their own territories. But during
the wars of the Revolution and of Napoleon the idea of
nationality made itself felt. France, as a nation in arms,
proved to be more than a match for the Europe of the old

Introduction 3

conceptions. And it was not until her own sense of nationality
was absorbed in Napoleon's creation of a new Empire of the
West that France was vanquished by coming in contact with
the Spanish, the Russian, and the German peoples in the place
of her former foes, the sovereigns of Europe. The idea of
nationality, like the idea of the sovereignty of the people,
seemed to be condemned in 181 5 by the Congress of Vienna.
The Catholic Netherlands were united with the provinces of
Holland ; Norway was forcibly separated from Denmark ; Italy
was once more parcelled out into independent states under
foreign princes. But the Congress of Vienna could not eradi-
cate the new idea. It had taken too deep a root. And
another striking feature of the European history of the nine-
teenth century has been the formation of new nations, resting
their raison d'itre on the feeling of nationality and the identity
of race.

The third modern notion which has transformed Europe is
the recognition of the principle of personal and individual
liberty. Feudalism left the impress of its gradua- The Princi le
tion of rights and duties marked deeply on the of Personal
constitutions of the European States. The sove- Libert y-
reignty of the people implies political liberty of action ; feu-
dalism denied the propriety and advantages of social and
economical freedom. Theoretically, freedom of individual
thought and action was acknowledged to be a good thing by
all wise philosophers and rulers. Practically, the poorer classes
were kept in bondage either as agricultural serfs by their lords
or as journeymen workmen by the trade-guilds. Where per-
sonal and individual liberty had been attained, political liberty
became an object of ambition, and political liberty led to the
idea of the sovereignty of the people. The last vestiges of
feudalism were swept away during this era of transition. The
doctrines of the French Revolution did more than the victories
of Napoleon to destroy the political system of the eighteenth
century. The Congress of Vienna in 1815 might return to
the former notions of government and the State, but it did

4 European History, 1 789- 1 8 1 5

not attempt to restore the old restrictions on individual
liberty. With personal freedom acknowledged, the reactionary
tendency of the Congress of Vienna was left of no effect
Liberty of thought and action led to the resurrection of
the conceptions of nationality and of the sovereignty of the
people, which were but for the moment extinguished by the
defeat of France in the person of Napoleon by the armies of
united Europe.

The period which preceded the French Revolution and
the era of war, from the troubles of which modern Europe
was to be born, may be characterised as that of the bene-
Thc Bencvo- volent despots. The State was everything ; the
lent Despots. na t{ on nothing. The ruler was supreme, but his
supremacy rested on the assumption that he ruled his subjects
for their good. This conception of the Aufgeklarte Despotismus
was developed to its highest degree by Frederick the Great of
Prussia. * I am but the first servant of the nation,' he wrote,
a phrase which irresistibly recalls the definition of the position
of Louis xvi. by the first leaders of the French Revolution.
This attitude was defended by great thinkers like Diderot, and
is the keynote to the internal policy of the monarch s of the
latter half of the eighteenth century towards their people.
The Empress Catherine of Russia, Gustavus m. of Sweden,
Charles m. of Spain, the Archduke Leopold of Tuscany, and,
above all, the Emperor Joseph 11. defended their absolutism
on the ground that they exercised their power for the good of
their subjects. Never was more earnest zeal displayed in
promoting the material well-being of all classes, never did
monarchs labour so hard to justify their existence, or effect
such important civil reforms, as on the eve of the French
Revolution, which was to herald the overthrow of the doctrine
of absolute monarchy. The intrinsic weakness of the position
of the benevolent despots was that they could not ensure the
permanence of their reforms, or vivify the rotten fabric of
the administrative edifices, which had grown up in the feudal
monarchies. Great ministers, such as Tanucci and Aranda,

Introduction 5

could do much to help their masters to carry out their
benevolent ideas, but they could not form or nominate
their successors, or create a perfect body of unselfish ad-
ministrators. When Frederick the Great's master hand was
withdrawn, Prussia speedily exhibited a condition of admini-
strative decay, and since this was the case in Prussia,
which had been for more than forty years under the rule
of the greatest and wisest of the benevolent despots, the
falling-off was likely to be even more marked in other
countries. The conception of benevolent despots ruling for
their people's good was eventually superseded, as was certain
to be the case, owing to the impossibility of their ensuring
its permanence, by the modern idea of the people ruling
themselves.

And, in truth, while doing full justice to the sentiments and
the endeavours of the benevolent despots, it cannot honestly
be said that their efforts had done much to im- Thc Condition
prove the condition of the labouring classes by of the Labour-
the end of the eighteenth century. The great ing classes -
majority of the peasants of Europe were through- Serfdom -
out that century absolute serfs. To take once more the
example of Prussia, the only attempts to improve the condi-
tion of the peasants had been made in the royal domain, and
they had only been very tentative. The dwellers on the
estates of the Prussian nobility in Silesia and Brandenburg
were treated no better than negro slaves in America and the
West Indies. They were not allowed to leave their villages,
or to marry without their lords' consent ; their children had to
serve in the lords' families for several years at a nominal
wage, and they themselves had to labour at least three days,
and often six days, a week on their lords' estate. These
corvkcs or forced labours occupied so much of the peasant's
time that he could only cultivate his own farm by moonlight.
This state of absolute serfdom was general in Central and
Eastern Europe, in the greater part of Germany, in Poland
and in Russia, and where it existed the artisan class was

d European History \ 1 789-181 5

equally depressed, for no man was allowed to learn a trade
without his lord's permission, and an escaped serf had no
chance of admission into the trade-guilds of the cities. To-
wards the west a more advanced civilisation improved the
condition of the labourers; the Italian peasant and the
German peasant on the Rhine had obtained freedom to
marry without his lord's interference; but, nevertheless, it
was a leading prince on the Rhine, the Landgrave of Hesse-
Cassel, who sold his subjects to England to serve as mercen-
aries in the American War of Independence. In France the
peasant was far better off. The only serfs left, who existed on
the domain of the Abbey of Saint-Claude in the Jura, on whose
behalf Voltaire wielded his powerful pen, were in a far happier
condition than the German serfs; they could marry whom
they pleased; they might emigrate without leave; their persons
were free ; all they were deprived of was the power of selling
their property or devising it by will. The rest of the French
peasants and the agricultural classes generally were extremely
independent. Feudalism had left them some annoyances but
few real grievances, and the inconveniences they suffered
were due solely to the inequalities of the copyhold system of
tenure and its infringements of their personal liberty. The
French peasants and farmers were indignant at an occasional
day's corvk, or forced labour, which really represented the
modern rent, and at the succession-duties they had to pay
the descendants or representatives of their ancestors' feudal
lords. The German, Polish, and Hungarian peasant, on the
contrary, crushed beneath the burden of his personal servitude,
did not dream of pretending to own the plot of land, which his
lord kindly allowed him to cultivate in his few spare moments.
The mass of the population of Central and Eastern Europe
was purely agricultural, and in its poverty expected naught
but the bare necessaries of existence. Trade, commerce, and
manufactures were therefore practically non-existent This
meant that the cities, and consequently the middle classes,
formed but an insignificant factor in the population. In

Introduction 7

the West of Europe, on the Rhine, and more especially in
France, where the agricultural classes were more independent,
more wealthy, and more civilised, existence de- The Middle
manded more comforts, and a well-to-do and intel- classes,
ligent commercial and manufacturing urban element quickly
developed to supply the demand created. Commerce, trade,
and the concentrated employment of labour produced a pro-
sperous and enlightened middle class, accustomed for genera-
tions to education and the possession of personal freedom.
With wealth always goes civilisation and education, and as
there was a larger middle class in France and Western
Germany than in Central and Eastern Europe, the peasants
in those parts were better educated and more intelligent

The condition of the upper classes followed the same
geographical distribution. The highest aristocracy The Upper
of all European countries was indeed, as it has Classes,
always been, on much the same intellectual and social level.
Paris was its centre, the capital of society, fashion, and luxury,
where Russian, Austrian, Swedish, and English nobles met
on an equality. But the bulk of the German and Eastern
European aristocracy was in education and refinement inferior
to the bulk of the French nobility. Yet they possessed an
authority which the French nobility had lost. The Russian,
Prussian, and Austrian nobleman and the Hungarian magnate
was the owner of thousands of serfs, who cultivated his lands
and rendered him implicit obedience. The French nobleman
exacted only certain rents, either copyhold quit-rents or feudal
services, from the tenants on his ancestral estates. His tenants
were in no sense his serfs ; they owed him no personal service,
and resented the payment of the rent substituted for such
service. The patriarchal feeling of loyalty to the lord had
long disappeared, and the French peasant did not acknowledge
any subjection to his landlord, while the Prussian and Russian
serf recognised his bondage to his master.

These considerations help to show why the Revolution,
which was after twenty-six years to inaugurate modern Europe,

8 European History, 1 789- 1 8 1 5

broke out in France. It was because the French peasant was
more independent, more wealthy, and better educated than
Why France the German serf, that he resented the political
the Revoiu- an( * social privileges of his landlord and the pay-
tion. ment of rent, more than the serf objected to his

bondage. It was because France possessed an enlightened
middle class that the peasants and workmen found leaders. It
was because Frenchmen had been in the possession of a great
measure of personal freedom that they were ready to strike a
blow for political liberty, and eventually promulgated the idea
of social equality. The ideas of the sovereignty of the people, of
nationality and of personal liberty, did not originate in France.
They are as old as civilisation. But they had been clouded in
the Middle Ages by feudalism, and, after the Reformation, had
been succeeded by different political conceptions, which had
crystallised in the eighteenth century into the doctrines of the
supremacy of the State, of the arbitrary rule of benevolent or
enlightened despots. England and Holland had developed
separately from the rest of the Western World. For reasons
lying deep in their internal history and their geographical
position, they had rid themselves alike of feudalism and
absolute monarchy ; they had developed a sense of their in-
dependent nationality, and had recognised the importance of
personal freedom. In England especially, the abolition of the
relics of feudalism in the seventeenth century had placed the
English farmers and peasants in a different economical position
from their fellows on the Continent. There existed in England
none of the invidious distinctions between nobleman and
roturier in the matter of bearing national burdens, which had
survived in France, and, though owing to the curiosities of the
franchise the larger proportion of Englishmen had but a very
small share in electing the representatives of the people,
the government carried on as it was by a small oligarchy of
great families possessed an appearance of political liberty,
and of a wisely-balanced machine for administrative purposes.
Nor must the influence of intellectual ideas, as bearing on

Introduction 9

problems which the French Revolution was to force on the
attention of the more backward and more oppressed InteUcctual
nations of Europe, be underrated. The great movement of
French writers of the eighteenth century— Voltaire, t c ^ ghtecnth
Montesquieu, Diderot, and Rousseau — had been
deeply impregnated with the ideas of Locke and the English
political thinkers of his school. In their different lines they
insisted that government existed for the good of the governed,
and investigated the origins of government and the relations
of man in the social state. It was their speculations which
altered the character of absolute monarchy and based its re-
tention on its benevolent purposes; they, too, insisted upon the
rights of man to preserve his personal freedom, as long as it
did not clash with the maintenance and security of civil
society. The great French writers of the eighteenth century
exercised by their works a smaller influence on the outbreak
and actual course of the French Revolution than has been
generally supposed. The causes of the movement were chiefly
economical and political, not philosophical or social : its rapid
development was due to historical circumstances, and mainly
to the attitude of the rest of Europe. But the text-books of
its leaders were the works of the French thinkers of the
eighteenth century, and if their doctrines had little actual in-
fluence in bringing about the Revolution, they influenced its
development and the extension of its principles throughout
Europe. It is curious to contrast the opinions of the great
French writers of the middle of the eighteenth century, whose
arguments mainly affected the general conceptions of man
living in society, that is, of government, with the views
advocated by the great German writers of the end of the
century, who concentrated their attention upon man in his
individual capacity for culture and self-improvement. Schiller,
Goethe, Kant, and Herder were, further, more cosmopolitan
than German. The problems of man and his intellectual and
artistic development proved more attractive to the great
German thinkers than the difficulties presented by the

io European History, 1 789- 1 8 1 5

economical, social, and political diversities of different classes
of society. Goethe, for instance, understood the signification
of the French Revolution, and was much interested in its
effects on the human race, but he cared very little about its
impression on Germany.

Finally, the low state of morality in the eighteenth century
had sapped the earnestness in the cause of humanity of men
Moraiit and °^ a ^ c * asses m a ^ countries. Disbelief in the
Religion in Christian religion was general in both the Pro-
thc eighteenth testant and c at n lic countries of the Continent.

century.

The immorality of most of the prelates in Catholic
countries was notorious, and was equalled by their avowed
contempt for the doctrines of the religion they professed to
teach. The Protestant pastors of Germany vM quite as open
in their infidelity. In the famous case of Schulz, the pastor of
Gielsdorf, who openly denied Christianity, and taught simply
that morality was necessary, the High Consistory of Berlin
held that he was, nevertheless, still fitted to hold his office
as the Lutheran pastor of his village. Christianity in both
Catholic and Protestant countries was replaced by the vague
sentiments of morality, which are best presented in Rousseau's
Profession de Foi du Vicaire Savoyard. In reaction to this
vague and dogmaless morality, there existed many secret
societies and coteries of mystics, such as the Rosati and the
Illuminati, who replaced religion by ornate and symbolical
ceremonies.

Such was the political, economical, intellectual and moral
state of Europe in 1789, on the eve of the French Revolution.
The whole continent was to pass through twenty-six years of
almost unceasing war, at the end of which it was to emerge
with new conceptions and new ideals of both political and
social life. The new ideas seemed indeed to be checked, if
not destroyed, in 18 15, but once inspired into men's minds
they could not be forgotten, and their subsequent develop-
ment forms the history of modern Europe in the nineteenth
century.

CHAPTER I
1789

The Treaty of 1756 between France and Austria — The Triple Alliance be-
tween England, Prussia, and Holland, 1788 — The Minor Powers of
Europe—Austria: Joseph 11.— His Internal Policy— His Foreign Policy
— Russia: Catherine— Poland — France: Louis xvi. — Spain: Charles
iv.— Portugal: Maria 1.— Italy— The Two Sicilies: Ferdinand iv.—
Naples — Sicily — Rome : Pope Pius vi. — Tuscany : Grand Duke Leopold
— Parma: Duke Ferdinand— Modena: Duke Hercules in. — Lombardy
—Sardinia: Victor Amadeus in.— Lucca— Genoa — Venice— England :
George in.— The Policy of Pitt— Prussia : Frederick- William 11.— Policy
of Prussia — Holland— Denmark : Christian vn.— Sweden: Gustavus in.
—The Holy Roman Empire— The Diet— The Electors— College of
Princes —College of Free Cities— The Imperial Tribunal— The Aulic
Council— The Circles— The Princes of Germany— Bavaria — Baden —
Wartemburg— Saxony — Saxe-Weimar — The Ecclesiastical Princes — May-
ence— Treves — Cologne— The Petty Princes and Knights of the Empire —
Switzerland — Geneva— Conclusion .

The states of Europe at the commencement of the year 1789
were ranked diplomatically in two important groups, the one
dominated by the connection between France, Austria, Spain,
and Russia; the other by the alliance between England,
Prussia, and Holland. The great transformation which had
been effected by the treaty between France and Austria in
1756 in the relationship between the powers of Europe was
the crowning diplomatic event of the eighteenth century.
The arrangements then entered into and the alliances tested
in the Seven Years' War still subsisted in 1789. But the spirit
which lay at the root of the Austro-French al- The Treaty
liance was sensibly modified. The Treaty of 1756 of 1756.
had never been really popular in either country. In France,

12 Europe in 1789

Marie Antoinette, whose marriage with Louis xvi. had set
the seal on the Austrian alliance, was detested as the living
symbol of the hated treaty, as P Autrichienne, the Austrian
woman, and the most accredited political thinkers and writers
were always dwelling on the traditional policy of France, and
on the system of Henri iv., Richelieu, and Louis xiv., which
held the House of Hapsburg to be the hereditary and the
inevitable enemy of the House of Bourbon and of the French
nation. The dislike of the alliance was felt with equal in-
tensity in Austria by the wealthy and the educated classes.
The Austrian generals resented the inefficacy of the French
intervention during the Seven Years' War, and the Austrian
people attributed its reverses in that war to it with as much
acrimony as if France had acted as an enemy instead of as
an ally. The same sentiment actuated even the Imperial
House. 'Our natural enemies, travestied as allies, who do
more harm than if they were open enemies ; ' x such is the
language in which Leopold of Tuscany, brother of Marie
Antoinette, characterised the French in a letter written in
December 1784 to his brother, the Emperor Joseph 11. The
Emperor Joseph was himself of the same opinion. He pre-
ferred his Russian ally, the Empress Catherine, to his brother-
in-law, Louis xvi., King of France, and the tendency of his
foreign policy was to strengthen his friendship with Russia, even
at the expense of sacrificing his alliance with France. Russia,
whose expansion under the great Empress had been enormous
since the conclusion of the Seven Years' War, cared but little
for either of the allies, and pursued independently its course
of steady development. Catherine had, indeed, during most
of the later years of Frederick the Great, remained in alliance
with Prussia, and to some extent had been on friendly terms
with England. But her natural tendency was to distrust
England. In 1780 she had placed herself at the head of the
'Armed Neutrality,' which opposed the naval pretensions

1 Joseph II. und Leopold von Toscana. By the Ritter von Arneth :
Vienna, 1872.

The Triple Alliance of 1788 13

of England, and in 1788 she had formally proposed a close
quadruple alliance between Russia, Austria, France, and
Spain.

If the relations between France, Russia, and Austria were
unsettled, the Triple Alliance between Prussia, Holland, and
England was hardly on a more stable footing in 1789. Prussia,
since the death of Frederick the Great, had become Pru88ia
really decrepit, while apparently remaining a first- England,
rate military power. Though still preserving the and Holland -
prestige of its famous King, who died in 1 786, and recognising
its alliance with England, Prussia in 1789 exhibited a decaying
internal administration, and a vacillating foreign policy. Eng-
land had received a heavy blow by the success of the colonists
in North America, and by the Treaty of Versailles, and
the powers of the Continent, while envying her wealth,
held her military power of but small account. This opinion
prevailed even at Berlin, and the new King of Prussia gave
many evidences that the alliance of England was rather dis-
tasteful to him than otherwise. The third member of the
alliance, Holland, was in the weakest condition of all, and it
was only by invoking the armed interference of Prussia that
England had maintained the authority of the Prince of Orange,
as Stadtholder, in 1787. Though this interference had led to
the formation of the famous Triple Alliance of 1788, in reality
the English and Prussian statesmen profoundly distrusted each
other, while the forcing of the yoke of the Stadtholder upon
them caused the Dutch democratic party in Holland to abhor
the allies and to look for help to France.

The rest of the European states were bound more or less
firmly to the one or the other of the two coalitions. The
smaller states of Germany, aggravated or intimidated by the
measures of the Emperor Joseph 11., had rallied to the side of
Prussia. In the north, Denmark, whose reigning The Minor
house was connected by family ties with the royal Powers of
families of England and Prussia, was completely Eur °P c -
under Russian influence, while Sweden, under Gustavus in.,

14 Europe in 1789

was actually at war with Catherine 11. Poland, torn by internal
dissensions, and threatened with complete destruction by its
neighbours, was awaiting its final partition. The southern
states of Europe were almost entirely bound to the Franco-
Austrian alliance. Spain had been united to France by
the offensive and defensive treaty, known as the 'Pacte de
FamiHe,' concluded by the French minister, Choiseul, in
1 761, and tested in the war of American Independence. Por-
tugal, though connected with England, commercially by the
Methuen treaty, and politically by a long course of protection
against Spanish pretensions, was striving by a series of royal
marriages to become the ally of Spain. In Italy, Naples was
ruled by a Spanish prince married to an Austrian princess ;
Sardinia was closely allied with France, and the remainder
of the peninsula was mainly under Austrian influence.
Turkey, now travelling towards decay, was looked upon
by Russia and Austria as their legitimate prey, and met
with encouragement in resistance, but not with active help,
from England and France.

After thus roughly sketching the general attitude of the
powers of Europe to each other in 1789, it will be well to
examine each state separately before entering on the history
of the exciting period which followed. Great and sweeping
alterations were to be effected; many diplomatic variations
were to take place. The most important result of the period of
the French Revolution and of Napoleon was its influence upon
the minds of men, as shown in the growth of certain political
conceptions, which have moulded modern Europe. But great
changes were also brought about in dynasties and in the geo-
graphical boundaries of states, which can only be understood
by a knowledge of the condition of Europe in 1789.
The figure of most importance in the beginning of the year
Austria: 1 789 was that of the Emperor Joseph 11., and his
Joseph 11. dominions were those in which an observer would
have prophesied a great revolution. Joseph was at that date
a man of forty-seven; he had been elected Emperor in the

Joseph II 15

place of his father, Francis of Lorraine, in 1765, and suc-
ceeded to the hereditary dominions of the House of Austria
on the death of his mother, Maria Theresa, in 1780. He was,
perhaps, the best type of the class of benevolent despots. A
singularly industrious, enlightened, and able ruler, his ideas
were far in advance of those of his age, — so much in advance,
indeed, that his efforts to impose them upon his subjects
brought upon himself hatred instead of gratitude, and among
the people turbulence and insurrection instead of peace and
tranquillity. The history of the Emperor Joseph's » h n .
reforms, and of the disturbances which resulted internal
from them, belongs to an earlier volume of this Polic y-
series. In 1789 the whole of the hereditary dominions of
the House of Hapsburg were in a state of ferment. The
Emperor's scheme of welding them into an Austrian nation,
by insisting on the use of the German language, by simplify-
ing the state of the law and the administration, and assimi-
lating the various religious and educational institutions, had
roused the fire of local patriotism. In Hungary and in the
Tyrol, in Bohemia, and, above all, in the Austrian Netherlands,
or Belgium, there was declared rebellion, fanned by local
prejudices, religious fanaticism, and the spirit of caste. The
first and second of these causes were chiefly responsible in
the Austrian Netherlands, the third in Hungary. The
Belgians, and more especially the Brabangons, were in arms
for their local rights and ancient constitutions, which had
been infringed by the Emperor's decrees. The Belgian
clergy, who looked upon Joseph as worse than an infidel for
his treatment of the Pope and his suppression of religious
houses, were inflamed at the establishment of an Imperial
Seminary in Brussels as a rival to the Roman Catholic Univer-
sity of Louvain. But in Hungary it was the magnates of the
country who had fought so gallantly for Maria Theresa and
saved her throne, who were in an attitude of open disaffection.
This was partly due to Joseph's infringement of their Consti-
tution and his removal of the Iron Crown to Vienna, but still

1 6 Europe tn 1789

more to his abolition of serfdom. As has been already stated,
serfdom in Europe was practically extinct in the western part
of the Continent, that is, in France, in Belgium, and on the
Rhine, while it increased in intensity steadily towards the east,
and was as bad in Prussia Proper, Poland, and Hungary, as in
Russia. 'Most merciful Emperor,' ran a petition from an
Hungarian peasant to Joseph, 'four days' forced labour for the
seigneur ; the fifth day, fishing for him ; the sixth day, hunt-
ing with him ; and the seventh belongs to God. Consider,
most merciful Emperor, how can I pay dues and taxes?' 1
The iniquity of serfdom, with its practice of forced labour,
was accentuated in Hungary by the constitutional custom
which exempted the nobility from all taxation. The Emperor
Joseph abolished serfdom in Hungary on 22nd August 1785,
and inaugurated a system of removing feudal burdens, and
converting forced labour, by means of a gradually diminishing
tax. The condition of the hereditary dominions of the
House of Hapsburg was thus, in 1789, one of seething dis-
content where it was not open rebellion ; Belgian burghers
and Hungarian magnates were alike infuriated by the
Emperor's efforts at reform ; and the poor serfs of Hungary
and Bohemia and the working men of Belgium, whom he
designed to benefit by direct legislation and financial
measures, were too weak to render him any help. His
hope of creating an Austrian state and an Austrian people
out of his scattered dominions was fated to be thwarted;
obstacles of distance, race, and language, cannot be overcome
by legislation, however wise; and the Emperor's well-
intentioned endeavours nearly lost his House its ancient
patrimony.

The foreign policy of the Emperor Joseph 11. was dictated
by the same leading principle as his internal reforms — the
desire to form his various territories into a compact state.
His schemes to exchange the Austrian Netherlands for

1 Vehse's Memoirs of the Court, Aristocracy \ and Diplomacy of Austria,
English translation. London, 1856, vol. ii. p. 305.

Josephs Foreign Policy ly

Bavaria in order to unite his possessions in Swabia with the
nucleus of the Hapsburg territories were frustrated - e h n
by the policy of Frederick the Great. His attempt Foreign
to make his authority as Emperor more than Pohc y-
nominal, and to create a real German empire based on a German
patriotic feeling, proved an utter failure. Foiled in these two
projects, the creation of an Austrian compact state, which he
deemed practicable, and the resurrection of a mighty Germany
under his headship, which he acknowledged to be but a dream,
Joseph ii. turned his thoughts towards Russia. The ideal of
his early manhood had been his mother's foe, Frederick the
Great of Prussia ; the ideal of his later years was the Empress
Catherine of Russia. Both were specimens of the enlightened
despots of the age ; both had extended the realms they ruled ;
both endeavoured to form their states into compact entities ;
both had succeeded in administration and in war ; and both
were cynical disciples of the eighteenth-century philosophers.
They were successively his models. It is characteristic of the
Emperor Joseph n. that the only picture in his private cabinet
in the Hofburg at Vienna was a portrait of Frederick ; the
only picture in his bedroom one of Catherine. After the death
of Frederick the Great, the Emperor Joseph n., despising his
successor, expressed more loudly his admiration for Catherine.
In 1787 he accompanied her in her famous progress to the
Crimea. Fascinated by her personality and dazzled by her
projects, the Emperor was persuaded to ally himself with
Russia against the Turks, and hoped to partition Turkey with
her, as his mother, Frederick, and Catherine had accomplished
the first partition of Poland. In 1788 he accordingly declared
war against the Sublime Porte. But he found that the Turks,
in spite of the corruption of their government, were still no
contemptible foes. His own army was demoralised by the
misconduct of the aristocratic officers; disease decimated
his troops; and the Emperor Joseph returned from the
campaign of 1788 with the seeds of mortal illness in his system,
but with his determination to pursue the war unabated.

PERIOD VII. B

1 8 Europe in 1789

Russia, the chosen ally of Joseph 11., was in 1789 ruled by
the Empress Catherine 11. This great monarch, though by birth
a princess of the petty German state of Anhalt-Zerbst, ranks with
Russia: Peter the Great as a founder of the Russian Empire;
Catherine, more Russian than the Russians, she understood
the importance of the development of her adopted country
geographically towards the Baltic and the Black Sea, and the
capacity of her people to support her in her enterprises. She
was at this time sixty years of age, in full possession of her
remarkable powers, and having ruled for twenty-seven years, she
had fortified her authority by experience. Peter the Great had
seen the absolute necessity that the Russian Empire should
have access to the sea, and had built Saint Petersburg;
Catherine had moved southward and extended her dominions
to the Black Sea. She hoped to make the Baltic and the
Black Sea Russian lakes, and on that account was the consis-
tent and watchful enemy of Sweden and the Turks. Upon
the western frontier of Russia lay Poland. The natural
' policy of Russia was to maintain and even to strengthen
Poland as a buffer between Russia and the military powers of
Austria and Prussia. But the extraordinary Constitution of
Poland, which provided for the election of a powerless king,
and recognised the right of civil war and the power of any
nobleman to forbid any measure proposed at the Diet by the
exercise of what was called the liberum veto, kept the unfor-
tunate country in a state of anarchy, unable either to defend
or to oppose. It might have been possible to reform the Con-
stitution, and make the Poles an organised nation, but the
neighbouring monarchs considered it easier to share the country
amongst them, and had, under the guidance of Frederick the
Great, carried out in 1772 the first partition, which excluded
Poland from the sea, brought the borders of the three powers,
Austria, Prussia, and Russia, nearer to each other, and caused
Russia to become an European instead of essentially an
Eastern monarchy. Catherine grasped the fact that in her
present position Russia must intervene in European politics,

France in 1789 19

owing to the condition of Poland, and decided to derive what
benefit she could from this circumstance. In her internal
government Catherine was one of the benevolent despots.
The patroness of Diderot, she expressed her admiration for
the new doctrines of the Rights of Man, and even summoned
a convention to draw up a Russian constitution. But she
knew that the new doctrines were not applicable to the Russian
people, and would be absurdly inappropriate to the nomad
Tartar tribes which wandered over the southern districts of
the Russian Empire. She was fully aware that their village
organisation protected the peasants from many of the evils
which prevailed in seemingly more enlightened countries, and
gave them a right and interest in the soil to which they were
attached. Russia, in fact, had experienced no Reformation, no
Renaissance, no awakening of the ideas of individual and
political liberty, and therefore was eminently fitted for the
rule of a benevolent despot.

Next to the Austro-Russian alliance, the Austro-French
alliance, sealed by the Treaty of 1756, was of the greatest signi-
ficance to the peace and welfare of Europe in 1789. France :
As has been said, in neither country was the alliance Louis xvi.
popular ; France and Austria were hereditary enemies ; classi-
cal policy in both courts favoured a resumption of this
enmity ; the friendship was rather dynastic than national, the
work of Kaunitz and Maria Theresa, the Abbe" de Bernis,
Madame de Pompadour, and Louis xv. France still appeared
a very powerful nation. Its intervention in the American
War of Independence had largely contributed to England's
loss of her American colonies, and the Treaty of Versailles in
1783 had involved a confession that England was beaten
by her cession of the West India islands of St. Lucia and
Tobago. But in spite of her seeming power, France was
from political and economic causes really very weak. She
had been unable in 1787 to effectually support the republican
and French party in Holland, and had been forced to allow
England and Prussia to reinstate the Stadtholder, the Prince of

20 Europe in 1789

Orange. In spite of her alliance with Austria, she had been
obliged in pursuance of a peace policy, made necessary by her
financial condition, to draw near to England, and had made a
commercial treaty with her in 1786. The weakness of France
arose from internal circumstances. The State and the Court
were financially identical. The Court was extravagant, and the
result was a chronic national deficit. Efforts had been made
to meet this deficit, but all expedients, even partial bankruptcy,
had failed. It was evident that a systematic attempt must be
made to rearrange the finances by introducing a regular scheme
of taxation to take the place of the feudal arrangements for
filling the royal treasury, which with some modifications still
survived. But a regular scheme of taxation, which should
abolish feudal privileges, and make the government responsible
to the nation for its expenditure, could not be established
without the consent of the people, and the educated classes,
who were both numerous and prosperous, claimed a voice in
its establishment. The feeling of political discontent went
deeper. The French people had outgrown their system of
government ; the peasants and farmers resented the existence
of the economic, social, and political privileges dating from the
Middle Ages, which had survived the duties originally accom-
panying them ; the bourgeois argued that they should have a
share in regulating the affairs of the State ; the educated classes
sympathised with both. The day for benevolent despotism
was over in France ; Louis xvi. was benevolent in disposition,
but too weak to reform the system under which he ruled ; and
it was the system, not the person of the monarch, which the
French people disliked ; it was the system as a whole which
they had outgrown.

Much of the strength of France rested on its intimate
alliance with Spain. The two great Bourbon houses had
been closely united by the ' Pacte de Famille ' concluded in

Spain: I 7^ 1 t which bound them in an offensive and defen-
Chariea iv. s i ve alliance. Spain had loyally fulfilled her part of
the bargain, and had suffered much in the War of American

Spain in 1789 21

Independence against England. Spain had had the good fortune
to be ruled by one of the most enlightened of the benevolent
despots, Charles in., whose minister, Aranda, was one of the
greatest statesmen of his century. Aranda is best known from
his persecution of the Jesuits, who had spread their influence
over the minds of the Spanish people so far as to be the dic-
tators of education and opinion. Their expulsion contributed
to the power of the Crown, which undertook the direction of
every form of national energy. Aranda was a great admini-
strator ; he spent vast sums on the improvement of commu-
nications and on public works, and he built up a powerful
Spanish navy. The two evils which had depressed the fame
of Spain, the personal lethargy of the people, due to the stamp-
ing out of liberty of thought by the Inquisition, and the
poverty, caused by the influx of gold from the Spanish
colonies, which prevented any encouragement of national
industry, were however too great for any administrator to sub-
due, without a national uprising and the development of a
national love for liberty. Aranda was ably helped by Campo-
manes, who founded a national system of education to take
the place of the Jesuits' schools and colleges, by Jovellanos, a
great jurist and political economist, by Cabarrus, a skilful
financier, who founded the bank of St. Charles, and developed
a system of national credit, and by Florida Blanca, who super-
intended the department of foreign affairs, and succeeded
Aranda in supreme power in 1774. Charles in. died on 12th
December 1788, and his successor, Charles iv., whose weak-
ness of character was manifested throughout the period from
1789 to 1815, commenced his reign by maintaining Florida
Blanca at the head of Spanish affairs, with Cabarrus and
other experienced ministers.

Portugal was the intimate ally of England as Spain was of
France. The hereditary connection of Portugal and England
dated back for many centuries, and had been Portugal:
strengthened by the Methuen Treaty in 1703, Maria *•
which had made Portugal largely dependent on England.

22 Europe in 1789

The great Portuguese minister, Pombal, who had commenced
the persecution of the Jesuits and had effected internal and
administrative reforms, comparable to those of Aranda in
Spain, had been disgraced in 1777, but the offices of State
were filled by his pupils and managed on the principle, which
he had initiated, of advancing the prosperity of the people.
Pombal, while holding the strongest views on the importance
of maintaining the royal absolutism, believed in the modern
doctrines of reform ; he had abolished slavery, encouraged
education, and in the received ideas of political economy had
encouraged by means of protection manufactures and agricul-
ture. The essential weakness of Portugal rested, like that of
Spain, on the exhaustion and consequent lethargy of its people ;
the Jesuits and the Inquisition had stamped out freedom of
thought. Financially, also, its condition resembled that of Spain,
for the sovereign derived such wealth from Brazil as to be
independent of taxes, levied on the people. Politically the
aim of the House of Braganza, during the latter part of the
eighteenth century, had been to endeavour to free itself from
dependence on England by uniting closely through inter-mar-
riages with the reigning family in Spain. Queen Maria 1., who
had succeeded Joseph, the patron of Pombal, in 1777, was a
fanatical lady of weak intellect, and in 1789 the royal power
was in the hands of the heir-apparent, Prince John, who was
recognised as Regent some years later, and eventually suc-
ceeded to the throne in 18 16, as John vi.

Italy, in the eighteenth century, was composed of a number
of small states. The idea of Italian unity lived only in the
minds of the great Italian writers and thinkers ; it met
y ' with no support from the powers of Europe. Italy was
still the home of music and the arts, which were fostered by
the numerous small Courts ; but politically, owing to its sub-
division, it hardly counted as a power, and its diplomacy
had little weight in the European State system. It was
entirely under the influence of France and Austria, and
showed the tendencies of the century in the good government

T/ie Two Sicilies in 1789 23

of most of the petty rulers. The most important of the
Italian states was the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, which com-
prised the southern part of the peninsula and the Naples :
island of Sicily. The kingdom had been granted F«*in«idiv.
to Ferdinand iv., when his father, the celebrated Don Carlos,
succeeded as Charles in. to the throne of Spain in 1759. It
was in Naples that Charles in. had commenced his career as
a reforming monarch, and the great Neapolitan minister,
Tanucci, continued to administer the affairs of the kingdom
in a most enlightened fashion during the early years of the
new monarch's reign. His policy was to check the feudal
instincts of the Neapolitan barons, whom he deprived of the
lucrative right of administering justice, and thus to strengthen
the influence of the Crown ; and he also opposed the pretensions
of the Pope, and concurred in the suppression of the Jesuits.
The power thus acquired for the Crown was wisely used ; the
financial system was revised, education was encouraged, and an
attempt was made to procure a general reform of the laws. The
young publicist, Filangieri, whose Science of Legislation con-
tained the most enlightened views on political economy and
government, and who ranks next to Montesquieu as a typical
political thinker of the eighteenth century, was a Neapolitan,
and his speculations largely influenced the current of Italian
thought. Sicily, however, remained to a great extent
untouched by the influence of the great Neapolitan 1C y
minister owing to its insular jealousy and the maintenance of its
mediaeval parliament. Ferdinand iv., in 1768, married Maria
Carolina, the ablest daughter of the Empress Maria Theresa,
who at once assumed the most entire sway over her ill-
educated and indolent husband. She secured the dismissal
of Tanucci, whom she disliked on much the same grounds
that her sister, Marie Antoinette, disliked the reforming French
ministers, Turgot and Necker, in 1776, and after an interval
replaced him by Acton, a native of France of Irish descent,
who, owing to the temper of his patroness, was not able to
continue efficiently the work of Tanucci. The States of the

24 Europe in 1789

Church, including the Legations of Bologna and Ferrara
Rome: and the principalities of Benevento and Ponte
PopcPiuaVi. c orvo> were a i so governed in accordance with- the
enlightened ideas of the eighteenth century. The Papacy
had much fallen in influence, and had been forced to comply
with the demands of Pombal, Choiseul, Aranda, and Tanucci
for the suppression of its spiritual mainstay, the order of the
Jesuits; but it nevertheless maintained its temporal sove-
reignty in Italy. Giovanni Angelo Braschi, who had been
elected Pope in 1775, and taken the title of Pius vi., was a
man of singular ability and courtly manners. But he had
to assent to vast reforms in Tuscany, which seriously affected
the wealth of the Church in that part of the country, and had
been unable, in spite of a personal visit to Vienna, to persuade
Joseph 11. to alter his policy towards the Papacy. His most not-
able internal measures in the Papal States were the draining of
the Pontine marshes, and his reconstitution of the Clementine
Museum at Rome, which he placed under the charge of the
eminent antiquary, Ennius Quirinus Visconti. Tuscany
flourished under the rule of the Grand Duke
Grand Duke Leopold, brother and eventual successor of
Leopold. Joseph 11., the ablest administrator of all the
benevolent despots. His reforms extended in every direc-
tion ; with the help of Scipio de Ricci, Bishop of Pistoia, he
reduced the number of bishoprics and monasteries; he
drained many of the marshes, and so benefited agriculture ;
he reorganised education and encouraged the Universities
of Pisa and Siena. But his greatest reforms were legal and
economic. Tuscany having originated from a number of
mediaeval republics, had been hitherto administered as a col-
lection of semi-independent cities and districts, with their own
laws and local finances. Leopold was one of the first
monarchs to project a uniform code of laws for his state,
which he intrusted to the great jurist, Lampredi, to compile,
and he abolished all personal privileges before the law, tor-
ture, the right of asylum for malefactors, confiscation of the

Parma and Modena in 1789 25

property of condemned malefactors, and secret denunciations.
In economics he was the pupil of the French physiocrats, and
the friend of the Marquis de Mirabeau, the ' Ami des hommes/
and in consonance with their doctrines he swept away all the
internal customs duties and other restrictions on industry
and commerce. Lastly, Leopold, seeing that his state was
not strong enough to carry on a real war, abolished the Tuscan
army, to the great advantage of his finances. Next to Tuscany,
the best-governed state in Italy was Parma. Fer- Parma: Duke
dinand, Duke of Parma and Piacenza, was the Ferdinand -
only son of Don Philip, the second son of Philip v. of Spain
and Elizabeth Farnese, by Elizabeth of France, daughter of
Louis xv. He was educated by the celebrated French philo-
sopher, Condillac, and early in his reign showed the influence
of the best eighteenth century ideas. He had succeeded his
father in 1 765, and continued his minister, a Frenchman, Du
Tillot, Marquis of Felino, in office. Du Tillot, though work-
ing in a smaller sphere, was as great a reformer as Pombal and
Tanucci. He brought about the suppression of the Inquisi-
tion in Parma, improved the internal administration, and
encouraged education so greatly that the University of
Parma, under the management of the learned scholar,
Pacjaudi, became one of the most famous in Europe. In
1769 Duke Ferdinand married Maria Amelia, daughter of the
Empress Maria Theresa, who two years later secured the dis-
missal of Du Tillot from office. This dismissal was not, how-
ever, followed by a reaction, though it put a close to the
progress of reform, and Parma, under the administration, first
of a Spaniard, Llanos, and then of a Frenchman, Mauprat, re-
tained its reputation as a well-governed state. It was otherwise
with Modena, where the last Duke of the House of Modena .
Este, Hercules in., reigned. This prince had sue- Duke
ceeded to the duchies of Modena, Reggio, and Hercules IIL
Mirandola in 1780, when already a man of fifty-three, and had
added to them by marriage the principalities of Massa and
Carrara. His only daughter and heiress, Maria Beatrice, was

26 Europe in 1789

married to the Austrian Archduke Ferdinand, younger brother
of the Emperor Joseph, and Governor-General of Lombardy.
Duke Hercules was a superstitious and avaricious ruler, whose
chief care was to amass money, and, politically, he followed
out the wishes of Austria. While the House of Austria, by
t , its scions or by marriages, ruled the greater part of

Lombardy. _ , . ,. ,. 111. . r

Italy indirectly, it possessed the direct sovereignty o*
Lombardy, or, more accurately, of the Milanese and Mantua.
This province profited by the salutary policy of Joseph n.,
and was administered, under the governor-generalship of the
Archduke Ferdinand, by a great statesman, Count Firmian,
who understood and carried out the most important reforms.
His patronage of the arts and of education was especially
remarkable ; he laboured ardently to restore the efficiency of
the Universities of Milan and Pavia, and appointed Beccaria,
the celebrated philanthropist, Professor of Political Economy
at the former, and Volta, the equally celebrated man of
science, Professor of Physics at the latter. The only other
Sardinia- monarchy of Italy, that of Sardinia, was mors
victor closely related to France than to Austria. Its

Amadeus in. kin& victor Amadeus in., had married a Spanish
princess, and two of his daughters were married to the two
brothers of Louis xvi. of France — Monsieur, the Comte de
Provence, and the Comte d'Artois. His dominions com-
prised the island of Sardinia, Piedmont, Savoy, and Nice, and
it was a great subject of complaint to his Piedmontese sub-
jects that he unduly favoured his French-speaking province of
Savoy. He, too, was influenced by the spirit of his century ;
he encouraged agriculture and commerce; he patronised
literature and science ; he built the Observatory at Turin, and
founded academies of science and fine arts ; and he undertook
great public works, of which the most important was the
improvement of the harbour of Nice. But in one matter he
pursued an opposite policy to the Grand Duke Leopold of
Tuscany, for he increased and reorganised his army, and con-
structed fortifications of the most modern description at

Genoa and Venice in 1789 27

Tortona and Alessandria. Lastly must be noticed three
Italian republics, survivals of the Middle Ages. Of these the
smallest was the Republic of Lucca, which was Lucca:
entirely surrounded by the Grand-Duchy of Tus- Repute,
cany. Its trade suffered from the encouragement given by
the Grand Duke Leopold to Leghorn ; but, on the whole, it
was well governed and prosperous. It was otherwise with the
two great aristocratic republics, in which the long continuance
of oligarchical government had stamped out all Genoa:
vestiges of political liberty. The Republic of Re P ublic -
Genoa, of which Raphael di Ferrari was Doge in 1789, was in
utter decay. Its people were poverty-stricken ; its trade had
gone to Leghorn and Nice ; and its laws and customs were
unreformed. It was so weak that it had been unable to sub-
due the rebels in Corsica, who had risen under Paoli for the
right of self-government, and it had ended by ceding the island
to France in 1768. The Republic of Venice, of .

which the Doge in 1789 was Paul Renier, had not
fallen so low in the eyes of Europe. Its possessions on the
mainland, which extended from Verona to the Tyrol and along
the east coast of the Adriatic Sea, and included the Ionian
Islands, were administered for the benefit of the Venetian
oligarchy, and supplied it with wealth. From Dalmatia was
raised a considerable army, but the administration was wholly
selfish, and did not keep pace in enlightenment with that of
Lombardy, Parma, Tuscany, and Naples. On the whole, where
monarchy existed in Italy, it tended in the eighteenth century
to benevolent despotism ; and such rule was far more beneficial
to the people than that of the antiquated republics. Politi-
cally, the whole country might be reckoned as a factor in the
Franco- Austrian alliance.

The chief power of the Triple Alliance, which balanced the
loosely-defined league of Russia, France, and Austria, was
England. The severe blow which had been struck England :
by the revolt of her American colonies had made Geor * e IIL
Great Britain appear weaker than she really was to the

28 Europe in 1789

powers of the Continent. The Treaty of Versailles, by which
she had been obliged to make cessions to France, seemed to
have set the seal on her humiliation. But in reality her
finances were more affected than her fighting strength, and
the English navy, which, from her insular position, must
always constitute the principal element of her force, was as
The Policy excellent as ever. The policy of the younger Pitt,
of Pitt. wno na( j come mt0 ffi ce i n 1783, was one of

peace and retrenchment. The country had lasted well
through the financial strain of the American War, and the
chief aim of the minister was to allow its vast commercial and
industrial resources to expand. As a pupil of Adam Smith,
Pitt understood the great principles of political economy, and
the most significant part of his foreign policy was his conclu-
sion of the Commercial Treaty with France. A fiscal system,
far in advance of that in any continental country, enabled the
English Government to draw on the wealth of the nation more
effectively than any other government, if the money was
needed for patriotic purposes. In spite of his love of peace,
Pitt was induced by his first Foreign Secretary, the Duke of
Leeds, to take an active part in European politics, and was
eventually led by the state of affairs in Holland to enter into
the Triple Alliance. At home, England was unaffected by
the intellectual movement which led to the French Revolu-
tion. She had in the previous century got rid of the relics of
feudalism, which pressed so heavily on the continental farmer
and peasant, and had won the boons of individual and com-
mercial liberty, and of equality before the law ; while politi-
cally, though her government was an oligarchy, supported by
the class of wealthy merchants and traders, an opportunity
was afforded through the existence of a free press and of the
system of election, however hampered by antiquated franchises,
for public opinion to make itself felt.

Prussia, the other principal member of the Triple Alliance,
contrasted in every way with England. Seemingly, owing to
the prestige of Frederick the Great's victories and that able

Prussia in 1789 29

monarch's careful organisation of his army, Prussia was the
first military state in Europe; in reality, her repu- Prussia:
tation was greater than her actual power. Prussia Frederick
was weak where England was strong. Prussia had Wilham IL
no financial system worthy of the name, no industrial wealth,
and no national bank ; her only resources for war were a certain
quantity of specie stored up in Berlin. The Prussian Govern-
ment was an absolutism, in which the monarch's will was
supreme ; its administration was based on feudalism, of which
England had entirely and France had practically got rid, with
all its mediaeval incidents of serfdom, privilege of the nobility,
and social and commercial inequalities. The Prussian army
was not national ; the soldiers were treated as slaves, and the
officers, who were all of noble birth, were tyrants in the main-
tenance of military discipline.

Frederick the Great was one of the finest types of the
benevolent despot of the eighteenth century, but in him the
belief in the importance of his despotic power outweighed his
benevolence. While wishing for the prosperity of the people,
he deliberately maintained the authority of the nobility, and
discouraged any desire for change on the part of the agriculturists
or citizens. The former were left at the disposal of their lords,
the latter trammelled by antiquated civic constitutions. The
weakness of Prussia was not only inherent in its government,
but was also due to geographical causes. Its component parts
were scattered ; its Rhenish duchies and East Friesland were
separated from its main territories by many German states;
its central districts, the Marks of Brandenburg, were sparsely
populated, and cut off from the sea ; its largest provinces,
Prussia Proper, Pomerania, Silesia, and Prussian Poland were,
in spite of German and French Huguenot colonies, mainly
Slavonic, and as backward in civilisation as other Slavonic
races in the eighteenth century. In Russia, however, the
Slavonic population in its barbarism yet retained sufficient
local organisation to make its lot fairly endurable; in
eastern Prussia, and especially in Prussian Poland, the people

30 Europe in 1789

had been brought into contact with the mediaeval and Latin
civilisation, and were consequently treated as absolute serfs
without the relief afforded by local institutions. The
Policy of policy of Prussia, as laid down by Frederick the
Prussia. Great, had both Prussian and German aspirations,
and in both was utterly selfish. The example set by the
cynical monarch in the Silesian wars had left a deep impress
on the minds of Prussian statesmen, and the maxims of justice
and international law were subordinated by them to expediency.
The Prussian policy of Frederick the Great culminated
in the first partition of Poland, which he had suggested,
by means of which Prussia united her eastern province of
Prussia Proper to Brandenburg, and cut off Poland from the
sea, and the aim of his successors was to pursue this path of
aggrandisement, and, by further annexations, to connect Silesia
directly with Prussia Proper. The German policy of Prussia
was to assume the leadership of the Empire by pretending the
greatest zeal for the rights of the Princes of the Empire, and
posing as their protector, and it was on this ground that
Frederick the Great formed the League of the Princes. The
hereditary enemy of Prussia was Austria, which, though dis-
tinctly injured by the conquest of Silesia, still retained the
chief influence over the Empire, and also showed a tendency to
check the designs on Poland. It was Frederick the Great of
Prussia who had thwarted the Emperor's scheme of exchanging
the Austrian Netherlands for Bavaria, and he intrigued against
Austria at the Courts both of Russia and France. It was as a
counterblow to the Franco-Austro-Russian alliance that Prussia
intervened in Holland, at the request of England, and formed
the Triple Alliance with England and Holland in 1788.
King Frederick William 11. of Prussia, who succeeded his
famous uncle in 1786, was a man of feeble intellect and
undecided nature, but he had thoroughly imbibed the classic
ideas of Prussian policy, and regarded Austria as the inevit-
able foe of Prussia, to be duped and taken advantage of on
every possible occasion. His chief minister, Hertzberg, was a

Holland in 1789 . 31

consistent enemy of Austria, but owing to the curious character
of the king, the real power of the State rested not with the
minister but with the royal favourites, of whom the chief at
the end of 1788 were Bischofswerder and Lucchesini.

Holland was the link which bound England and Prussia
together. Its military power was of no account, but
the wealth of its inhabitants, derived from their vast
commercial expansion in Asia and aptitude for banking, made
the Republic of the United Provinces of the greatest im-
portance. The Seven Provinces preserved the most complete
autonomy; only the veriest semblance of federation held
them together. Practically, the only bond of union was in
the power of the Stadtholder, which had been restored in
1747. In the more wealthy provinces, such as Holland, the
commercial aristocracy, which filled the ranks of the local
governments, resented the position of the Stadtholder, who
held the command-in-chief of the army and navy ; but in the
poorer and agricultural provinces, such as Friesland and
Groningen, the landed aristocracy generally supported the
Stadtholderate. In 1780 the United Provinces had joined
in the Neutral League of the North, invented by Catherine
of Russia to break the commercial supremacy of England,
and in the war which followed they had suffered severe
losses, and had been compelled to cede Negapatam in
India to England in 1783 on the conclusion of peace. The
Stadtholder, William v., Prince of Orange, in whose family
the office had been declared hereditary, was vehemently
accused of favouring England during this war, and when peace
was declared a movement was set on foot, headed by the
authorities of the Province of Holland, to oust him from his
position, and to draw up a new constitution for the Dutch
Netherlands on the same lines as that of the United States of
America. This movement grew to its height in 1786; a
French Legion, commanded by the Comte de Maillebois, was
raised ; the Stadtholder had to fly from the Hague, and the
armed intervention of France was requested. But, as has

32 Europe in 1789

been said, France, in spite of her. seeming power, was too
weak to intervene, and the Dutch patriots were abandoned to
their fate. On the other side, that of the Stadtholder, England,
through its able ambassador at the Hague, Sir James Harris,
afterwards Lord Malmesbury, induced Prussia to act. England
and Prussia had dynastic and political reasons for this conduct.
The Stadtholder was, through his mother, a first cousin of
George 111., and had married a sister of Frederick William 11.,
while politically, the acquisition of Holland to the Franco-
Austrian alliance, through the expulsion of the Stadtholder,
would bring nearly the whole of Europe into that system,
and would practically enclose the Austrian Netherlands or
Belgium. In September 1787, therefore, a Prussian army,
under the Duke of Brunswick, had occupied Amsterdam, and
placed the Stadtholder firmly in power; the Dutch patriots
fled to France ; the Legion of Maillebois was disbanded ; and
in 1788 the work was consummated by the signature of the
Triple Alliance.

The two northern kingdoms, Denmark and Sweden, had
adhered to the Neutral League against England in 1780, but
for generations a bitter animosity had existed between them.

Denmark: Denmark, which in 1789 included Norway, was in
Christian vii. an extremely prosperous condition. The philan-
thropic ideas of the eighteenth century had made great way, and
on 20th June 1788 a royal ordinance had destroyed the last
vestige of serfdom. Efforts were made to improve the condition
of the people by reorganising the state of the finances, law and
education, and progress was made in every direction. These
reforms were not the work of the King, Christian vn., who
had fallen into a state of dotage, but of the Prince Royal,
afterwards Frederick vi., and of his minister, Count Andrew
Bernstorff, the nephew of the greatest Danish statesman of the

Sweden: eighteenth century. Sweden, which in 1789 in
Gustavus in. eluded the greater part of Finland as well as
Swedish Pomerania and the island of Rugen, was under the
sway of one of the most enlightened rulers of the century,

The Holy Roman Empire 33

Gustavus in. That monarch had in 1772, by a coup cT'etat^
overthrown the power of the Swedish Estates, with their divi-
sion into the two parties of the Caps and the Hats, subsidised
respectively by Russia and France. He had made use of his
absolutism to carry out some of the benevolent ideas of the
time. He had abolished torture, regulated taxation, encour-
aged commerce and industry, and diminished, where he did
not destroy, the privileges of the nobility. Had he contented
himself with these internal reforms he would have won the last-
ing gratitude of the Swedish people, but he insisted on playing
a part in continental politics, which involved the maintenance
of a large army and the consequent exhaustion of the people.
Though he too had joined the League of the North in 1780, he
afterwards assumed a strong anti-Russian attitude, and resolved
to take advantage of the Russo-Turkish war in order to regain
some of his lost provinces. Accordingly he invaded Russia in
the summer of 1788, while his fleet threatened St. Petersburg.
Hitherto a sketch has been given of states, which in 1789
possessed a certain unity, and were able to play a part as
independent countries of more or less weight in European
politics. It was otherwise with the Holy Roman Empire,
which still remained in the same condition, and was ruled in
the same manner, as had been arranged at the Treaty of
Westphalia in 1648. True Germany, that is Ger- The Em
many to the west of the Oder, had been under
this arrangement split up into a number of independent sove-
reignties, loosely bound together as the Holy Roman Empire.
The number of these petty states caused the Empire to be,
from a military point of view, utterly inefficient ; the bond was
too loose to allow of general internal reforms or of a consistent
foreign policy; and the federal arrangements were too cum-
brous and unwieldy to allow of Germany ranking as a great
power. The Imperial Diet or Reichstag consisted
of three colleges, and a majority was required in
each of the upper colleges to agree to a resolution, which, when
confirmed by the Emperor, became a conclusum of the Empire.

PERIOD VII. c

34 Europe in 1789

The first of these colleges was that of the eight Electors, three
College of ecclesiastical, the Elector- Archbishops of Mayence,
Electors. Treves, and Cologne, and five lay, the Electors of
Bohemia, Brandenburg, and Hanover, who were also Kings of
Hungary, Prussia, and England, the Elector of Saxony, and the
Elector Palatine, who in 1 789 was also Elector of Bavaria. The
president of this college was the Elector- Archbishop of Mayence,
as Chancellor of the Empire. The second college was that of the
College of Princes, which consisted of one hundred voices,
Princes, thirty-six ecclesiastical and sixty-four lay. In this
college all the Electors had voices under different designations ;
Hanover possessed six for different principalities, Prussia six
for the duchy of Guelders, the county of Mceurs, etc., Austria
three, and so on, while the Kings of Denmark and Sweden also
were represented as Dukes of Holstein and of Pomerania. Less
important princes differing in power from the Landgraves of
Hesse, the Margraves of Baden, and the Duke of Wiirtemburg
to the petty princes of Salm and Anhalt, possessed single voices,
and made up the number of temporal voters in the college to
sixty. The ecclesiastical princes included thirty-four of the
wealthiest bishops and abbots, many of whom ruled over con-
siderable territories, and of whom the most important were the
Archbishop of Salzburg, the Bishops of Bamberg, Augsburg,
Wurtzburg, Spires, Worms, Strasbourg, Basle, Constance, Pader-
born, Hildesheim, and Mtinster, and the Abbots of Elwangen,
Kempten, and Stablo. The other six voices were called
collegiate, and representatives to hold them were elected by
the petty lay and ecclesiastical sovereigns who abounded in
Franconia, Swabia, and Westphalia, to the number of four lay
and two ecclesiastical representatives. The presidency of this
college was held alternately by the Archduke of Austria and
the Archbishop of Salzburg. The third or inferior college
College of was tnat °f tne ^ ree cities, and any opposition
Free cities. on its part could prevent a decision arrived
at by the two upper or superior colleges being pre-
sented to the Emperor for his assent as a conclusum of the

The Empire in 1789 35

Empire. It consisted of the representatives of fifty-two
imperial free cities, divided into two 'benches,' of which
the Bench of Westphalia included Frankfort-on- the- Main,
Cologne, Aix-la-Chapelle, Hamburg, Bremen, and Lubeck,
and the Bench of Swabia included Nuremberg, Ratisbon,
Ulm, and Augsburg. The presidency of this college belonged
to the city of Ratisbon, in which the Diet held its sittings.
By this elaborate federative system, all sense of German unity
was lost ; the electors, princes, and free cities were represented
only by delegates ; the smaller states felt themselves swamped
and were obliged to look to a great power, Austria or France,
Prussia or Hanover, to preserve their political independence.

The other important institution of the Empire, the Im-
perial Tribunal or Reichskammergericht, which The imperial
sat at Wetzlar and was intended to settle disputes Tribunal,
between the German sovereigns, had also fallen into desuetude.
Its venality and procrastination became proverbial, and it pos
sessed no machinery to put its decrees into force. At the head
of the Empire was the Emperor, who was elected T he
and crowned with all the elaborate ceremonial of the Emperor.
Middle Ages. The office had been, with one exception, con-
ferred on the head of House of Austria, since the Treaty ot
Westphalia, but it brought little actual authority on the holder.
It was as ruler of the hereditary dominions of the House of
Hapsburg that the Emperor exerted some influence, not as an
Emperor. Joseph 11., indeed, endeavoured to be Emperor in
more than name, with the result that Frederick the Great was
enabled to form the League of Princes against him. As the
chief Catholic state, Austria, however, possessed a great in-
fluence in the Imperial Diet, for the ecclesiastical members
of the Colleges of Electors and Princes naturally inclined to
support her, and it was on their votes that she relied. She
even went so far as to establish the Aulic Council The Auiic
at Vienna, which intervened in cases between Council,
sovereign princes, and usurped some of the prerogatives of the
Imperial Tribunal of Wetzlar. The executive power of the

36 Europe in 1789

Empire, when it had come to a decision, was entrusted to the
The circles. These circles each had their own Diet, and

circles, it was their duty, for instance, to raise money and
troops when the Empire decided to go to war. Of the ten circles
of the Empire, originally created, one, that of Burgundy, had been
extinguished or nearly so by the conquests of Louis xiv., and
those situated in the eastern portion were entirely controlled by
the important states of Prussia, Saxony, and Austria. It was
only in Western Germany, in the circles of Westphalia, Fran-
conia, and Swabia that the organisation was fairly tried, and the
result was signal failure, whenever those circles put their con-
tingents in the field. It could hardly be otherwise, when,
owing to minute subdivision and divided authority, a single
company of soldiers might be raised from half a dozen diffe-
rent petty sovereigns, each of whom would try to throw the
burden of their maintenance on his colleagues. The Holy
Roman Empire, in short, like other mediaeval institutions, had
fallen into decay with the mediaeval systems of warfare and
religion; some of its component states, such as Austria
and Prussia, or in a lesser degree Bavaria, might possess a
real power ; but, as a whole, it was utterly inefficient to defend
itself, and formed a feeble barrier between France and the
kingdoms of Eastern Europe.

The impotence of the Empire for offensive and defensive
purposes did not, however, greatly affect the German people;
the educated classes prided themselves on being superior to
patriotic impulses, and on being cosmopolitan rather than
German; the poorer classes thought more of the internal
administration which affected them than of the attitude of the
Empire to European politics. The tendency towards bene-
volent despotism, which distinguished the greater powers,
The Princes of showed itself also in the petty states of Germany in

Germany. the diminution, if not the abolition, of the ancient
Estates and in the restraints placed on the authority of the
nobility. The increased power of the sovereign was generally,
if not universally, used to foster the prosperity of his subjects,

The Princes of Germany 37

or at least to promote literature and art. A notice of a few of
the principal rulers of Germany will justify this view. Charles
Theodore, the Elector Palatine, who in 1778 had B
succeeded to the Electorate of Bavaria, and united
once more the territories of the House of Wittelsbach, was a
most enlightened sovereign. In the Palatinate he had founded
a brilliant University at Mannheim, and one of the most famous
picture galleries in Europe at Dusseldorf ; in Bavaria he sup-
pressed some of the numerous convents, which stifled progress,
in spite of his sincere Catholicism. He took as one of his
ministers the celebrated American, Benjamin Thompson,
whom he created Count Rumford, and that man of science
and learning endeavoured to suppress mendicity, and made
efforts to bring material comforts within reach of the very
poorest. Nevertheless, in some points, the Elector Charles
Theodore showed himself a bigot ; he left education entirely
in the hands of the Roman Catholic priesthood and ex-Jesuits,
and he allowed the Protestants in his dominions to be persecuted.
The Margrave Charles Frederick, who in 177 1 re-
united in his person the two margraviates of Baden-
Baden and Baden-Durlach, was a more thoroughly enlightened
prince. He was truly a benevolent despot ; he was a student
of political economy, on which he himself wrote a treatise, and
applied its principles to his little state; he established a
scheme of primary education; and on 23d July 1783 he
abolished serfdom in his dominions, while maintaining the royal
corvies and the prohibition for a subject to leave the country
without obtaining his permission. The Duke WUrtembu
Charles Eugene of Wurtemburg formed a contrast to
his neighbours. He established, like them, his own absolutism,
but he used his power to impose heavy taxes and raise an army
out of all proportion to the size of his duchy. He treated his
subjects like slaves, and his administration was so cruel that
the Aulic Council threatened to take measures against him.
Nevertheless, he was a patron of literature and the arts. He
built a theatre at Stuttgart and founded the Academy of Fine

38 ' Europe in 1789

Arts there, and he defrayed the expense of the education of
the poet Schiller, who, however, afterwards satirised him and
fled to Weimar. Yet Charles Eugene of Wiirtemburg appears
an enlightened monarch to such princes as Duke Charles of
Deux-Ponts (Zweibriicken), whose successor, Maximilian
Joseph, was to succeed the Elector Palatine, Charles Theodore,
and to become the first King of Bavaria, for that prince
sacrificed his people to his passion for the chase, and to
William ix., Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, who sold his subjects
by the hundred to the English Government to carry on the war
in America. Going further east, Saxony, which had
ranked among the great states of Germany, was in a
state of decline. The Electors Augustus 11. and Augustus in.
had been Kings of Poland, and had ruined their hereditary
dominions to support their royal dignity and position. For-
tunately Frederick Augustus, who was Elector in 1789, had
not been elected to the Polish throne, and had been able to
do something for the prosperity of his subjects. He formed
a commission to draw up a code of laws, he abolished torture,
encouraged industry and agriculture, and founded an Academy
of Mines. But he did not go so far, for instance, as the. Mar-
grave of Baden, and made no attempt to suppress serfdom. The
glory of Saxony was not, however, on the eve of the French Re-
volution its electoral house ; its intellectual capital was not the
Saxe-weimar Deaut ^ u ^ C ^Y of Dresden. That place was taken by
Weimar, where Duke Charles Augustus of Saxe-
Weimar collected around him the great philosophers and men
of letters who made the German name famous at the end of
the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth.
To his Court resorted the most illustrious Germans of the time,
Goethe and Schiller, Herder, Wieland, and Musaeus ; and the
University of his state at Jena became the most famous in
Germany. It is not necessary to particularise the other states ;
it is enough to say that those in the north were generally very
backward, especially the duchies of Mecklenburg, and that
Hanover was left to the rule of an aristocratic oligarchy, which

The Ecclesiastical States of Germany 39

allowed no reforms, although its University at Gottingen,
founded by George 11., took rank with the best.

The Ecclesiastical States followed also the movement of
the century. The ecclesiastical rulers were often enlightened
men, but they were to a great extent the slaves of their chapters.
These chapters were generally filled by younger sons of the
smaller princes, who insisted on the newly-elected prelates
entering into the closest bonds with them to make no changes
in the feudal system in the bishoprics. The prince-bishops
and abbots at the close of the eighteenth century were, there-
fore, generally scions of noble houses, such as, for instance,
Francis Joseph, Baron of Roggenbach, Bishop of Basle, Baron
Francis Louis of Erthal, Bishop of Bamberg and Wiirtzburg,
the Baron of Rodt, Bishop of Constance* the Count of
Hoensbroeck, Bishop of Li6ge, Count Augustus of Limburg,
Bishop of Spires, Count Jerome Colloredo, Archbishop of
Salzburg, and the Baron of Plettenberg, Abbot of Munster.
One curious point deserves notice, that in some instances,
Protestant princes had the right to present to Catholic prince-
bishoprics, and in 1789 the Duke of York was Prince-Bishop
of Osnabriick, and Prince Peter Frederick of Holstein-Gottorp,
Prince-Bishop of Liibeck. Of higher rank and more inde-
pendent of their chapters were the three archbishop-electors, who
-were therefore more able to rule their states in consonance
with the ideas of the century. The chief of these M nce
was Baron Frederick Charles of Erthal, Archbishop-
Elector of Mayence, and Prince-Bishop of Worms, the
Chancellor of the Empire ex officio. This great prelate busied
himself mostly with his pleasures, but his rank caused his
countenance to be sought by all parties, and his adhesion to
Frederick the Great's League of Princes was the greatest gain
the King of Prussia made in his anti- Austrian policy. In 1789 ,
he had completely abandoned the cares of internal and external
politics to his coadjutor Charles, Baron de Dalberg, who was
to play a leading part in the history of Germany during the period
of the French Revolution and Napoleon. The Archbishop-

40 Europe in 1789

Elector of Treves in 1789 was Clement Wenceslas, a Saxon
prince, and an excellent ruler, who, in 1783,
even issued an edict of tolerance, allowing men of

any religion to settle in his state, and exercise any trade or
profession there. The last Elector-Archbishop

Cologne. *•

was the Archduke Maximilian, the youngest
brother of the Emperor Joseph, Archbishop of Cologne, who
shared his brother's liberal opinions, and patronised his
predecessor's creation, the University of Bonn, which had
been founded in opposition to the ultramontane University
of Cologne, for the encouragement of the modern develop-
ments of science. The tendency of all these governments,
lay and clerical, was to promote the prosperity of the
people ; Joseph 11. was but the type of the German princes
of his time ; all wished to do good for the people, but
not by them; their characters differed widely, from the
enlightened Margrave of Baden to the hunting Duke of Deux-
Ponts ; but in their different ways and in different degrees they
generally meant well. But, while the more important princes
showed the tendency of the century, their poorer contemporaries
were unable to do so. They were mostly in debt, owing to
their efforts to rival the wealthy princes, and in order to raise
money resorted to all the devices of mediaeval feudalism. The
few villages over which they ruled suffered from this tyranny,
and it was always possible to know when a traveller crossed
the frontier into one of these ' duodecimo duchies.' Beneath
the petty princes were the Ritters or Knights of the Empire,
who abounded in Franconia and Swabia. These knights had
no representation in the Imperial Diet, and were consequently
dependent directly on the Emperor. Their poverty made
them take service with the wealthy princes ; and to quote but
two instances, Stein, the great Prussian minister, and Wurmser,
the celebrated Austrian general, were both Knights of the
Empire. The result of this minute subdivision of Germany was
to destroy the sense of national patriotism ; which was not to
rise again until after Germany had passed through the mould
of Napoleon's domination.

Switzerland 41

The other European confederation, Switzerland, presented
the same symptoms of internal decay as the Holy Switxerland
Roman Empire, but it was preserved from the same
political degradation by the consciousness of its nationality
and the persistence of its local governments. The eighteenth
century was marked in Switzerland by struggles between canton
and canton, Catholics and Protestants, nobles and bourgeois.
In some cantons, such as Berne, an oligarchical system was
maintained in the hands of a few noble families ; in others,
such as Uri, a purely democratic form of government was pre-
served, which allowed every peasant a voice in the local
administration. Where feudalism had been established, the
peasants were in no better condition than in the rest of Europe,
but in the mountain cantons such a rigime was impossible, and
individual and political freedom still existed. It must be
remembered that the Switzerland of the eighteenth century
was not identical with that of the nineteenth. The Grisons
formed no part of the confederation, Neufchatel belonged to
Prussia, and Geneva was an independent republic. The part
the latter had played in the intellectual movement
of the century was most conspicuous. Rousseau was
born in Geneva, and Voltaire retired and spent his last years in
its neighbourhood. But Geneva had just before 1789 been the
scene of a revolution resembling that in Holland. A struggle
broke out between the bourgeois families, which monopolised
the magistracy, and the mass of the people, which had ended
in the victory of the former. The Genevese democrats were
expelled, and many of them, notably Claviere, exercised a con-
siderable influence on the course of the Revolution in
France.

The state of Europe in 1789 showed everywhere a sense of
awakening to new ideas. The bonds of feudalism were ready
to break asunder ; the benevolent despots had recognised the
rights of individual and commercial freedom; the French
Revolution was able to sow in ripe ground the two new
principles of the sovereignty of the people and the sentiment
of nationality.

CHAPTER II
1 789-1 790

The Empress Catherine and the Emperor Joseph 11.— The Turkish War-
Cam paign of 1789 against the Turks— Battles of Foksany and the Rymnik —
Capture of Belgrade — Revolution in Sweden- Affairs in Belgium — Policy
of Joseph 11. in Belgium — Revolution in Liege— Elections to the States-
General in France — Meeting of the States-General : struggle between the
Orders— The Tiers l£tat declares itself the National Assembly — Oath of
the Tennis Court — The Seance Royale — Mirabeau's Address to the King
— Dismissal of Necker— Riot of 12th July in Paris — Capture of the Bastille
— Recall of Necker — Louis xvi. visits Paris — Murder of Foullon — Session
of 4th August — Declaration of the Rights of Man — Question of the Veto —
March of the women of Paris to Versailles — Louis xvi. goes to reside in
Paris — Effect of the Revolution in France on Europe — The Revolution in
Belgium — Formation of the Belgian Republic — Death of the Emperor
Joseph 11. — Failure of his reign — The attitude of Louis xvi. to the French
Revolution— The new French Constitution — Civil Constitution of the
Clergy — Measures of the Constituent Assembly — Mirabeau — Danger
threatened to the new state of affairs in France by a foreign war —
Mirabeau and the French Court — Probable causes of a foreign war —
Avignon and the Venaissin — Affair of Nootka Sound — The Pacte de
Faraille — Rights of Princes of the Empire in Alsace — The Emperor
Leopold master of the situation.

At the commencement of the year 1789 the thoughts of

European statesmen were mainly turned to the events which

Catherine were passing in the east of Europe. The alliance

Joseph 11. between Catherine of Russia and the Emperor

1785. Joseph 11. was regarded with anxiety not only by

Pitt in England and by King Frederick William 11. of Prussia,

but by the French ministers and by all the smaller states of

Europe. The projects of Russia and Austria for the extension

of their boundaries at the expense of Turkey, Poland, and

42

The Turkish War 43

Bavaria, were viewed with alarm, and the ambitious ideas of
their rulers with dismay. The attention of educated people,
who were not statesmen or politicians, but disciples of the
philosophical teachers of the. eighteenth century, was entirely
concentrated on the progress of the Emperor Joseph's policy
in the Austrian Netherlands or Belgium. Success seemed to
have crowned the warlike measures of General d* Alton ; the
Belgian patriots were in prison or in exile ; and the philan-
thropic and centralising reforms of the Emperor seemed to
have ended in Belgium in the establishment of a military
despotism. France was known to be in an almost desperate
financial condition ; and the convocation of the States-General
for 1 st May 1789, was generally looked upon as a means
adopted by Louis xvi. to obtain financial relief. The great
results, which were to follow the meeting of the States-General,
were little expected by even the most acute political observers,
and it was not foreseen that for more than a quarter of a
century the interest of Europe was to be fixed upon France,
and that a series of events in that country, unparalleled in
history, were to bring about an entire modification in the
political system of Europe, and to open a new era in the
history of mankind.

The campaign of 1788 had, upon the whole, terminated
favourably for the Austrians and Russians in their The War

• 1 , m * ,- , , * with the

war with the Turks. Loudon, who commanded Turks,
the Austrian forces, had taken Dubitza, and penetrating into
Bosnia had reduced Novi on 3d October. Francis Josias, of
the House of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld, commonly known as the
Prince of Coburg, at the head of an Austrian army, had in
conjunction with a Russian force under Prince Soltikov taken
Choczim on 20th September. But, on the other hand, the
Turks had overrun and laid waste the Banat of Temesvar
and routed the Austrian army in that quarter, which was under
the personal command of the Emperor. The Russians had
also made some progress, and on 6th December Potemkin,
with terrible loss of life, and owing mainly to the intrepidity

44 European History, 1789- 1790

of Suvdrov and Repnin stormed Oczakoff (Ochakov). These
successes, despite his own failure, greatly inspirited Joseph,
who, in a letter to Prince Charles of Nassau, made the follow-

joseph's ing curious predictions in January 1789 : 1 — ' If the
prediction. Grand Vizier should come to meet me or the
Russians near the Danube, he must offer a battle ; and then,
after having defeated him, I shall drive him back to take
refuge under the cannon of Silistria. In October 1789 1 shall
call a congress, at which the Osmanlis will be obliged to beg
for peace from the Giaours. The treaties of Carlowitz and
Passarowitz will serve as the basis for my ambassadors on
which to conclude peace ; in it, N however, I shall claim
Choczim and part of Moldavia. Russia will keep the Crimea,
Prince Charles of Sweden will be Duke of Courland, and the
Grand Duke of Florence King of the Romans. Then there
will be universal peace in Europe. Until then, France will
have settled affairs with the notables of the nation ; and the
other gentlemen think too much about themselves and too
little about Austria.'

The campaign of 1789 was far from fulfilling the expecta-
tions of the Emperor Joseph. His own health had suffered
too much from the privations of the previous year to enable
him to take the field again in person, but he was well served
by his generals. The Grand Vizier determined to adopt the
The Cam- °ff ens ^ ve > an( * crossed the Danube at Rustchuk in

paign of March at the head of an army of 90,000 men, with
, 3 r8 9- - the intention of invading Transylvania. But an
unexpected event led to the recall of the most experienced
Turkish general. The Sultan Abdul Hamid died at Constan-
tinople on 7th April, and his nephew and successor, Selim in.,
at once disgraced the Grand Vizier, and replaced him in the
command of the western army and the office of Grand Vizier by
the Pasha of Widdin. This incompetent commander rashly
advanced, and was defeated by the Prince of Coburg and

1 Memoirs of the Court Aristocracy and Diplomacy of Austria, by
E. Vchse, translated by Franz Demmler. London : 1856, vol. ii. p. 334.

The Turkish War 45

Suvdrov at Foksany on 31st July in an attempt to prevent the
junction of the Austrians and Russians. The allies then took
the offensive and inflicted a crushing defeat on the main
Turkish army on the Rymnik, in which 18,000 Austrians and
7000 Russians routed nearly 100,000 Turks, and took all
their baggage and artillery. This great victory was vigorously
followed up. Loudon was appointed Commander-in-chief of
the Austrian army, and he took Belgrade on 9th October, and
after occupying the whole of Servia, laid siege to Orsova. For
these services Joseph conferred upon him the title of general-
issimo, which had only been borne before by Wallenstein,
Montecuculi, and Prince Eugene. Among other results of the
victory on the Rymnik, the Prince of Coburg took Bucharest
and occupied Moldavia, while the Prince of Hohenlohe-Kirch-
berg forced his way into Wallachia. In the eastern quarter of
the Turkish frontier Prince Potemkin was equally successful.
He defeated the Turkish High Admiral, Hassan Pasha, in a
pitched battle at Tobac, and conquered Bessarabia, capturing
Bender, and laying siege to Ismail.

Doubtless Catherine and Joseph would have met with even
greater successes, and perhaps they might have driven the Turks
out of Europe, had not their attention been diverted directly
by the affairs of Sweden and Belgium, and indirectly by the start-
ling events which were taking place in France. The Triple
Alliance looked with great disfavour on the alliance between
Austria and Russia. Pitt, as has been said, prepared a great
fleet, which is known in English naval history as the Russian
Armament, and Frederick William 11. began to negotiate an
alliance with Turkey. But they limited their direct interfer-
ence to inducing Denmark to make peace with Sweden. Gus-
tavus in. of Sweden had, in 1788, forced his way at the head
of 30,000 men into Russian Finland, and the sound R eyo iution
of his guns had been heard in Saint Petersburg, in Sweden,
which, owing to the absence of the bulk of the Russian troops,
was almost defenceless. But the Swedish nobility had great
influence over the army ; they disliked the war with Russia ;

46 European History, 1789- 1790

and took this opportunity to declare themselves. Under the
secret leadership of Prince Charles, Duke of Sudermania, they
refused to obey the king's orders, and hoped in the embarrass-
ment which ensued to regain their former power. At this
moment Christian vn., King of Denmark and Norway, at the
instance of Catherine, invaded Sweden and prepared to besiege
Gothenburg. Gustavus saw the opportunity which this invasion
offered to rouse the patriotic feelings of the Swedes. He
appealed to the people, and leaving the command of the army
in Finland to the Duke of Sudermania, raised a fresh army ot
volunteers to resist the invaders. In spite of his efforts, Sweden
was in great danger of falling before the combined attacks of
Russia and Denmark. The Triple Alliance now intervened
promptly and decisively, and by threatening to attack Denmark
by land and sea, they induced Bernstorff, the Danish minister, to
evacuate Sweden and to agree to an armistice. Gustavus in.
returned to Stockholm with the reputation of having repulsed the
invaders, and summoned the Diet to meet on 2d February 1789.
Sure of the support of the Commons he proposed a new Con-
stitution, or rather a new fundamental law for the Swedish
monarchy, which is summed up in one of the articles : ' The
king can administer the affairs of the State as seems good to
him.' The nobility opposed a fruitless resistance ; Gustavus
imprisoned their leaders and completed the work of his
former revolution of 1772 by this coup d'ttat. He then
renewed the war with Russia, but the military operations
of his campaign in 1789 were not marked by any event of
importance.

While Catherine of Russia was being distracted from the
vigorous prosecution of the war against Turkey by the invasion
Affairs in of the Swedes, her ally, the Emperor Joseph, was
Belgium, 1789. chiefly concerned with the state of affairs in the
Austrian Netherlands or Belgium. It seemed at first as if
he was to be as successful as Gustavus in changing the old
constitution of the country. But there was this difference.
Whereas Gustavus in. was enacting the part of a national

Affairs in Belgium 47

deliverer, and had the Swedish people on his side in his
overthrow of the nobility, Joseph 11. was opposed not only by
the Belgian nobles, but by the clergy and the people also. The
country seemed quiet enough under the government of Count
Trautmannsdorf and the military rule of the Captain-General
d' Alton. The suppression of the risings at Brussels and
Louvain, Malines and Antwerp seemed to have established
the Austrian sway most firmly, and the leading opponents of
the Emperor's policy were in exile. The Estates of the
different provinces were convoked as usual, and all of them,
except those of Hainault and Brabant, voted the customary
subsidies. The Estates of Hainault were at once dissolved by
a military force, and their constitution abolished on 31st
January 1789. By this example the Emperor hoped to over-
awe the wealthy and populous province of Brabant, and when
it did not have the expected effect, he directed Trautmannsdorf
to summon a special meeting of the Estates of Brabant, and
to require them to increase the number of deputies of the
Third Estate or Commons, and to grant a permanent subsidy.
He also maintained his attitude towards the Church, and tried
to compel Cardinal Frankenberg, the Archbishop of Malines,
to withdraw his opposition to the new Imperial Seminary at
Brussels, or to resign his see. The Archbishop stoutly refused
to comply, and the Estates of Brabant proved equally stubborn.
Joseph then decided on a sudden blow, and by his orders
Count Trautmannsdorf, on 18th June 1789, declared the
'Joyeuse Entree,' or Constitution of Brabant abolished.
The day was the anniversary of the battle of Kolin, in
which, at the crisis of the Seven Years' War, the Austrians
had defeated Frederick the Great. D'Alton thought he
made a happy comparison in saying : 'The 18th of June
is a happy epoch for the House of Austria; for on that
day the glorious victory of Kolin saved the monarchy,
and the Emperor became master of the Netherlands.' But
the victory was not to be won so easily. The two parties
of opposition, the Van der Nootists, or partisans of Van

48 European History, 1789- 1790

der Noot, the supporter of the ancient constitutional rights,
and the Vonckists, or followers of Vonck, the advocate of
popular or democratic ideas, united. The Triple Alliance
was as glad to hamper Joseph's activity in the East by
encouraging these Belgian patriots, as it had been to leave
Gustavus free to harass Catherine, by stopping the interference
of Denmark in the north, and the ministers of England,
Holland, and Prussia all entered into relations with Van der
Noot. That partisan, encouraged by hopes of active assist-
ance, formed a patriotic committee at Breda, on the Dutch
frontier, and raised an army of exiles, which was placed under
the command of Colonel Van der Mersch. Joseph was not to
be intimidated. D'Alton put down popular riots, which broke
out in various towns, notably at Tirlemont, Louvain, Namur,
and Brussels, with unrelenting severity. A sweeping decree
was issued on 19th October against the exiles or Smigris,
declaring that ordinary emigration would be punished by
banishment and confiscation of property, and that joining an
armed force on the frontier for the purpose of invasion would
be punished by death, and that informers against Emigres
would receive a reward of 10,000 livres and absolute impunity. 1
But all the Emperor's measures and decrees were of no effect.
The meeting of the States-General in France had been fol-
lowed by the capture of the Bastille and the bringing of the
King of France from Versailles to Paris by a Parisian mob ;
and the effects of the French Revolution on affairs in Belgium
was soon to be perceived.

In the bishopric of Li£ge, which, from its situation, always

reflected and repeated any political troubles that took place in

Revolution Belgium, the influence of the French Revolution

in Liege. was immediately felt. The inhabitants of -the

bishopric had long resented the rule of the prince-bishops, and

felt the anomaly of being subject to an ecclesiastical sovereign.

Many exiles from the democratic party in Belgium assembled

in the bishopric, and on the news of the capture of the

1 V Europe et la Rholution Frattfaise, by Albert Sorel, vol. ii. p. 50.

Revolution in Liige 49

Bastille, the people of Liege needed little persuasion to renew
their former insurrection. The revolution was carried out
without the shedding of blood. On 16th and 17th August
1789 the people of the city of Liege rose in rebellion ; on the
1 8th MM. Chestret and Fabry were chosen burgomasters by
popular acclamation, the garrison was disarmed, and the
citadel occupied by bourgeois national guards. On the same
day the Prince-Bishop, Count Caesar Constantine Francis de
Hoensbroeck, was brought into the city, and he signed a pro-
clamation acknowledging the revolution and abrogating the
despotic settlement of 1684. The other towns in the bishopric
followed the example of the capital, and in each of them free
municipalities were elected and national guards raised and
armed. The Prince-Bishop, after accepting the loss of his
political power, fled to Treves, and considered himself fortunate
to be allowed to escape.

It is now time to examine the course of the events in France,
which led to such important developments upon its north-east
frontier, and which distracted the attention of all the monarchs
and ministers of Europe, except Catherine of Russia, from the
wars in the North and East. It was owing to the increasing
difficulty of raising money for carrying on the administra-
tion of the State and paying the interest on the Thc Elections
national debt, and the consequent necessity for to the states-
revising the system of taxation and reorganising cnera '
the financial resources of France that Louis xvi., on the
advice of his minister, Lom£nie de Brienne, had vaguely pro-
mised in November 1787 to summon the States-General for
July 1792, and had definitely convoked the ancient assembly
of France on 8th August 1788 to meet at Versailles on 1st May
1789. But the arrangements for the elections were not made
by Lomenie de Brienne, who retired from office in the same
month as the States-General was convoked, but by his
successor Necker, who was recalled to office as an expert
financier, in view of the fact that the summons of the States-
General was looked on as a purely financial expedient. The

PERIOD VII. D

So European History, 1789- 1790

procedure to be adopted in electing deputies gave rise to much
anxious deliberation and heated controversy in the public
press, and the Notables of 1787 were again assembled to give
their advice. The burning question was as to the represen-
tation of the Tiers Etat, Third Estate or Commons. The
ancient representative assembly of France was known to
consist of the three orders of the Nobility, the Clergy, and the
Tiers 6tat, and the disputed question was as to the proportion
of the number of deputies of the Tiers Etat to that of the
t'wo other orders. This and the other electoral questions were
finally settled by the R^sultat du Conseil published on 27th
December 1788. It was decreed that the royal bailliages and
royal s£n£chauss£es, feudal circumscriptions which had long
fallen into disuse, should be treated as electoral units, and
that they should elect, according to the extent of their popula-
tion, one or more deputations, each consisting of four members,
one chosen by the Nobility, one by the Clergy, and two by
the Tiers £tat. The elections were to be made in two and
sometimes in three degrees, and at each stage cahiers or" state-
ments of grievances and projects for reform were to be drawn
up by the electoral assemblies. 1 In provinces, where there
were no royal bailliages or s£n£chauss£es, and consequently no
Grand Baillis or Grand S£n£chals to preside, corresponding
circumscriptions were adopted or invented. During the early
months of 1789 the French people were fully occupied in the
election of the deputies to the States-General. Whatever
might be the opinion of the French Court or the French
Ministry, the people, — and more especially the educated bour-
geois of the towns and the country lawyers, — looked upon the
future assembly as something more than a financial expedient ;
they trusted to it to draw up a new political system for the
State, which should admit the representative principle and
allow the taxpayer a voice not only in the granting, but in
the spending of the national revenue. The working classes,

1 A History of the French Revolution, by H. Morse Stephens. Vol. i.,
chapter i. gives a detailed account of the method of election.

Meeting of the States-General 5 1

whether in the towns or the rural districts, did not take much
active interest in the elections, and their representatives in
the secondary electoral assemblies were generally educated
bourgeois, but they vaguely built high hopes on the meeting
of the States-General, and expected it to give them land or
higher wages. Considering the novelty of choosing represen-
tatives in Franco, it is extraordinary that the electoral opera-
tions were carried out as peacefully and as efficiently as they
were. This was mainly due to the success of a little revolu-
tionary movement in Dauphine, where an unauthorised and
irregular assembly had met in July 1788 to protest against the
abolition of the provincial Parlements by Lom£nie de Brienne.
That minister had left office when he was not permitted to
put down the assembly in Dauphine by force, and Necker
hoped to save the prestige of the monarchy by summoning a
new assembly of the province in its place. But the ruse was
quickly perceived; the men who had sat in the illegal
assembly were elected to its successor, and in the eyes of
France the representatives of the Dauphine had won a signal
victory over the Court. The new assembly in Dauphine
became the court of appeal in every electoral difficulty, and its
secretary, Mounier, the leader of the Tiers 6tat of France.
Owing- to his energy and ability local jealousies of town
against town, province against province, class jealousies and
personal rivalry, were set at rest, and it was more owing to
Mounier than to any one else that the deputies to the States-
General were legally and quietly elected, and that the acts of
the future assembly could not be stigmatised as the work of a
factious or unrepresentative minority of the French nation.

On 5th May 1789 the first States-General held in France
since the year 16 14 met at Versailles. Barentin, the Keeper
of the Seals, and Necker harangued the collected Meeting of
deputies, and the latter explained the desperate the states-
financial situation of the State and the necessity Gencral -
for immediate action to relieve the national treasury. The
representatives of the nobility and clergy then retired to

52 European History, 1789-1790

separate chambers, leaving their colleagues of the Tiers 6tat
in the great hall. No word was spoken about the relation of
the three orders to each other. It was assumed that each
order was to deliberate separately. The representatives of the
Tiers Etat were placed in a most difficult position. There
was no advantage in their being as numerous as the two other
orders put together, if the three orders were to be independent
of each other, for in that case the majorities of the privileged
orders could outweigh the opinion of the majority among
themselves. The question of vote par ordre, which would
give each order equal authority, or vote par tete, which
would allow the numerical preponderance of the Tiers £tat
to take effect, had been long recognised as crucial. It had
been assumed from the grant of double representation to the
Tiers £tat that the Government intended to sanction the
vote par t$te, and the tacit acknowledgment of the separation
of the orders and consequent recognition of the vote par
ordre on 5th May disconcerted for the moment the popular
leaders.

But the deputies of the Tiers £tat, under the guidance ol
Le Chapelier, a Breton lawyer from Rennes, and of Rabaut de
Saint-6tienne, a Protestant pastor from Nimes,
between proceeded to take up a most skilful attitude. They
the orders. reso i ve( j on a policy of masterly inactivity. They
refused to form themselves into the assembly of the Order of
the Tiers fitat ; they refused to open letters addressed to them
under that title ; they refused to elect a president or secre-
taries ; and stated that they were a body of citizens, represen-
tatives of the French nation, waiting in that hall to be joined
by the other deputies. This attitude received the unanimous
approval of the people of Paris, and threw upon the Govern-
ment the onus of declaring that the double representation of
the Tiers 6tat was merely a sterile gift. The representatives
of the two privileged orders treated the situation very differ-
ently. The nobility accepted the separation of the orders to
distinct chambers, and resolved to constitute their chamber

The National Assembly 53

by 188 votes to 47, while the clergy only decided in the same
sense by 133 votes to 114. Even this majority was not really
significant. For, owing to a tendency which had developed
during the course of the elections, the greater part of the
deputies of the clergy were poor country cur£s, who sympa-
thised with the Tiers £tat, from which they sprung, and not
with the prelates and dignitaries of the Church, who belonged
to the nobility. This tendency of the true majority of the
clergy was well known to the leaders of the Tiers £tat and
encouraged them in their passive attitude. In vain the King
and Necker attempted to terminate the deadlock ; the
deputies of the Tiers £tat persisted that they did not form
an order, and they were reinforced by the representatives
of Paris, where the elections were not concluded until the end
of May. At last, on 10th June, on the proposition of the
Abbe* Sieves, deputy for Paris, a final invitation was sent to
the deputies Qf the nobility and the clergy to join the deputies
of the Tiers 6tat, and it was resolved that whether the
request was granted or refused the Tiers £tat would con-
stitute itself into a regular deliberative body. The invita-
tion was rejected by the nobility, and only a few cur£s,
including the Abb£ Gregoire, belonging to the Order of the
Clergy, complied with it. The deputies then verified their
powers, and elected Bailly, a famous astronomer and deputy
for Paris, to be their president. But what sort of assembly
were they? They denied that they were representatives of
an Order, and they were certainly not the States-General of
France. The question was hotly debated, and The Tiers
on 1 6th June they declared themselves the Etat declare
National Assembly. They then declared all the th e National
taxes, hitherto levied, to be illegal, and ordered Assembly,
that they should only be paid provisionally. This defiant
conduct disconcerted the King and his ministers, and it was
announced that a Seance Rdyale, or Royal Session, would be
held by the King in person to settle all disputed questions.
On 20th June the deputies of the Tiers £tat, or of the

54 European History, 1789- 1790

National Assembly, as they now termed themselves, were
The Oath of excluded from their usual meeting-place. They
the Tennis therefore met in the Jeu de Paume or Tennis

Court. J

aothjune. Court at Versailles, and, amidst a scene of wild
excitement, swore that they would not separate until they had
drawn up a new Constitution for France. By this act they
practically became rebels, and the French Revolution really .
commenced. On 2 2d June they met in the Church of Saint
Louis at Versailles, where they were joined by 149 deputies of
the clergy, who thus recognised the act of rebellion. On 23d
June the Seance Royale was held. In the speech from the
throne it was announced that the King, ' of his own goodness
The Seance anc * generosity,' would levy no taxes in future
Royaie. without the assent of the representatives of the
93d June, people, but it was also declared that the financial
privileges of the nobility and clergy were unassailable, and
that the States-General was to vote par ordre. This was the
most critical moment in the first stage of the Revolution. If
the deputies of the Tiers l£tat had given way, the oath of the
Tennis Court would have seemed only an idle threat. But
they found a leader in the Comte de Mirabeau, deputy for the
Tiers £tat of Aix, a man of extraordinary ability, who in the
course of a tempestuous career had travelled much and learned
much. He courageously faced the situation, and after making
a reply to the Grand Master of the Ceremonies that the
deputies of France would only be expelled by force, he
induced the National Assembly to declare the persons of its
members inviolable. Sieyes summed up the situation by
telling the deputies: 'Gentlemen, you are to-day what you
were yesterday.' Before this daring opposition the King gave
way : on 25th June the minority of the Order of the Nobility,
consisting of forty-seven deputies, headed by the Marquis de
Lafayette, the friend of Washington, joined the National
Assembly, and two days later the majority of that Order reluc-
tantly followed their example at the command of the King.
The rapid transformation of the deputies of the Tiers Etat

The A ttitude of Louis XVI. 55

into a National Assembly, which defied the royal authority and
spoke of drawing up a new Constitution for France, exasperated
the courtiers, who looked with disgust at all attempts to modify
the ancien rkgitne. The King did not share their feelings ; he
was honestly desirous of doing his duty by his people, and
preferred the diminution of his royal prerogative to coming
into open conflict with his subjects and to initiating a civil
war. He had hitherto trusted to Necker and followed Necker's
advice. But the result had not been encouraging. His
minister had repeatedly put him in a false position. He had
been made to speak in a haughty tone to the deputies of the
Tiers 6tat at the Seance Royale on 23d June, and then to eat
his words by directing the deputies of the Nobility to join the
self-created National Assembly. This great concession seemed
to have been wrung from him ; the deputies of the Tiers 6tat
appeared to have won a great victory in the face of the royal
opposition, when in reality the King had yielded from the
goodness of his heart. Since he found that following the
advice of Necker had only resulted in a loss of authority, com-
bined with profound unpopularity, without improving the
financial prospect, Louis xvi. not unnaturally turned his atten-
tion to the enemies of the minister. These enemies were
headed by the Queen, Marie Antoinette, who resented Necker's
endeavours to restrain the extravagance of the Court and his
admission of the need to make concessions to the will of the
people, and by the King's younger brother, the Comte d'Artois,
a staunch supporter of the absolute prerogative of the Crown
and of the system of the ancien regime. Yielding unwillingly
to the arguments of the enemies of Necker and of the National
Assembly, the King determined to use force, and he began to
concentrate troops in the neighbourhood of Paris and Ver-
sailles. The National Assembly did not know what to do;
Mounier and other leaders had formed a committee to draw
up the bases of a new constitution ; but they had no force on
which they could depend to resist the royal troops, and felt
that they would probably be arrested and the Assembly

56 European History \ 1 789-1 790

dissolved long before the foundation of the Constitution was

laid. At this crisis Mirabeau again came to the front. With the

most daring audacity he attacked and revealed the policy of

Mirabeau's the Court on 8th July, and on 9th July carried an

the d Kin 8t ° address t0 the Kin S on the P art of the Assembly,
gthjuiy. requesting the immediate removal of the troops
collected in the neighbourhood, but protesting the loyalty of
the Assembly to the person of the King. But the King was
Dismissal now under the influence of the opponents of the
ofNecker. Assembly. His answer to Mirabeau's address
xathjuiy. wag ^ ^ sm i ssa i f Necker and his colleagues on
1 2th July, the banishment of Necker, and the appointment of
the Marechal de Broglie, an experienced general, who detested
the idea of change, to be Minister for War and Marshal-
General of the troops in the neighbourhood of Paris.

Hitherto the struggle had been between the Court and the
deputies of the Tiers 6tat ; the popular element was now to
intervene ; and the people of Paris was for the first time to
make its influence felt. The news of Necker's dismissal was
received in Paris with wrath and dismay. A young lawyer
without practice, named Camille Desmoulins, announced the
event to the crowd collected in the Palais Royal and incited his
hearers to resistance. His words were eagerly applauded. The
population of Paris, both bourgeois and proletariat, had watched
the course of events at Versailles with unflagging interest, and
the formation of a camp of soldiers in the neighbourhood with
terror. The working classes, who lived near the margin of
starvation, expected that the National Assembly would cause
in some way a rise in wages and a decrease in the price of
necessaries, and were exasperated at the prospect of the non-
fulfilment of their hopes. They had already sacked the house
of a manufacturer, named ReVeillon, who was reported to
have spoken scornful words of their poverty, on 28th April,
and were ready for any mischief. From the Palais Royal,
excited by the news and the words of Camille Desmoulins,
started a tumultuous procession bearing busts of Necker and

Capture of the Bastille 57

of the Duke of Orleans, a prince of the royal house, who had
been exiled by the King for previous opposition to him, and
who was regarded as a supporter of the popular claims. The
procession was charged by a German cavalry regiment in the
French service, commanded by the Prince de Lambesc, a near
relative of the Queen, and the mob dispersed to riot and to
pillage. The more patriotic rioters broke into the gunsmiths'
shops to seize weapons, the rest pillaged the butchers' and
bakers' shops, and burned the barriers where octroi duties were'
collected. This scene of riot brought about its own remedy.
The bourgeois, terrified for the safety'of their shops, took up
arms, and on the following day formed themselves Formation
into companies of national guards for the pre- of National
servation of the peace. The guidance of this Guard8 '
movement was taken by the electors of Paris, who, after com-
pleting their work of electing deputies for Paris, continued to
meet at the Hotel de Ville.

The 14th of July found the capital of France organised for
resistance. The Gardes Franchises, the force maintained for
the security of Paris, were devoted to the cause of the National
Assembly, and were resolved to fight with the people, not
against them. And it was ascertained that the soldiers in the
camp were very lukewarm in their attachment to their officers,
and were likely to refuse to attack the citizens. Under these
circumstances an idea arose that an armed demonstration of
the Parisians at Versailles would strengthen the King, whose
sentiments were well known, to resist the Court party and to
recall Necker. With this notion, large crowds approached the
Hotel des Invalides and the Bastille, the two principal store-
houses of arms in Paris. The crowd, which went to the
Hotel des Invalides, had no difficulty in seizing the arms
there, in spite of the opposition of the Governor. But it was
otherwise at the Bastille. The mob, which col- capture of
lected in the Governor's Court in that fortress and the Bastille,
shouted for arms, was isolated by the raising of I4th July *
the outer drawbridge and fired upon by the weak garrison in

58 European History, 1789- 1790

the Bastille itself. The sound of this firing brought a number of
armed men from other parts of the city ; the outer drawbridge
was cut down, and preparations were being made to force a
way into the fortress itself, when the garrison surrendered.
The result of the firing upon the mob in the Governor's Court
had been to kill eighty-three persons and wound many others.
The sight of the corpses and the cries of the wounded excited
the anger of the successful conquerors of the fortress. A panic
arose, and three officers and four soldiers of the garrison were
murdered. Then the more disciplined of the conquerors
started to take the rest of the defenders of the Bastille to
the Hotel de Ville. On the way the Governor and the Major
of the fortress were murdered by the mob, and M. de Flesselles,
the Provost of the merchants of Paris, who was accused of en-
couraging the Governor to resist, was also slain. By these
events the people of Paris felt that they had commenced a
war against the Crown ; entrenchments were thrown up and
barricades were erected in the streets ; all shops were shut up;
the barriers were closed; no one was allowed to leave the
city, and preparations were made to stand a siege.

But if the people of Paris were ready to fight, the King was not.
As has been said, he loathed the idea of civil war, and when he
heard of the capture of the Bastille and of the martial attitude
of Paris, he at once gave up the idea of opposing the revolu-
tionary movement by force. He dismissed his reactionary
Recall of ministers and recalled Necker, and he declared him-
Necker. self ready to co-operate with the National Assembly
I5t J y ' in restoring order. The first victories of the
Assembly had been won by its statesmanlike inaction in the
month of May and its courage on 23d June ; the victory over
the party of force had been won by Paris on 14th July. The
Assembly prepared to take advantage of this fresh success.
On 1 6th July it legalised the establishment of National Guards
and elective municipalities all over France, and recognising
that the only way to convince the Parisians that the King had
accepted the new situation and had abandoned the idea of

Results of the Capture of the Bastille 59

employing force, was to induce the King to visit Paris in per-
son, it proposed that he should do so at once. Louis xvi.
was not devoid of personal courage, and consented. On 17 th
July, accordingly, he entered Paris accompanied by The Ki ng « s
100 deputies, and amidst wild acclamation put on visit to Pans,
the tricolour cockade, which the Parisians had I7 J y "
assumed as their badge, and consented to the nomination of
Bailly, the President of the National Assembly, to be Mayor
of Paris, and of Lafayette to be Commander-in-chief of the
Paris National Guard. These concessions, and the victory of
the National Assembly and of Paris threw consternation among
the court party of reaction : the Comte d'Artois and those of
his adherents, who were most hated as conspicuous reaction-
aries or who had advocated the employment of force, fled
from the country.

The immediate results of the capture of the Bastille were
no less important in the provinces of France. In every city,
even in small country towns, mayors and municipalities were
elected and National Guards formed; in many the local citadels
were seized by the people ; in all the troops fraternised with the
people ; and in some there was bloodshed. This movement
was essentially bourgeois ; where blood was shed and pillage
took place at the hands of the working classes, the new
National Guards soon restored order. The general excite-
ment was so great that it is surprising that there was not more
bloodshed and that peace was so quickly and efficiently estab-
lished. Among these outbreaks the most noteworthy took
place in Paris itself, where on 21st July Foullon Murder of
de Doue, who had been nominated to succeed Foniion.
Necker on 12th July, and his son-in-law Berthier aistJuly -
de Sauvigny were murdered almost before the eyes of Bailly,
the new Mayor of Paris. But these occasional town riots were
speedily quelled by the armed bourgeois. Far more wide-
spread and important was the upheaval in the rural districts
of France.
The peasants believed that the time had come, when they

60 European History \ 1789- 1790

were to own their land free from copyhold rights or the relics
of feudal servitudes. Even the better-educated farmers for
their own interests favoured this idea. The result was a
regular jacquerie in many parts of France. The chateaux
of the lords were burnt, or in some instances only the charters
stored in them, and the lords' dovecotes and rabbit-warrens
were generally destroyed. In certain provinces the National
Guards of the neighbouring towns put down these rural out-
breaks, occasionally with great severity, but as a rule they ran
their course unchecked.

On 4th August a deputy named Salomon read a report on
these occurrences to the National Assembly, or as it is generally
The Session called from the Constitution it framed, the Con-
of 4th August, stituent Assembly. His report was followed by a
curious scene, which marked the transition from feudal to
modern France. The scene was opened by the sacrifice by
some of the young liberal noblemen of their feudal rights.
Privileges of all sorts, privileges of class, of town and of
province were solemnly abandoned. Feudal customs and
all relics of feudalism were condemned and declared to be
abolished. Even tithes were swept away, in spite of a protest
from Sieves, and the ' orgie,' as Mirabeau termed it, closed
with a decree that a monument should be erected to Louis xvi.,
' the restorer of French liberty/

But it was not possible to restore peace and prosperity to
France by the abolition of the relics of feudalism. Destruc-
tion of former anomalies and of a crumbling system of govern-
ment would inevitably lead to anarchy, unless accompanied by
the construction of a new scheme of central and local administra-
tion. It was here that the Constituent Assembly failed. The
deputies were quick to destroy but slow to construct. For
two months they wasted time instead of hastening to draw up
The DecUra- a new constitution for France. They first wrangled
Rights^ over the wordin g of sl Declaration of the Rights
Man. of Man, which they resolved to compile in imita-

tion of the founders of the American Republic. They then

The Suspensive Veto 61

debated lengthily whether the future representative assembly
of France should consist of one or two chambers, and whether
the King should have power to veto its acts. The first
question was decided in favour of a single chamber, more
because the English Constitution sanctioned two chambers,
and the deputies feared to be thought imitators, than for any
logical reason. And the debate on the second question ter-
minated in the grant to the King of a suspensive veto for six
months, in spite of the eloquence of Mirabeau, who saw that
a monarchical constitution, which gave the King no more
power than the President of the United States The suapen-
of America, would prove unworkable, because it «veVeto.
would divorce responsibility from real authority, leaving the
former to the King and the latter to the Legislature.

During the two months occupied by these debates the
situation had again become critical. Necker's only idea to
relieve the financial situation was to propose loans, which the
Assembly granted, but which he could not succeed in raising.
The King was again being acted upon by the Court party,
which advocated the use of force and the dissolution of the
Assembly, and this party was encouraged by the Queen and by
the King's sister, Madame Elizabeth. He was also urged to
leave the neighbourhood of Paris and to establish himself in
some provincial town, where the populace could be more easily
restrained by the regular troops. He would not heartily agree
to either of these courses, but weakly consented once more to
concentrate troops round his person. Everything advised at
Versailles was soon known in Paris. The journalists, who had
since the capture of the Bastille sprung up in the capital to
advocate the views of the popular party, and of whom the
ablest were Loustalot, editor of the Involutions dc Paris, and
Marat, editor of the Ami du Peuple, kept warning the people
of Paris against treason on the part of the King, and prophesying
dire consequences if he were allowed to leave the neighbour-
hood or to concentrate troops. Their words did not fall on
unheeding ears. The working classes feared a siege of Paris

62 European History, 1789- 1790

again as they had done in July, and looked on the King's
presence in Paris as the only means to keep down the price of
necessaries. The thinking bourgeois, whether liberal deputies
in the Assembly or national guards in Paris, feared a sudden
forced dissolution of the Assembly, and not only the loss of
the advantages they had gained but punishment for the part
they had played. Both these elements were perceptible in the
movement which followed. The description given in the
popular journals of a banquet at Versailles, honoured by the
presence of the royal family, at which the national cockade had
been trampled underfoot, on 1st October, roused the people
of Paris to a frenzy of wrath and fear. On 5 th October a
crowd of women collected in Paris, declaring that they were
The march of starving, and were led to Versailles by Maillard,
to V^TiieV one of the conquerors of the Bastille, followed by
5th October, a mob. The representatives of the women inter
viewed the King, and the mob prepared to spend the night
outside the palace walls. Late at night they were followed by
a powerful detachment of the National Guard of Paris, under
the command of Lafayette, who protested that he came to
save the King. Nevertheless, owing to bad management, some
of the mob broke into the palace before daybreak on the
morning of 6th October and murdered two of the royal body-
guards. Lafayette came to the rescue and demanded that the
King and royal family should come to Paris and take up their
residence at the Tuileries. The King, horrified by the events
of the morning, and obliged to obey Lafayette, consented, and
The King the royal family, accompanied by the mob, and
p r arif. htt ° escorte d by the National Guard, at once pro-
6th October, ceeded to the capital. This second victory of
the Parisians was not less important than the first : on 14th
July the people of Paris had terrified the King into abandoning
the idea of dissolving the National Assembly by force ; on 6th
October they brought him amongst them, so that if he again
conceived the idea, he would be unable to execute it.

The capture of the Bastille caused the most profound

The Belgian Revolution 63

astonishment in Europe. Where the people possessed some
amount of political liberty, as in the United States of America
and in England, it appealed to the imagination, and the French
were regarded as the conquerors of their freedom. In Effect in
the neighbourhood of France, in the Rhenish prin- Eur °P c -
cipalities, in Belgium, and above all in Ltege, it caused a
general sense of discontent and even riots. The despotic
monarchs of Europe and their principal ministers did not
pay so much attention to the capture of the Bastille as
did the inhabitants of free countries ; they did not for one
moment believe that the National Assembly would be
allowed to alter the old constitution of France, and looked
upon the whole of the popular movement with a favour-
able eye as likely to weaken France and prevent her from
interfering in the affairs of the Continent. They took care,
however, to suppress all similar risings in their own states.
The King of Sardinia and the Elector of Mayence were
especially severe; the Emperor's General d' Alton was more
than severe in Belgium ; and the King of Prussia sent General
Schlieffen with a strong force to restore the authority of the
Bishop of Liege. This attitude of the continental monarchs
was encouraged by the first French imigris, who loudly declared
that the success of the Assembly was due to the culpable
weakness of Louis xvi.

The tidings of the events of 5th and 6th October showed
both the French Smigris and the continental monarchs that they
were wrong in their estimate of the Revolution. That the
French royal family should be triumphantly brought to Paris
and be practically imprisoned in the Tuileries under the eyes of
the Parisian populace was a startling proof of the power of the
people. It proportionately encouraged the supporters of all
the popular movements on the French borders. Of these, the
most important was that which had already made so much
progress two years before in Belgium. The first The Belgian
result of the removal of the King of France to 5^° 1 , ^l n "
Paris was the Belgian Revolution of 1789, which jan.i7go.
filled almost as large a place in the eyes of contemporaries

64 European History, 1789- 1790

as the French Revolution itself. Encouraged by the Triple
Alliance, and more especially by Frederick William 11. of
Prussia, the Belgian exiles of both wings, the supporters
of Van der Noot, the advocate of the ancient Constitution,
and of Vonck, the radical, had formed a patriotic army at
Breda. The news of the events of 5th and 6th October
determined them to act. On 23d October the army under
Van der Mersch crossed the border, and on 24th October
Van der Noot issued a manifesto declaring the Emperor
Joseph deprived of his sovereignty over the Duchy of Brabant
for having violated its fundamental charter.

The march of the patriotic army was both rapid and suc-
cessful. Bruges and Ostend opened their gates to the exiles ;
the fort of St Pierre at Ghent was stormed ; and the Estates
of Flanders at once assembled, published a declaration of
independence, and called on the other provinces to join in
the movement. In Brabant the excitement was at its height
Trautmannsdorf in vain promised to restore the ' Joyeuse
Entree/ to abolish the Imperial Seminary at Brussels, and to
declare a general amnesty. The patriots would not trust him,
and Van der Mersch advanced into the Duchy and occupied
Tirlemont The people of Brussels then rose in insurrection.
From 7th to 12th December was a period of long-continued
riot and street righting. Many of the Austrian soldiers
deserted to the popular side, and those who remained true to
their colours were shot at from windows and refused to charge.
The advance of Van der Mersch set the seal upon d' Alton's
discomfiture. He made a capitulation on 12th December,
and marched out of Brussels, leaving his guns, military stores,
and military chest containing 3,000,000 florins behind. He
retreated to Luxembourg, the only province which remained
faithful to the House of Austria, and his example was followed
by the imperial garrisons of Malines, Antwerp, and Louvain,
which were abandoned to the patriots. D'Alton himself died
at Treves, it is said by taking poison, on being summoned to
Vienna to be tried by a court-martial, and was succeeded in

The Belgian Republic 65

command of the Austrian troops in Luxembourg by General
Bender. On 18th December the patriot committee entered
Brussels, headed by Van der Noot, who was hailed by the
people as the Belgian Franklin. On 7th January 1790 repre-
sentatives from all the provinces of the former Austrian Nether-
lands met at Brussels under the presidency of Cardinal
Frankenberg, Archbishop of Malines, and on 10th January
they passed a federal constitution for the * United Formation of
Belgian States,' resembling that of Holland, under ^^1^°
which each province was to preserve its internal iothjan. 170*.
independence, and only foreign affairs and national defence
were left to the central government. Van der Noot was chosen
Minister of State, and he at once asked for the official recogni-
tion of the new Belgian Constitution by the Triple Alliance,
whose ministers at the Hague, Lord Auckland, Count Keller,
and Van der Spiegel had, he asserted, promised to guarantee
the independence of the new United States of Belgium.
Frederick William 11. of Prussia endeavoured to carry out this
promise. He authorised one of his officers, General Schonfeld,
to organise the Belgian army, and ordered General Schlieffen
at Lidge to enter into communication with the new govern-
ment But England and Holland, though approving the in-
surrection of Belgium as affording a powerful counterpoise to
the Emperor's policy in the East, were in no hurry to guarantee
the new Republic, and Van der Noot then determined, under
the influence of the radicals or Vonckists, to solicit the help of
France, and announced the new Belgian Constitution in a
significant manner both to Louis xvi. and to the President of
the National Assembly.

The news of the declaration of the independence of the
Belgian provinces, and of the revolution which had led to it,
proved to be the death-blow of the Emperor Death of the
Joseph. To the Prince de Ligne, a native of f "££■"
Belgium, he said, just before his death, 'Your aoth Feb. 1790.
country has killed me ; the taking of Ghent is my agony ; the
evacuation of Brussels is my death. What a disgrace this is

PERIOD VII. E

66 European History, 1 789-1 790

for me ! I die ; I must be made of wood, if I did not. Go
to the Netherlands ; make them return to their allegiance. If
you do not succeed in the attempt, remain there. Do not
sacrifice your fortune for me ; you have children.' The dying
Emperor in his despair made concessions in every direction.
He humbled his pride to entreat the Pope to use his influ-
ence with the Belgian clergy. He gave in to the Hungarian
magnates, who demanded the repeal of his great reforms with
threats of insurrection ; and on 28th January 1790 he issued
his 'Revocatio Ordinationum quae sensu communi legibus
adversari videbantur,' by which he revoked all his reforms in
Hungary, except the edict of toleration and the decrees
against serfdom ; and on 18th February he ordered the Crown
of St. Stephen to be sent back to Pesth. He assented to the
suspension of his reforming edicts in Bohemia, and even in the
Tyrol, where an insurrection was on the point of breaking
out. Then, feeling his life a failure, he prepared for death.
He confessed and received the ordinances of the Church;
the last words he was heard to say were : * I believe I have
done my duty as a man and a prince/ and on the morning of
20th February he died. The words he wished to be written
on his grave were : ' Here rests a prince, whose intentions
were pure ; but who had the misfortune to see all his plans
miscarry ; ' but the people of Vienna, with a deeper sense of
the merits of the great ruler who had lived in their midst,
placed on his statue the inscription, ' Josepho secundo, arduis
nato, magnis perfuncto, majoribus praecepto, qui saluti publicse
vixit non diu, sed totus.' The failure of the career of Joseph,
the noblest sovereign of the eighteenth century, — one of
the noblest sovereigns of any century, — was a proof of
the fallacy of the eighteenth century conception of benevo-
lent despotism. He had tried to accomplish in his dominions
the very measures of reform which the Constituent Assembly
had undertaken in France. The abolition of the relics of
feudalism, the creation of a spirit of nationality, based upon
the existence of uniform laws, the nationalisation of the

Joseph's Reforms 67

Church and of education, the removal of all caste privileges,
whether in the payment of taxes or in eligibility for public
employment, and the maintenance of good internal administra-
tion,-the primary aims and the great achievements of the Revolu-
tion in France, were also the objects of Joseph's reforms. But
everything was to be done for the people, nothing by the
people, and it is doubtful whether, if Joseph had been in the
place of Louis xvi., the French people would have relished the
advantages he might have conferred. The spirit of locality
was perhaps not so strong in France as in the hereditary
dominions of the House of Austria. Dauphin6 and Bur-
gundy did not differ from Brittany and Normandy as much as
Bohemia and Hungary, Belgium and the Milanese differed
from each other. Yet the abolition of local distinctions might
have been resented in France, as it was in the dominions of
Joseph, if it had been accomplished by the monarch, instead
of being the work of elected representatives. It is indeed
remarkable that, allowing for the want of exactness in the
parallel, owing to the difference of local conditions, the very
reforms, which rallied all France to the side of the Revolu-
tion, should have led to the disastrous termination of the
Emperor Joseph's reign, and it is difficult to avoid coming
to the conclusion that the whole subject illustrates the grand
distinction between the eighteenth and the nineteenth cen-
turies, the distinction between alterations in the political,
social,, or economical conditions of a state made by a
monarch for his people, and by a people for itself.

Louis xvi., indeed, showed himself a very different type of
monarch from Joseph. He wished for the good of his people
as ardently as his brother-in-law, but he had during the early
years of his reign been satisfied with wishing for reforms,
instead of energetically initiating them. When the success of
the Revolution was assured by the policy of the deputies of
the Tiers £tat, by the capture of the Bastille and by his own
establishment at Paris, he never thought of setting him-
self at the head of the party of reform. He did not openly

68 European History, 1789- 1 790

ally himself with the Tiers ]£tat, to vanquish the opposition of
the nobles, as Gustavus 111. of Sweden had done ; he did not
dream of outbidding the National Assembly for popularity by
lavish promises, as other monarchs before and since have
done; and he did not even try to share the credit of the
representatives of the people by exhibiting an ardent zeal for
reform. The horror he felt for civil war was not recognised ;
his partial yielding to the Court party of reaction in July and
October, though at so late a date and so half-heartedly as to
nullify any chance of its success, was imputed to him as a
crime ; and the difficulty presented by the fact that his dearest
relatives, his Queen, Marie Antoinette, and his sister, Madame
Elizabeth, were against all reform, was never fully appreciated.
In consequence, the King's real wishes to please his people
and avoid bloodshed were looked on as simulated by the
members of the National Assembly, and not only Louis him-
self, but the very principle of the French monarchy, were
regarded as hostile to representative institutions. Louis xvi.
was as weak as Joseph 11. was energetic, but he was equally
well-intentioned ; and it was a distinct misfortune, both for
himself and for France, that the value of the passive inert-
ness, which he generally opposed to the reactionary schemes
of his family and of the partisans of the ancien rtgime, was
not adequately recognised.

This attitude towards the King had an important effect upon
the constitution which the Constituent Assembly was engaged
The New in framing during the year 1790. Only the main
ftitutioi^ 0n P omts i n tne growth of this Constitution, which
1789-1791. occupied the greater part of the time of the
Assembly from 1789 to 1791, can here be touched upon.
But one striking feature must first be observed, that it was
drawn up and applied piecemeal, not as an organic whole, like
the later French constitutions of the revolutionary period.
The first important principle was decreed upon 1 2 th November
1789, when it was resolved that all the old local divisions of
France, which perpetuated the memory of the gradual growth

The French Constitution of 1791 69

of the French provinces into France, should be abolished,
and that the country should be divided into eighty depart-
ments of nearly equal size. It was naturally some months
before the new division was effected, and still longer before
the further division of each department into districts, and each
district into cantons was finished. No wiser step for converting
France from a congeries of provinces into a nation could have
been devised. On the basis of the new divisions a new local
government was established. Each department and district
was to be administered by elected authorities, elaborately
chosen by a system of double election. Next to the local
government, the judicial system was reorganised. The Parle-
ments were all abolished, and local courts, consisting of
elected judges of departmental and district tribunals, and
elected justices of the peace, were substituted. A uniform
system of law was projected, and juries were sanctioned in
criminal but not in civil cases. In these sweeping reforms one
natural blemish is perceptible : from having no elected officials
the other extreme was adopted of having all officials elected.

The mania for election affected the reform of the ecclesias-
tical arrangements of France, and directly brought about the
schism, which so largely contributed to the misfortunes of
France during the revolutionary period. On 2d November
1789 it had been resolved, in the face of the financial distress,
that the property of the Church in France should be confis-
cated or resumed, as it was represented by opposite parties,
while acknowledging the duty of providing and paying curds
and bishops. This implied the formation of a State Church,
a measure which needed the most delicate handling. On 13th
February 1790 all monasteries and religious houses were
suppressed ; but as there had already been a partial suppres-
sion a few years previously, this would not by itself have
caused a schism. It was otherwise with regard to The Civil
the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. It was re- Constitution
solved to reduce the number of bishoprics to one of thc Clergy
for each department, and that all the beneficed clergy, from

70 European History, 1789- 1790

cur£s to bishops, should be elected. This violation of a
fundamental principle of the Catholic Church could not be
allowed to pass unchallenged, and when the Constituent
Assembly found that opposition was raised, it drove matters
to a crisis by ordering that every beneficed ecclesiastic should
take an oath to observe the new Civil Constitution of the
Clergy. This oath was generally refused by the bishops and
dignitaries, and largely by the parochial clergy, and it was re-
solved by the Assembly, on 27th November 1790, that all
who refused the oath within one week should be held to
be dismissed from their offices. The King sanctioned this
decree on 26th December 1790, and the great schism in
France began. It was doubtful at first whether apostolical
succession could be preserved in the new Church of France.
Only four beneficed bishops, including Lomenie de Brienne,
Cardinal Archbishop of Sens, and Talleyrand, Bishop of
Autun, out of one hundred and thirty-five, and three coadjutor
bishops, or bishops in partibus^ including Gobel, Bishop of
Lydda, consented to take the oath, but by them the first of
the elected bishops of departmental sees were consecrated.

The measures of the Constituent Assembly in abolishing
the old provincial divisions and law courts, and substituting
new and more modern arrangements for administration, were
in the nature of great reforms, though marred by the mania
for election; the attempt to establish a Gallican Church, though
obviously opposed to the discipline of the Catholic Church,
and seriously discounted by the same mania, was patriotic, if
not very wise ; but the arrangements for the central admini-
stration were utterly absurd. In their dislike of the system of
the ancien rigime, and their fear of a strong executive, the
Constituent Assembly thought it could not do enough to
hamper the authority of the throne and of the central admini-
stration. The King, under the new Constitution, was left power-
less. He was to be the first functionary of the State, nothing
more. His veto on the measures of the Legislature was to
have effect for only six months ; his guards were suppressed,

The French Constitution of 1791 71

and his position made untenable for a strong monarch, and
unbearable for a weak one. The ministers were invested with
supreme executive authority, but more regulations were made
to ensure their responsibility and limit their actual power,
than to define their functions. They were to be answerable
to the Legislature, in which they were not allowed to sit ; and
their measures were to be criticised by an irresponsible repre-
sentative assembly. Under such regulations the King and his
ministers, that is, the executive, were put in a position of
inferiority, which no vigorous man could be expected to
accept, to the inevitable derangement of the whole admini-
strative machine. In addition to the Constitution, the Con-
stituent Assembly carried several measures of the greatest
importance to a free state. All citizens, of whatever religion
or class, were declared eligible for employment by the State ;
and on 13th April 1790 a noble decree, declaring the most
absolute and entire toleration of every form of religion, was
carried. The Constitution of 1791 was, on the whole, a
praiseworthy effort of untried legislators to give their country
a representative constitution. It was marred only by the
fatal jealousy of giving due authority to the executive, and the
mania for election. But it was in no way democratic. For
the election to all offices was to be by at least two degrees,
and no man was to have a vote unless he was an 'active
citizen.' To be an active citizen, a man had to contribute to
the direct taxation of the country an amount equivalent in
value to three days 7 wages in his locality. Further, to be
eligible for office, a candidate had to pay taxes of the value of
a * silver mark/ which inevitably restricted all offices to the
bourgeois, or very prosperous working men.

Though the main occupation of the Constituent Assembly
was the building up of the Constitution of 1791, it interfered
only too much in matters of current administration, other acts
It was soon obvious that its power exceeded that ^tuent 011 "
of the King, and it has been observed that Van der Assembly.
Noot announced the new Belgian Constitution alike to the

72 European History \ 1789- 1790

King and the President of the Assembly, as to authorities of
equal importance. The mischief produced by this constant
interference was perceptible in every department of govern-
ment. Mirabeau, who was a profound master of state-craft,
saw through the fallacies of endeavouring to separate the
legislative and executive powers in the State, and, what was
implied in the preponderance of a legislature in which the
ministers had no seat, to divorce authority from responsibility.
He understood and approved of the English system, and as
soon as the Constituent Assembly had removed to Paris in
October 1789, after the establishment of the King at the
Tuileries, and he had got the ear of the Court through his
friend, La Marck, Mirabeau proposed the formation of a
constitutional ministry, after the English fashion, from among
the leading members of the Assembly. His scheme got noised
abroad : the Assembly in its fear of the executive, which was
afterwards consecrated in the Constitution of 1791, and
stimulated by Lafayette, who dreaded the influence of a strong
ministry, passed a motion on 7 th November, that no member
of the Assembly could take office as a minister while he
remained a deputy, or for three years after his resignation.

The spirit, which lay at the root of this decree, showed
itself in other ways. The fear of the influence of the Crown
extended itself to the army and navy, as the natural instruments
of the Crown for re-establishing its former authority. The army,
already disorganised by the emigration of many of its officers,
was practically destroyed in its efficiency as a fighting machine
by the relaxation of discipline among the soldiers, caused not
only by the actual decrees of the Assembly, but by the im-
punity allowed to desertion and mutiny. The Marquis de
Bouilte, the general commanding at Metz, did indeed put
down a military mutiny at Nancy on 31st August 1790, but
his action, though applauded by the Assembly, which could
not openly encourage mutiny, was isolated and not imitated.
In the navy matters were even more desperate, for a larger
proportion of officers deserted, resigned, or emigrated than in

Mirabeau 73

the army, and loss of discipline is even more disastrous
in a naval than in a military force. The weakness of the
army was intended to be compensated by the enrolment
of national guards. But these citizen soldiers could not
be treated with the strictness of regular troops. They were
chiefly of the bourgeois class, and had the prejudices of
that class, caring more for the protection of their property
than for military efficiency. In Paris they were of. the
most importance, owing to their numbers, and their com-
mander-in-chief, Lafayette, probably the most powerful man
in France in 1790. The framing of the Constitution, and
the disorganisation of the central authority and its instru-
ments were the chief results of the labours of the Constituent
Assembly in 1790 ; but among its minor acts should be noted
the abolition of titles of nobility, liveries and other relics of
social pre-eminence on 13th July 1790, as an evidence of its de-
sire to extirpate even the outward signs of the ancien rigime.

Only one man seems to have understood the dangers to
which France was drifting owing to the policy of the Constituent
Assembly, and that man was Mirabeau. He had
done more than any man to assure the victory
of the Tiers 6tat in June 1789; he was the greatest orator
and greatest statesman the revolutionary crisis had produced.
Mirabeau, however, hated anarchy as much as he did despotism.
He saw the absolute necessity of establishing a strong executive,
if the crisis of 1789, the dissolution of the old authorities, the
unpunished riots in towns, and the jacquerie in the rural
districts were not to lead to anarchy. Foiled in his prudent
scheme of selecting a strong ministry from the Constituent
Assembly 1 by the vote of 7th November 1789, Mirabeau saw
that it was impossible to overcome the distrust of the Assembly
for the executive. He therefore turned to the Court, and in
May 1790 he became the secret adviser of the King through
the mediation of his friend La Marck. In a series of memoirs

1 On Mirabeau's proposed Ministries, see A History of the French
Revolution, by H. Morse Stephens, vol. i., pp. 246 and 247.

74 European History, 1789- 1790

or notes for the Court of surpassing political wisdom, Mirabeau
analysed the situation of affairs and proposed remedies. The
two main dangers were the state of the finances and the fear of
foreign intervention. Mirabeau's horror of national bankruptcy
was as great as his personal extravagance in expenditure. In
September 1789 he advocated Necker's scheme of a general
contribution, though it was accompanied by stipulations which
were certain to make it almost entirely unproductive, and he
personally disapproved of it ; in December 1789 he grudgingly
acquiesced in the first issue of * assignats ' or promises to pay,
based on the value of the property of the Church, resumed or
confiscated by the Assembly, and to be extinguished as this
property was sold. In August 1790 he went yet further. Com-
prehending that men are mainly influenced by their pecuniary
interests, he advocated a wide extension of the system of
assignats, down to small sums, on the grounds that they would
then be able to reach the hands of the poorer classes and give
them an interest in their maintaining their value, and would also
frustrate the machinations of speculators, who began to make
money by depreciating the exchange of specie against the new
paper currency. But he also wisely proposed and successfully
carried severe regulations for the extinction of assignats as
the national property was realised, regulations which, unfortu-
nately, were not strictly observed. His decree was followed
in September 1 790 by the retirement of Necker from office,
and it is a significant proof of the change in popular opinion
that the final retirement of the minister, whose dismissal in
July 1789 had brought about the capture of the Bastille, was
received without excitement.

The other great danger which France incurred, by the dis-
organising policy of the Constituent Assembly, was the
possibility of the armed intervention of foreign powers.
Mirabeau thought that if national bankruptcy and the interfer-
ence of foreigners could be avoided, the anarchy, which was
making itself felt, might soon be quelled. He did not fear
civil war; indeed, he argued that it might be a positive

TJie Views of Mirabeau 75

advantage, and that as long as the King did not retract his
concession of a representative constitution, a large portion of
his subjects would support him in winning back the legitimate
authority of the executive. But foreign war was to him an evil
to be feared as much as national bankruptcy. He knew the
spirit of his countrymen well, and that they would in case of
national disaster submit to any despotism rather than submit
to the dictation or the interference of a foreign power in their
internal affairs. Success in a foreign war owing to the state of
the army was not to be expected, but if it did come, it would
with almost equal certainty lead to the despotism of the con-
quering government, whether it were the reigning monarch, his
successor, or a victorious general. To avoid a foreign war
it was necessary as far as possible to leave the conduct of
foreign affairs in the hands of the King. This was Mirabeau's
intention in the great debate on the right of declaring peace
and war in May 1790, and he succeeded in getting the
Assembly to sanction the initiation of peace or war as part of
the duties of the King. But at this period Louis xvi. was too
weak or too unwilling to understand the paramount necessity
of maintaining peace. Mirabeau, therefore, got himself elected
to a special Diplomatic Committee of the Constituent As-
sembly, and as its reporter endeavoured throughout the year
1790 to keep France clear of international complications.

Unfortunately neither Louis xvi. nor his ministers, and
still less Marie Antoinette, grasped the truth of Mirabeau's
memoirs for the Court. On the contrary, the one idea of the
Queen was to get her brother, the Emperor Leopold, to inter-
fere, and, if necessary, by force of arms to restore the power
of the French monarch. The King, too, was startled at
Mirabeau's ideas ; he felt no horror at the notion of a foreign
war, but would suffer anything rather than engage in a civil
war. The wise advice of the great statesman went
unheeded ; both King and Queen regarded their ^ the™
connection with him as the clever muzzling of a Court -
dangerous revolutionary leader. They could not comprehend

76 European History, 1789- 1790

his desire to establish a strong executive for the sake of France,
and looked on it as a bit of personal ambition. The King was
not sufficiently far-seeing, nor the Queen sufficiently patriotic to
understand his views. If the Constituent Assembly distrusted
the Court, the King and Queen no less strongly distrusted
Mirabeau.

As reporter of the Diplomatic Committee, Mirabeau had
three different problems to solve, in which the policy of the
Assembly came in contact with foreign powers, the affairs of
Avignon, the maintenance of the Pacte de Famille with Spain,
and the interference caused by the legislation of the Assembly
with the Princes of the Empire who owned fiefs of the Empire
in Alsace.

The city of Avignon and the county of the Venaissin,
though inhabited by Frenchmen and surrounded by French
territory, were under the sovereignty of the Pope. As early
as the 'orgie* of 4th August 1789 the Constituent Assembly
had pronounced on the expediency of uniting both the
city and the county with France. A French party was
formed in Avignon ; and a free municipal constitution
after the model of those just established in France was
framed and assented to by the Cardinal Vice-Legate in
April 1790. The Pope, however, annulled his deputy's assent,

K . with the result that fierce street fighting took place

Avignon . , , , .

and the in the city, which was only stopped by the mter-
venaissin. V ention of the National Guard of the neighbouring
French city of Orange. The result of these events was that
the city of Avignon, or at least the French party there, declared
Avignon united to France on 12th June 1790. The inhabi-
tants of the Venaissin, on the other hand, declared their
attachment for the Pope, and their wish to remain subject to
him. When these circumstances became known in Paris a
strong party showed itself in the Assembly in favour of
accepting the union of Avignon with or without the Pope's
assent. Mirabeau skilfully averted the danger of a flagrant
breach of international law by securing the appointment of an

The Affair of Nootka Sound 77

Avignon Committee, and when it became necessary to send
regular troops to maintain order in the city, he secured their
despatch thither without the assumption of any rights of
sovereignty.

Far more serious was the question which arose in May
1790, and which gave rise to the debate in the Constituent
Assembly on the right of declaring peace and war, for it
brought into prominence a doubt whether the Assembly
should recognise the treaties made by the French monarchy.
Of these treaties, the most popular in France, and The Affair
the first to be brought into evidence, was the Pacte sound!?"
de Famille, which had been concluded in 1761 May 1790.
by Choiseul between France and Spain. Charles iv. had
succeeded his able and accomplished father, Charles in.,
on 1 2th December 1788. The new monarch was completely
under the influence of his wife, Marie Louise, a princess of
Parma, who in her turn was governed by a young guardsman,
her lover, Godoy. Charles iv. made a friend of Godoy, a
fact which of itself shows the essential weakness of his
character. He, as well as his Queen, was, outwardly at least,
deeply religious, and it was pretty certain that before long a
reaction would take place at the Spanish Court against the
liberal rkgime, which, in the previous reign, under the
administration of Aranda and Florida Blanca, Campomanes
and Jovellanos, had done so much for Spain. But for the
first three years of his reign, Charles iv. maintained his
father's experienced ministers, with the assent of the Queen,
who did not dare at once to introduce her lover into the
ministry, or invest him openly with power. Florida Blanca,
the Spanish minister, with Spanish pride, refused to recognise
the actual weakness of Spain, and was particularly active in
maintaining her supremacy in America. When, therefore,
Vancouver Island was demonstrated to be an island and not
a peninsula, he claimed its possession for Spain, and also
alleged pre-colonisation. But he went further. Spanish officers
had seized an English ship in Nootka Sound, now St. George's

78 European History, 1789- 1790

Sound, in Vancouver Island, had destroyed an English settle-
ment there, and had even insulted an English naval captain.
When Pitt demanded reparation, Florida Blanca replied
haughtily, and claimed the possession of the island on the
grounds stated. Pitt at once sent one of the ablest English
diplomatists, Alley ne Fitzherbert, afterwards Lord St. Helens,
to threaten to declare war, and prepared a great fleet, known in
English naval history as the Spanish Armament.

Both Pitt and Florida Blanca knew that a war between Eng-
land and Spain would only be seriously undertaken if France
decided to intervene. Florida Blanca claimed the assistance
of France under the terms of the Pacte de Famille, and Pitt,
who understood that power had passed from Louis xvi, to the
Constituent Assembly, sent two secret emissaries to Paris to
see if the Assembly was inclined to maintain the policy of the
ancien regime. One of these emissaries was Hugh Elliot,
brother of Sir Gilbert Elliot, afterwards Lord Minto, an old
schoolfellow of Mirabeau, who was expected to influence the
orator, and the other, William Augustus Miles, who was to
ally himself with the leading democratic deputies. The
question came before the Constituent Assembly on a letter
from the Comte de Montmorin, Minister for Foreign Affairs.
The enthusiasm in the Assembly for the maintenance of the
Spanish Alliance was extreme, defiance was hurled at England,
Spain's faithful adherence to the Pacte de Famille in the Seven
Years' War and the War of American Independence was
remembered, and a fleet for active service was ordered to be
got ready at Brest, and sixteen new ships of war built. But
the first burst of enthusiasm soon cooled. Some deputies
feared war would strengthen the monarchy, others did not like
to be bound by the treaties, especially the dynastic treaties of
the ancien regime, and others again, headed by Robespierre
and Pe'tion, inveighed against the idea of any offensive war.
The whole question was referred to the Diplomatic Committee.
Mirabeau, who knew perfectly well that Spain would not fight
without the aid of France, read an able report, recommending

Complications in Alsace 79

that the Pacte de Famille should be changed to a simple
defensive treaty, which was adopted. The Court of Spain,
seeing that no help was to be got from France under these
circumstances, resigned its pretensions to Vancouver Island,
and consented to pay the compensation demanded by England.
This diplomatic victory of England exasperated the Spaniards;
Charles iv. was surprised and disgusted at the concessions
made by Louis xvi., and declared them a breach of the Pacte
de Famille ; and by her conduct France lost the friendship of
her closest ally of the eighteenth century.

The third question in which the new state of things in
France touched the diplomatic system of old Europe and
threatened to cause international complications, The Rights of
which might lead to a foreign war, was concerned J£' EmS" in
with the fiefs of the Empire in Alsace. By the Alsace.
Treaty of Westphalia that province had been ceded to France
in full and entire sovereignty, but reserving the rights of the
Empire. The complications caused by this ambiguous
arrangement had raised perpetual difficulties throughout the
reigns of Louis xiv. and Louis xv., and many separate treaties
had been concluded with individual princes, by which they
recognised the sovereignty of France in Alsace, in return for
the acknowledgment of all their ancient rights. A further
problem was added by the fact that the more important
princely landowners in Alsace were also ruling and independent
sovereigns across the French border. They were thus supreme,
' save for the loose over-lordship of the Emperor in Germany,
and subject to the French monarchy for their domains in
Alsace. Among the principal of these rulers were the three
ecclesiastical electors, the Archbishops of Mayence, Treves,
and Cologne, the Bishops of Strasbourg, Spires, Worms, and
Basle, the Abbot of Murbach, the Dukes of Wiirtemburg and
of Deux-Ponts or Zweibriicken, the Elector Palatine, the
Margrave of Baden, the Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, and
the Princes of Nassau, Leiningen, Salm-Salm, and Hohenlohe-
Bartenstein. These princes were naturally profoundly affected

80 European History \ 1789- 1790

by the abolition of feudalism decreed by the Constituent
Assembly, which further complicated their position. They
felt as German princes, and appealed against the measures of
the Assembly as contrary to international law, and violating
the Treaty of Westphalia and the many separate treaties. The
protests of certain of these princes were laid before the
Assembly on nth February 1790, and referred by it to the
Feudal Committee on 28th April. The reporter of the Com-
mittee on this matter was Merlin of Douai, one of the greatest
French jurists and statesmen of the whole revolutionary period.
On 28th October he read his report, in which he insisted on
the new principle of the sovereignty of the people. He
asserted that the unity of Alsace with France rested not on
ancient treaties, but on the unanimous resolution of the
Alsatian people to be Frenchmen But at the same time he
argued that in practice old rights ought to be maintained.
Mirabeau, with his usual sagacity, saw that international com-
plications might, on this ground, be adjourned, if not
altogether avoided; and it was on his motion that the
Constituent Assembly resolved to uphold the sovereignty of
France in Alsace, and the application of all its decrees to that
province, but at the same time requested the King to arrange
the amount of indemnity to be paid to the Princes of the
Empire as compensation for the rights of which they were
thus deprived. These princes, however with but very few
exceptions, refused absolutely to accept any monetary com-
pensation, and appealed to the Diet of the Empire. It was
on this question, therefore, that foreign intervention most
seriously threatened France at the end of 1790, in spite of the
diplomatic knowledge and skill of two of her leading states-
men, Mirabeau and Merlin of Douai.

While Mirabeau was doing his best to keep France from the
disturbance, and even disasters, which a foreign war would
cause in the midst of her new development, the Queen cast
all her hopes for the restoration of the power of the French
monarchy on the armed help of foreign states. Louis xvi. in

The Position of Leopold 81

a half-hearted fashion was opposed to foreign interference, but
his younger brother, the Comte d'Artois, and the French
emigres, who had established themselves on the borders of
France, declared that the King was not in his right senses, and
that he was forced to yield to the measures of the Constituent
Assembly against his will. They felt no patriotic misgivings,
and loudly invoked the assistance of all monarchs in the cause
of monarchy and the feudal system. The ruler on whom the
Queen chiefly relied, and to whom she appealed most fervently,
the monarch to whom the SmigrSs looked with most confidence,
was Leopold, the brother and successor of Joseph n. He held
the key of the position ; he was the sovereign especially feared
by the leaders of the Constituent Assembly, and as Emperor
and as brother of Marie Antoinette he was expected by the
royalists to intervene in the affairs of France.

PERIOD VII

CHAPTER III

1 790-1 792

The Emperor Leopold — His Internal Policy — The Policy of Prussia — Leopold's
Foreign Policy — Conference of Reichenbach — Leopold and the Turks —
Treaty of Sistova— Leopold crowned Emperor— Leopold and Hungary-
State of Parties in Belgium— Their Internal Dissensions— Congress at the
Hague— Leopold reconquers Belgium — War between Russia and Sweden
— Treaty of Verela — War between Russia and the Turks— Capture of Ismail
— Treaty of Jassy — Position of Leopold— The State of France — Mirabeau's
advice— Death of Mirabeau — The Flight to Varennes — Its Results:
in France — The Massacre of 17th July 1791— Revision of the Constitution
—Its Results : in Europe— Manifesto of Padua — Declaration of Pilnitz—
Completion of the French Constitution of 1791— The Polish Constitution
of 1791 — The Legislative Assembly in France— The Girondins — Approach
of War between France and Austria— Causes of the War — Attitude of
Europe— Death of the Emperor Leopold— Murder of Gustavus in. of
Sweden— Policy of Dumouriez— War declared by France against Austria
— Invasion of the Tuileries, 20th June 1792 — Francis 11. crowned Emperor
— Invasion of France by Piussia and Austria— Insurrection of 10th August
1792 — Suspension of Louis xvi.— Desertion of Lafayette— The Massacres
of September in the prisons — Battle of Valmy — Meeting of the National
Convention— The Girondins and the Mountain— Conquest of Savoy,
Nice, and Mayence — Battle of Jemmappes — Conquest of Belgium-
Execution of Louis XVI.— War declared against Spain, Holland, England
and the Empire — Catherine invades Poland— Overthrow of the Polish
Constitution — Second Partition of Poland — Contrast between the resist-
ance of France and Poland.

The successor of Joseph 11., the Emperor Leopold, was, except
The Emperor perhaps Catherine of Russia, the ablest monarch of
Leopold. his time. He had had a long experience in the art
of government, for he had succeeded to the sovereignty of the
Grand Duchy of Tuscany in 1765, on the death of his father,
the Emperor Francis of Lorraine. While his brother Joseph

S2

The Emperor Leopold 83

was kept until 1780 by Maria Theresa in leading-strings as
far as the actual administration of the Hapsburg dominions
was concerned, and was only able to exert his authority
as Emperor, Leopold had from his boyhood been an absolute
and irresponsible sovereign, and had imbibed from his educa-
tion an Italian knowledge of statecraft. During his long
reign in Tuscany he showed the finest qualities of a benevolent
despot in his measures for increasing the material comforts of
his people, combined with tact and diplomatic subtlety. His
reforms were as sweeping as those of Joseph, but were so
managed as not to set his dominions in a flame. With the
help of Scipio de Ricci, Bishop of Pistoia, he freed the people
of Tuscany from the heavy burden of an excessive number
of ecclesiastics ; he reorganised the internal administration,
and especially the judicial system; and he showed such
intelligence in grasping and partially applying the new prin-
ciples of political economy as to be called * the physiocratic
prince.' He had been Grand Duke of Tuscany for twenty-
five years, and when he succeeded his elder brother Joseph as
King of Hungary and Bohemia in February 1 790, he had earned
the reputation of a singularly wise and prudent statesman, and
of one who, if it could be done, might be expected to restore
the power of the House of Austria. He abandoned the Grand
Duchy of Tuscany to his second son Ferdinand, and at once
applied himself to the difficult task bequeathed to him by
Joseph 11.

Leopold found the power of Austria seriously affected by
dangers from within and dangers from without. Policy of
He at once undid much of Joseph's work. He Leopold,
recognised the difference between consolidating and unifying
a nation, which was essentially one, and a congeries of nations
speaking different languages, belonging to different races, and
geographically widely separated. In Tuscany he had accom-
plished a great work in abolishing the local franchises of the
cities and building up a Tuscan state, but he understood that
such a work was impossible in the divided hereditary dominions

84 European History, 1790- 1792

of the House of Hapsburg, and that the Emperor Joseph had
been attempting a hopeless task. Leopold's first step was, there-
fore, to restore the former state of things in such parts of his
dominions as were not in open insurrection. In Austria
proper, in Bohemia, in the Milanese, and in the Tyrol, the
concessions of Leopold were received with demonstrations of
popular gratitude. He abolished the new system of taxation
and the unpopular seminaries ; he recognised the separate
administrations of provinces which were essentially diverse;
he gave up futile attempts at unification. But, at the same
time, he maintained the edict of religious toleration, the most
noble of Joseph's reforms, and introduced many slight but
appreciable improvements in the local institutions which he
restored. Having thus assured the fidelity of an important
body of his subjects, he prepared to deal with the declared
rebels in Belgium and the unconcealed opposition in Hungary.
It was here that Leopold suffered most from the foreign policy
of Maria Theresa and Joseph, for it was indisputable that the
prevalent discontent and insurrection in Belgium and Hungary
was fostered by the Triple Alliance, and especially by Prussia,
He had a serious war with the Turks on his hands ; his ally,
Catherine of Russia, was too much occupied with her wars
with the Swedes and Turks and with the affairs of Poland,
to come to his help; France, excited by her internal dissen-
sions, and with the Assembly indisposed to the maintenance of
the Treaty of 1756, might almost be reckoned an enemy ; the
Empire had been roused to distrust by the policy of Joseph,
and the Triple Alliance was openly hostile. Under these cir-
cumstances Prussia appeared at once the chief power on the
Continent and the principal enemy of Austria, and it was with
Prussia that Leopold first resolved to deal.

The events of the year 1789 had greatly improved the
position of Prussia on the Continent. The pretensions of
Joseph to Bavaria had made Frederick William 11., as it had
made Frederick the Great, the real leader of the Princes
of the Empire, and the Triple Alliance had done more to

The Policy of Prussia 85

improve and strengthen his position in Europe. The classic
policy of Prussia was consistent opposition to The Policy
Austria, and Hertzberg, the Prussian minister, in of Prussia,
pursuance of this policy, had made use of all Joseph's mistakes
to lower the power of the House of Hapsburg. He felt it
necessary, indeed, to disavow a treaty with the Turks, which
the too zealous Prussian envoy had signed in January 1 790,
but he was eager to make use of the difficulties of Russia and
Austria caused by the Turkish war to forward Prussia's
designs on Poland. His main aim was to obtain the cession of
the important Polish cities of Thorn and Dantzic, which would
give Prussia complete control of the great river Vistula.
The ablest Prussian diplomatist, Lucchesini, was sent to
Warsaw, and on 29th March 1790 he signed a treaty of friend-
ship and union with the Poles, by which Poland was to cede
Thorn and Dantzic to Prussia in return for the retrocession of
part of Austrian Galicia, which had fallen to Austria at the
first partition, while Prussia promised to guarantee the territory
and constitution of Poland, and to send an army of 18,000
men to the help of the Poles if they were attacked.

This treaty, shameless even in its epoch for its desertion of
allies, breach of former engagements and absence of good faith,
was highly approved by Frederick William 11. and Hertzberg.
They would not have dared to conclude it but for the seeming
weakness of Russia and Austria, the partners in the former
partition. Russia was hampered by the Swedish and Turkish
wars, and the discontent of the ceded provinces of Poland.
Austria was in a still more desperate condition. With the
Turkish war still unconcluded, with open insurrection in
Belgium, and disaffection in Hungary, unpopular in the Empire,
and deprived of the alliance of France by the unconcealed
dislike of the Assembly to the Treaty of 1756, it seemed as if the
House of Hapsburg must now give way entirely to the House
of Hohenzollern. Of the active encouragement given to the
Turks, the Belgians, the Hungarians, and the Princes of the
Empire against Austria by Prussia, mention has been made.

86 European History \ 1790- 1792

Not less skilful was the conduct of the Prussian ambassador at
Paris, Goltz, who intrigued with the more extreme leaders in
the Assembly, and especially Potion, 1 against Austria, and in
particular did all in his power to increase the growing un-
popularity of Marie Antoinette and to insist that she was a
traitor to France.

Had a less able statesman than Leopold been the successor
The Policy of Joseph, the schemes of Prussia might have
of Leopold, been crowned with success. But he had not ruled
in the native city of Machiavelli for a quarter of a century for
nothing; and he set to work to checkmate the designs of
Hertzberg and Frederick William 11. His wise measures of
conciliation speedily rallied the heart of the hereditary
dominions to him ; and he determined to use diplomacy to
establish his position in Europe before he dealt with Belgium
and Hungary. He quickly perceived that Prussia's real
strength lay in the support of the Triple Alliance; her
financial situation was such that she dared not undertake a
serious war without the active countenance of England and
Holland. He knew that it was worse than hopeless to rely
upon France, and therefore at once applied to England. He
protested that he did not share his brother's attachment for
Russia, or his schemes for the division of the Ottoman pro-
vinces ; and he further hinted that he would abandon all
attempt to reconquer Belgium and surrender it to France
unless he received some assistance. Pitt felt the weight of
these considerations; he did not care much about what
happened to Poland, but he cared a great deal that the French
should not occupy Belgium. When, therefore, the King of
Prussia mobilised a powerful army in Silesia, and demanded
through Hertzberg that Austria should on the one hand make
an armistice with the Turks, and on the other restore Galicia
to Poland, Leopold, trusting that he had broken the harmony
of the Triple Alliance, made no elaborate warlike preparations,
but demanded a conference.

1 Sorel, L Enrobe et la Revolution Franfaise, voL ii. p. 69.

Conference of Reichenbach 87

The King of Hungary and Bohemia thoroughly understood
the character of the Prussian king and the intrigues of his
courtiers and ministers ; he knew that Hertzberg The Confer-
was the real enemy of Austria, and that Frederick ^"h/nbach.
William was unstable and easily persuaded. He June 1790.
felt that his own strength lay in diplomacy, not war. On
26th June the two Austrian envoys, Reuss and Spielmann,
arrived at the headquarters of the Prussian army in Silesia at
Reichenbach, and demanded a conference. Rather to the
disgust of the Prussians, their allies of the Triple Alliance
insisted on being present, and a regular congress was held,
at which Hertzberg and Lucchesini represented Prussia, Reuss
and Spielmann, Austria, Ewart, England, Reden, Holland,
and Jablonowski, the Poles. Even the Hungarian malcon-
tents and the Belgian rebels, relying on the promises of
Frederick William, ventured to send envoys. The conclu-
sions of the congress justified Leopold's diplomatic skill.
When Hertzberg laid the Prussian demands in full before
the assembled envoys, to his surprise Jablonowski declared
that the Poles would never cede Thorn and Dantzic, while
the representatives of England and Holland not only advo-
cated the maintenance of the status quo, but refused the
co-operation of their governments in Prussia's schemes for
aggrandisement. The policy of Hertzberg and Kaunitz, of
perpetuating the rivalry of Prussia and Austria, had failed.
Leopold was far too acute to leave these matters to mini-
sters. He placed himself in direct communication with
the King of Prussia and his personal favourites, Lucchesini
and Bischofswerder ; he argued that the interests of the
two great German states both with regard to Poland and
France were identical, and on 27th July 1790 the Convention
of Reichenbach was signed, by which Austria promised at
once to make an armistice with the Turks, and eventually to
conclude peace with them under the mediation of the Triple
Alliance, while, on the other hand, the powers of the Triple
Alliance guaranteed the restoration of the Austrian authority

88 European History, 1790- 1 792

in Belgium. It was more privately arranged that Prussia
should withdraw from encouraging discontent in Hungary
and Belgium, and support Leopold's candidature for the
Imperial throne. This great diplomatic victory did more
than merely check the active enmity of Prussia ; it established
the ascendency of Leopold over the weak mind of Frederick
William; and it eventually, in May 1791, brought about, not
indeed his actual dismissal from office, but the removal of
Hertzberg, the sworn foe of Austria, from the charge of the
foreign policy of Prussia.

The first actual consequence of the Convention of Reich-
enbach was the conclusion of an armistice between Austria
and the Turks. The war had never been looked on with
favour by Leopold, who regarded Joseph's infatuation for
Leopold and the grandiose schemes of Catherine of Russia as
the Turks, absurd, and the dismemberment of Turkey as
impracticable, and at the present time undesirable. He
had not attempted to press matters against the Turks, and
had withdrawn many of his best troops under Loudon from
the seat of war to Bohemia to strengthen his position at
Reichenbach. The Prince of Coburg, who succeeded Loudon,
aided by an earthquake, took Orsova, and laid siege to Giur-
gevo, but he was defeated in his camp after a severe battle on
8th July 1790. This defeat was only partially compensated
by a victory won by Clerfayt, and by the capture of Zettin
by General de Vins on 20th July. Under these circum-
stances Leopold was not sorry to conclude an armistice for
nine months at Giurgevo on 19th September. Shortly after-
wards a congress of plenipotentiaries from Austria, Turkey,
and the mediating powers met, as had been arranged at
The Treaty Reichenbach, at Sistova. The negotiations lasted
of sistova. for many months; Leopold insisted on the cession
4 th Aug. i79i. by Tur k ey of old Orsova and a district in Croatia,
which would make the Danube and the Unna the boundary
between Austria and Turkey ; Prussia at first strongly protested
against any cession to Austria ; the congress even for a time

L eopold crowned Emperor 89

broke up; and it was not until Leopold adroitly got Lucchesini,
the Prussian envoy, on his side, that the important Treaty of
Sistova upon the terms desired by Leopold was concluded on
4th August 1 79 1.

By this treaty the hereditary dominions of the House of
Hapsburg were relieved from the danger of foreign war;
the next result which Leopold drew from the Convention
of Reichenbach was the re-establishment of the Austrian
ascendency in Germany. Assured of the support of Prussia,
Leopold travelled to the Rhine. On 30th September 1790
he was unanimously elected King of the Romans; on 4th
October he solemnly entered Frankfort, and on Leopold
9th October he was crowned Emperor. But it Empciw.
was not enough for him to be crowned Emperor ; 9* Oct. 1790.
he had to destroy the bad effect of his brother Joseph's attitude
towards the Empire ; he had to become the real as well as the
nominal head and leader of the German princes, and to win
back the advantages which Prussia had secured by forming the
League of Princes. The opportunity was afforded to him by
the disinclination of the German princes, who owned territories
in Alsace, Lorraine, and Franche Comt£, to accept the com-
pensation offered to them by the French Constituent Assembly.
Their protests took the shape of a clause in the ' capitulation '
laid before him and accepted by him on his election as
Emperor by which he promised to intervene on behalf of the
Empire for the preservation of the rights, sanctioned by the
Treaty of Westphalia, of the princes, whose interests were
affected. Leopold thus seized this opportunity to pose as the
head of the German Empire, and on 14th December 1790 he
wrote a very strong letter to Louis xvi., in which he said :
1 The territories in question have not been transferred to the
kingdom of France ; they are subject to the supremacy of the
Emperor and the Empire : no member of the Empire has the
right to transfer that supremacy to a foreign nation. It
follows, therefore, that the decrees of the Assembly are null
and void so far as concerns the Empire and its members,

90 European History, 1 790- 1792

and that everything ought to be replaced on the ancient
footing.' 1

After being crowned Emperor at Frankfort, Leopold re-
turned to Vienna and proceeded to establish his power firmly
Leopold and in Hungary. The discontent aroused in the most

Hungary, backward part of his dominions by the Emperor
Joseph's measures had not been appeased by that monarch's
wholesale retractation, nor even by the return of the Crown
of St. Stephen. The Hungarian nobles regarded Joseph's re-
tractation as a sign of weakness, and, encouraged by the
intrigues of Prussia and the difficulties in which Leopold
was involved by the war with the Turks, resolved to obtain
more sweeping concessions. The example of France exerted
an influence even in Hungary, and the following sentences
from a memorial, 2 presented to Leopold by the people of
Pesth, might have been written by a Parisian popular society :
' From the rights of nations and of man, and from that social
compact whence States arose, it is incontestable that sove-
reignty originates from the people. This axiom our parent
Nature has impressed on the hearts of all ; it is one of those
which a just prince (and such we trust Your Majesty will ever
be) cannot dispute ; it is one of those inalienable, imprescrip-
tible rights which the people cannot forfeit by neglect or
disuse. Our constitution places the sovereignty jointly in
the king and people, in such a manner that the remedies
necessary to be applied according to the ends of social life
for the security of persons and property, are in the power of
the people. We are sure, therefore, that at the meeting of
the ensuing Diet, Your Majesty will not confine yourself to the
objects mentioned in your rescript ; but will also restore our
freedom to us, in like manner as to the Belgians, who have
conquered theirs with the sword. It would be an example
big with danger to teach the world that a people can only
protect or regain their liberties by the sword, and not by

1 Sorel, V Europe et la Revolution Fran^aisi, vol. ii. p. 194, footnote.
8 Coxe's Hist, of House of Austria, ed. 1847, vol. iii. p. 552, footnote.

Leopold and Hungary 91

obedience.' The Hungarian Diet, which Leopold had
summoned for the ceremony of his coronation, and to which
the people of Pesth alluded in this remarkable address, was
largely attended. The Hungarian nobility regarded its con-
vocation as a further sign of weakness, for none had been
held since the accession of Maria Theresa, and prepared an
inaugural act or compact, which would have reduced the
kings of Hungary to a similar position to that occupied by
the kings of Poland. Full of confidence in themselves they
even went so far as to send envoys, as has been mentioned, to
the Congress of Reichenbach. Leopold, however, had no
intention of yielding to these demands ; his only desire was
to gain time until he had secured his position by diplomacy.
Meanwhile he tried to stir up opposition in Hungary itself, by
encouraging the other nationalities in the kingdom, such as
the inhabitants of Croatia and the Banat. But when the
Congress of Reichenbach was over, the armistice of Giurgevo
concluded, and his coronation as Emperor performed, Leopold
proceeded to deal with the Hungarians. He first ordered the
army of 60,000 men, which he had concentrated in Bohemia
to support his attitude against the Prussians, to Pesth, and
then directed the Diet to remove to Presburg for his coro-
nation as King of Hungary. He then declared that nothing
would induce him to accept the proposed new constitu-
tion, or to consent to an infringement of the Edict of
Toleration, and that he would only consent to the terms of
the inaugural acts of his grandfather, Charles vi., and his
mother, Maria Theresa. The Hungarian nobles, Leopold
overcome by his firmness and the presence of his crowned
troops, yielded ; the Emperor appointed his fourth Hungary,
son, the Archduke Leopold, to be Palatine of 15th Nov.
Hungary in the place of the late Prince Ester- 17Q0,
hazy ; and it was from him that he received the Crown of St
Stephen on 15th November, on the terms he had stipulated.

Having gained this victory by his firmness, Leopold pro-
ceeded to win popularity by a timely concession, and proposed

92 European History, 1 790- 1792

a law, obliging every future king to be crowned within six
months of his accession. This concession was received with
the. wildest enthusiasm, as it obviated the possibility of conduct
resembling that of Joseph 11. ; the Diet granted the Emperor a
gift of 225,000 florins instead of the usual 100,000 florins ;
and the disaffected attitude of the nobility was changed for
one of hearty admiration and gratitude. The bourgeois of
Pesth and their declarations were disavowed; the echo of
the French Revolution, which had been heard there, was
quickly stifled; and the Hungarian nobility, well contented
with Leopold, declined to encourage the popular aspirations.

The difficulties which the Emperor Leopold encountered
in Hungary were trifling to those which faced him in Belgium.
But in this quarter time had worked for the House of Haps-
burg, and when the Congress of Plenipotentiaries, arranged at
the Congress of Reichenbach, met at the Hague in October
1790, the situation had entirely changed. The victory of the
Belgian rebels in 1789 had been followed by internal dissen-
Parties in sions, which appeared directly the new Constitu-
Beigium. tion was proclaimed. The first difference was
between the Van der Nootists, or Statists, as they termed
themselves, and the Vonckists. The latter, inspired by the
success of the French Revolution, advocated a thoroughly
democratic constitution, and the organisation of a new elec-
tive system of local administration, to the great disgust of the
Statists, who desired simply the restoration of the old order
of things, but with the central government controlled by
elected assembly instead of being in the hands of the House
of Hapsburg. Curiously enough popular feeling ran in a direc-
tion very different from that followed in France. Influenced by
the priests, the Belgian people, and more especially the mob of
Brussels, were convinced that the Vonckists were atheists;
the democrats were attacked in the streets, maltreated and
imprisoned; the bourgeois National Guards refused to pro-
tect them ; they were proscribed by Van der Noot and the
party in power ; and after many riots and disturbances Vonck

Affairs in Belgium 93

fled to France in April 1 790. These events greatly weakened
the Belgian Republic, for the democratic party, which had been
energetic in the revolution, numbered in its ranks many of the
ablest and most enlightened men in the country. But even
more serious was the result abroad, for the National Assembly
of France and Lafayette were surprised and disgusted at the
persecution of the democrats, and the sympathy of the French
people was entirely alienated from the Belgian leaders. Still
more striking in its effect was the conduct of the Van der
Nootists towards the gallant officer, Van der Mersch, who had
commanded the patriot troops in the invasion of October
1789. Not satisfied with superseding him by the Prussian
general, Schonfeld, the Van der Nootists had him arrested on
a charge of disorganising the Belgian army and imprisoned
at Antwerp, to the great wrath of the people of Flanders, of
which province Van der Mersch was a native. The conquer-
ing party was further divided. The nobility and clergy,
headed by the Due d'Aremberg, were jealous of the ascend
ency assumed by Van der Noot, and of the continued
omnipotence of the Assembly at Brussels. Under these
circumstances it was a significant fact that the Austrian
troops in Luxembourg under the command of Marshal Bender
were able with the help of the people themselves to occupy
the province of Limburg.

In October 1790 the Congress, which had been resolved
on at Reichenbach, met at the Hague. The Austrian pleni-
potentiary was the Comte de Mercy-Argenteau, the most
accomplished Austrian diplomatist and ambassador at Paris,
and the representatives of England, Prussia, and congress at
Holland were Lord Auckland, Count Keller, and the Hague,
the Grand Pensionary Van der Spiegel. Leopold ° ct ' I79 °*
now reaped the advantages of his skilful diplomacy at
Reichenbach. England and Holland understood that the
new Emperor was a very different man from his predecessor,
and Prussia dared not act without them. As he had promised,
Leopold solemnly announced his intention to restore all

94 European History, 1790- 1792

the charters, laws, and arrangements, which had existed in
Belgium in the time of his mother, Maria Theresa, under the
guarantee of the three powers, and further promised a general
amnesty if his authority was recognised by 21st November.
The Belgian States-General made no reply to Leopold, and
the Emperor proceeded to concentrate 45,000 men under
Bender in Luxembourg. Then the Belgian leaders applied
to the Congress at the Hague for a prolongation of the
armistice and the restoration of the state of government exist-
ing in the time of Charles vi. and not in that of Maria Theresa.
These demands were supported by the representatives of the
Triple Alliance, but rejected by the Austrian ambassador. On
21st November the Belgian States-General elected the Arch-
duke Charles, the third son of the Emperor, to be hereditary
Leopold Grand Duke, but the time had gone by for corn-
reconquers promises, and on the following day Bender entered
Belgium. B e igi umt xhe experiences of a year of revolu-
tion made the Belgian people not unwilling to return under
the sway of Austria ; the cities surrendered without a blow,
and on 2d December 1790 Brussels capitulated. Van der
Noot fled with his chief friends, and Belgium was won back
by Leopold as easily as it had been lost by Joseph. On 8th
December the Comte de Mercy- Argenteau assented to the
restoration of the liberties recognised in the inaugural act of
Charles vi., but Leopold disavowed his ambassador and in-
sisted on the authority possessed by Maria Theresa at the
close of her reign. Under these circumstances the mediating
powers refused their guarantee, a refusal which rather gratified
the Emperor than otherwise, as it freed him from the fear of
foreign interference. Not only in Belgium itself, but in the
neighbouring bishopric of Liege also, Leopold established
Austrian ascendency. The princes of the Circle of the
Empire, which adjoined, were dissatisfied with the conduct of
The Austrians Prussia and General Schlieffen, and appealed to
at Liege. fa e Emperor. He was only too glad to assert his
authority; Schlieffen evacuated the territory; and on 13th

The Treaty of Verela 95

January 1791 it was occupied by an Austrian force, which
re-established the Prince-bishop in all his former authority.

The entire reversal of Joseph's policy by Leopold, the
arrangements made at Reichenbach, and the friendly attitude
of the new Emperor towards the powers forming the Triple
Alliance, deprived Russia of her only ally at a Russia and
time when the Empress had on her hands two Sweden,
exhausting wars with Sweden and Turkey. The former was the
most serious. Gustavus hi., freed from the dangers of a Danish
invasion, and by his coup diktat from the formidable plots of
his nobility, rejoined his army in Finland and prepared to
carry on the war vigorously by land and sea. His army was
too small to effect much in spite of his near approach to St.
Petersburg, and his chief confidence was in his fleet. This
fleet was soon blockaded in the Gulf of Vyborg by the Russian
admiral, the Prince of Nassau-Siegen, one of the most famous
soldiers of fortune of the century; an attempt it made to
break out on 24th June 1790 was repulsed, and the Russians
even hoped to force it to capitulate. But, to their surprise,
the Swedes broke the blockade on the 3d July, though with
a loss of 5000 men, and on 9th July won a great naval victory
in Svenska Sound, in which the Russians lost 30 ships, 600
guns and 6000 men. But this victory led to no corresponding
diplomatic result. Catherine, defeated though she was, made
overtures in no humiliated spirit to the King of Sweden, and
proposed to him that, instead of quarrelling with his neigh-
bours, he should turn his attention to the state of affairs in
France. The chivalrous and romantic king was not unwilling
to listen to her suggestions ; he had, during a visit to Paris,
been much impressed by Marie Antoinette, and was full of
pity at the situation of the royal family of France and of dis-
gust at the progress of the Revolution. He felt, Treaty of
too, that the war with Russia was not popular verela.
among his people, and on 14th August 1790 he Au * ^tow-
signed a treaty of peace at Verela, by which the status quo
ante bellum between Russia and Sweden was restored without

g6 European History, 1790- 1792

any compensation in money or territory being obtained by
the victorious Swedes.

While resisting the Swedes, Catherine made her chief effort
against the Turks. In this quarter the defection of Leopold
and the Armistice of Giurgevo seriously compromised her
position. The war had resolved itself into the siege of the
strong city of Ismail, where the Turks defended themselves
capture of w * tn tne u * m ost tenacity. The Russian attacks
ismaii. were foiled again and again, and Potemkin re-

aoth Dec. 1790. s |g nec j t h e conduct of the siege in despair. His
place was taken by Suvdrov, whose brilliant victory on the
Rymnik in 1789 had marked him as the greatest Russian
general of his time. His valour and constancy equalled
those qualities in the Turks ; and Ismail was stormed on 20th
December 1790, after a scene of carnage which cost the lives
of 10,000 Russians and 30,000 Turks. In the following year
the Russians pressed onwards towards Constantinople, and
on 9th July 1 79 1 the Russian General Repnin, under* whom
served Suvdrov and Kutuzov, defeated the Grand Vizier at
Matchin. But the Empress Catherine was not inclined to
follow up these military advantages. The policy of Leopold
had isolated her ; the Treaty of Sistova had deprived her of
an auxiliary army against the Turks ; the state of affairs in
Poland demanded her most serious attention ; and she had
to observe the action of Europe on the French Revolution
and of the French Revolution on Europe, in the hope of
deriving some advantage for Russia from the complications.
She, therefore, signed a treaty of peace with the Turks at
Treaty of J assv on 9 tn January 1792, by which Russia re-
jassy. tained only Oczakoff and the coast line between

9 th Jan. 179a. the mouths of tne Bug and the Dniester. By

making this peace, Catherine only deferred the prosecution
of the schemes of Russia against the Ottoman Empire, and
certain clauses with regard to the Danubian Principalities,
affording a pretext for future wars, were skilfully included in
the Treaty of Jassy.

Position of Leopold in 1791 97

The success of the policy of the Emperor Leopold entirely
altered the situation of the European states and their attitude
towards each other. He was in 1791 not only Position of
master in his own dominions, but the recognised Lc °P° ld -
representative of the Empire, in fact as well as in name. He
had broken down the combination against Austria and the
solidarity of the Triple Alliance. England was far more favour-
ably inclined to him than she had ever been to Joseph n. ;
Frederick William 11. of Prussia was his ally not his enemy.
He was, therefore, able in 1791 to turn his thoughts to the
situation of France, and to see what advantages could be
drawn from the position of affairs there for the benefit of
Austria. The political effacement of France in foreign affairs
was due to the assumption of all real authority by the Con-
stituent Assembly, while leaving the responsibility to the King's
ministers, and Leopold did not doubt that the result of an
entire victory of the popular party would be a recurrence to
the classical policy of opposition to Austria and the rupture
of the Treaty of 1756. It was to his interest to prevent this,
and he had therefore political, as well as personal, ends to
secure in endeavouring to restore the authority of the King
of France. The capture of the Bastille and the transference
of the royal family to Paris were great events in the history of
France, but they only affected Leopold as weakening the
authority of Louis xvi. and Marie Antoinette, the faithful
allies of Austria. The behaviour of the Constituent Assembly
gave him pretexts for interfering in France, in spite of the
diplomatic ability of Mirabeau, and he was earnestly besought
by the French itnigrSs, or opponents of the new state of
things in France, who had gone into voluntary exile with
the King's younger brother, the Comte d'Artois, at their head,
to intervene on behalf of the French monarchy.

The conduct of the Constituent Assembly in disorganising
every branch of the executive in France had its natural effect
by the commencement of 1791. The army, in spite of the
effort of General Bouill^ to restore discipline by making an

PERIOD VII. g

98 European History, 1790- 1792

example of some Swiss mutineers at Nancy in 1790, was
rendered inefficient by the disaffection of the soldiers and the
exaggerated royalism of most of the officers ; the navy was in
a still worse condition ; the Civil Constitution of the Clergy
had caused a schism, which disturbed the minds of men in all
parts of France, and created an army of opponents to the
work of the Assembly, who had peculiar influence over the
rural communities ; the issue of assignats on the security of
The state of the confiscated domains of the Church had iri-
France, 1791. ffoted the currency, and, while giving an appear-
ance of fictitious prosperity, had really given a feeling of
insecurity to all trade and commerce; the old internal
administrations of the provinces had been replaced by the
new administrations of the departments, which were filled by
inexperienced men, utterly unable to cope with the difficulties
of a time of unrest and revolution. The practical dis-
organisation of the executive was meanwhile being conse-
crated by the measures of the Constituent Assembly, which,
in the Constitution it was drawing up, in its fear of the power
of the monarchy, so hampered the authority of the executive
as to destroy the necessary foundations of good government

In its ardour for the Rights of Man and the principle of
election, the Constituent Assembly forgot the need for en-
forcing the authority of the law, and the necessity for provid-
ing a strong arm to carry it into effect. Mirabeau had clearly
perceived that France was drifting into a state of anarchy. In
his secret notes for the Court he insisted on the importance
of restoring its proper power to the executive, and he advised
the King to leave Paris and call the partisans of order to his
side. Civil war, he contended, was preferable to anarchy,
cloaked by fine words ; it would openly divide France into
the adherents of order and of disorder, and result in the main-
tenance of the popular rights sanctioned by the royal power.
The King was to acknowledge the right of the people to legis-
late, and tax themselves through their representatives, but was
to point out the importance of maintaining a strong govern-

The Flight to Varennes 99

ment to secure the happiness of the governed. Against
foreign war, however, Mirabeau strongly protested ; foreign
interference would rouse the spirit of national patriotism, and
if the King was suspected of favouring the foreigners, it would
result in the overthrow of the monarchy, and in a long struggle
before the country could agree on a new form of government.
However, on 2d April 1791, Mirabeau died, and Death of
France was deprived of its most sagacious, if not Mirabea "-
its only, statesman. In truth, Louis xvi. and Marie Antoinette
had no wish to take Mirabeau's advice ; the King regarded
civil war as a horrible calamity, and to be shunned in every
way and at any sacrifice; the Queen longed for the inter-
ference of her brother, the Emperor, and begged him to inter-
vene to restore the royal authority. The King's religious
convictions were wounded by the Civil Constitution of the
Clergy ; the Queen was roused to wrath by the feeling that she
was a prisoner, by daily insults in the press, and by the degra-
dation of thd power of the monarchy. On 18th April 1791
the royal prisoners were prevented by the Parisians from going
to Saint-Cloud for Easter, and on 18th May the Emperor
Leopold issued a circular to all crowned heads calling atten-
tion to the position of the King of France in his capital. On
20th May he had an interview with the Comte de Durfort, a
secret emissary from the Tuileries, at Mantua, and charged
him to tell the King and Queen of France that ' he was going
to concern himself with their affairs, not in words, but in acts.'
The action of the Parisian mob on 18th April caused
Louis xvi. and Marie Antoinette to resolve to escape secretly
from Paris, since they were obviously prisoners The Flight to
and could not leave openly. They determined, Varennes.
contrary to the advice so often given by Mirabeau, al8t Junc w-
and contrary also to the wishes of the Emperor and of his
able representative at the Hague, the Comte de Mercy-
Argenteau, who knew France better than any living diploma-
tist, to fly towards the frontier. Leopold, under the pretext of
supporting his authority in Belgium and Luxembourg, and that

100 European History, 1790- 1792

of his allies, the Elector- Archbishop of Treves and the Bishop
of Li£ge, massed his troops upon the frontier in readiness to
succour or assist, and Bouille', who commanded at Metz,
made preparations to have the part of his forces on which he
could rely ready to receive the fugitive monarch. On 20th
June 1 791 the royal family left Paris by night, after the King
had drawn up a declaration protesting against the whole of
the measures of the Constituent Assembly, and disavowing
them. The flight, from a combination of circumstances,
ended in the royal family being stopped at Varennes, and
being brought back to Paris in custody. It had the most
momentous results upon the history of the French Revolu-
tion, which are sometimes disregarded in the recollection of
the romantic circumstances attending it.

The primary result of the flight to Varennes was the sudden
comprehension by France that Louis xvi. was an unwilling
collaborator in the work of reconstituting the French govern-
ment on a new basis. Hitherto the people, and even the
leaders of the Constituent Assembly, had believed in his
acquiescence, if not in his hearty assistance. But the declara-
tion, left behind on the occasion of his flight, proved the con-
Resuits of trary. The statesmen of the Constituent Assembly,
the Flight to including the makers of the new Constitution, such
Varennes. ag ^ c na p e ii er and Thouret, and the triumvirate
of Duport, Barnave, and Lameth, who, after Mirabeau's death,
were the undisputed leaders of the majority, saw they had
gone too far, and that in their desire to weaken the royal
authority, they had seriously weakened the executive, and
had made the King's position intolerable. They therefore
threw the blame of the flight to Varennes on the subordinates
in the scheme, ignored the King's declaration, and acted on
the supposition that he was misled by bad advisers. This
attitude not being wholly approved by the Jacobin Club,
which, through its affiliated clubs in the provinces, exercised
the most powerful sway in the formation of public opinion,
the believers in the royal authority seceded and formed the

Revision of the French Constitution ioi

Constitutional Club, or Club of 1789, which temporarily
weakened the power of the Jacobins in Paris. But this
secession was entirely sanctioned by the bourgeois classes
both in Paris and throughout France, who had the strongest
interest in the maintenance of order, and who sent in numer-
ous declarations of their adhesion to the cause of monarchy.
Moreover, their chief representatives in arms, the National
Guard of Paris, under the command of Lafayette, had soon an
opportunity of giving practical proof of this loyal The Ma88acrc
disposition. The Cordeliers Club, which was of 17th July
chiefly influenced by Danton, a lawyer of Paris, in Pan8,
who had Mirabeau's gift of seeing things as they really were,
felt it impossible to hush things up. They understood the
King's declaration to mean a declaration of war against the new
Constitution ; his flight to Varennes they rightly interpreted
to show that he was trusting to the intervention of foreign
powers to re-establish him in his former position ; and they
resolved to draw up a petition for his dethronement. This
petition was largely the work of Danton and of Brissot, a
pamphleteer and journalist, who had been imprisoned in the
Bastille, and had imbibed republican notions in America, and
a large crowd assembled to sign it on the Champ de Mars.
Lafayette determined to disperse this crowd, and the National
Guard, under his command, fired on the people, killing several
persons. This vigorous measure, which was intended to show
the power of the party of order, was followed by vigorous steps
against the party for dethronement.

The leaders of the Cordeliers were proscribed. Danton and
Marat fled to England, and the party of order seemed trium-
phant. A revision of the Constitution was under- Revision
taken, and various reactionary clauses, specially Constitution,
directed against the press, the popular clubs or societies, and
the rights of assembly and of petition, were inserted. But this
new attitude of the Constituent Assembly had but a slight effect
upon France, for the king's flight had caused the people in
general to believe that he was the enemy of their new-born

102 European History \ 1790- 1792

liberties, and a traitor in league with foreign powers to over-
throw them.

The flight to Varennes proved to the people of France, as
well as to the monarchs and statesmen of Europe, that
Louis xvi. was a prisoner in Paris, and an enemy to the new
Effects of the sett l ement °f tne government, as laid down by
Flight to the Constitution in course of preparation. The
varennes. Emperor Leopold, as brother of Marie Antoinette,
as Holy Roman Emperor and supporter of dynastic legiti-
macy, as the leading monarch of Europe, decided to inter-
vene. On 6th July 1791 he issued the Manifesto of Padua,
in which he invited the sovereigns of Europe to join him
Manifesto m declaring tne cause of the King of France
of Padua. to be their own, in exacting that he should be
eth July 1701. f ree( j £ rom a jj p p U i ar restraint, and in refusing to

recognise any constitutional laws as legitimately established
in France, except such as might be sanctioned by the King
acting in perfect freedom. The English Government paid
little or no attention to these requests of Leopold, but the
Empress Catherine, and the Kings of Prussia, Spain, and
Sweden, for different reasons and in different degrees, heartily
accepted Leopold's views, and armed intervention to carry
them into effect was suggested. But Leopold had no desire
for war. His policy since his accession had been distinctly
in favour of peace. He was a diplomatist, not a soldier, and
he desired to frighten France by threats, rather than to fight
France for the liberty of Louis xvi. and his family.

The sequel to the Manifesto of Padua was a conference at
Pilnitz between the Emperor Leopold and King Frederick
William 11. of Prussia, accompanied by their ministers, in
d irtin August 1 791. At this conference the King's
of Pilnitz, brothers, Monsieur, the Comte de Provence, after-
27th Aug. 1791. war( j s Louis xviii., who had escaped from France
at the time of the flight to Varennes, and the Comte d'Artois,
afterwards Charles x., who had fled in July 1789, at the epoch
of the capture of the Bastille, were present. They had their

The Declaration of Pilnitz 103

own aims to serve. They were disgusted at the weak con-
duct, as they termed it, of Louis xvi. in yielding so far as he
had done to the popular wishes ; they desired to undo the
whole effect of the Revolution and to restore the Bourbon
monarchy in its ancient authority by the arms of the monarchs
of Europe. But Leopold did not care about the French
princes or the Bourbon monarchy. He cared rather for the
safety of his sister, Marie Antoinette, and the maintenance
through her of the Franco-Austrian alliance. In the Declaration
of Pilnitz, which was signed by the Emperor and the King of
Prussia on 27th August 1791, the two sovereigns declared that
the situation of the King of France was an object of interest
common to all European monarchs, and that they hoped
other monarchs would use with them the most efficacious
means to put the King of France in a position to lay in per-
fect liberty the bases of a monarchical government, suited alike
to the rights of sovereigns and the happiness of the French
nation. Provided that other powers would co-operate with them
they were willing to act promptly, and had therefore placed
their armies on foot. These threats exasperated but did not
terrify the French people. Leopold had no intention of enter-
ing upon hostilities, and found a loophole by which Com lction
to escape from declaring war in the acceptance oftheCon-
by Louis xvi. of the completed Constitution on 8titution -
21st September 1791. He then solemnly withdrew his pre-
tensions to interfere in the internal affairs of France.

While the first Constitution of France, sanctioning the
representative principle and the rights of the people, was
being slowly built up in the midst of troubles and intrigues in
Paris, a not less remarkable constitution was pro- The Polish
mulgated in Poland, manifesting the same ideas. Constitution.
The partition of Poland in 1773 had proved to all 3d *** w-
patriotic Poles that their independence as a nation was in the
utmost peril. A serious effort was therefore made to organise
the country, and to place the government on a settled and
logical basis. The army was made national instead of feudal ;

1 04 European History, 1 790- 1 792

an attempt was made to establish a national system of finance,
and a scheme of national education was propounded and
partly carried into effect. But these measures were but steps
in the work of making Poland a nation, instead of a loose
confederation of nobles ; the final decision was taken in 1788,
when the Polish Diet elected a Committee to draw up a new
Constitution, raised the national army to 60,000 men, and
decreed regular taxes in order to replenish the national
treasury. This consciousness of nationality enabled Stanislas
Poniatowski, King of Poland, to negotiate as an independent
and powerful sovereign with Prussia in 1789, and to send his
envoys to Reichenbach in 1790 to act with the envoys of the
other powers. The leading member of the Polish Constitu-
tional Committee was Kollontai, a most remarkable man, and
a Catholic priest, who had done good service as Rector of the
University of Cracow, which he reorganised, and who had
been made Vice-Grand-Chancellor of the kingdom. He was
the principal author of the Polish Constitution, which was
accepted by the Diet of Warsaw on 3d May 1791. This
Constitution was noteworthy in what it abolished and what
it created. It abolished the elective monarchy, the source of
so many evils and intrigues, and declared the throne of Poland
hereditary in the House of Saxony in succession to Stanislas
Poniatowski, and it also abolished the liberum veto, which had
enabled one member of the Diet to thwart the wishes of the
majority. It created a regular government, conferring the legis-
lative power on the King, the Senate, and an elected Chamber,
and the executive power on the King, aided by six ministers
responsible to the Legislature. The cities were permitted to
elect their judges and deputies to the Diet ; but the plague-spot
of serfdom was too delicate to touch, and the Diet only declared
its willingness to sanction all arrangements made between a
lord and his serfs for the benefit of the latter. In some
respects this Constitution compares favourably with that of
France drawn up at the same time ; if it does not proclaim so
firmly the liberty of man, it at any rate is free from the

The Legislative Assembly 105

lamentable fear of the power of the executive, which vitiated
the work of the French reformers. France feared its execu-
tive after a long course of despotic monarchy ; Poland felt the
need of a strong executive after a long history of anarchy.
Both countries, trying to be free, were affected in different
ways, and with very different results, by the intervention of
foreign powers.

The acceptance of the completed French Constitution was
the signal for the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly.
It was at once succeeded by the Legislative TheLeiria .
Assembly, elected under the provisions of the utive
new Constitution. The new Assembly consisted, A88Cmbl y-
owing to a self-denying ordinance passed in May 1791, on
the proposition of Robespierre, forbidding the election of
deputies sitting in the Constituent Assembly to its successor,
of none but untried men, who had no experience of politics.
They were mostly young men who had learned to talk in their
local popular societies, and who at once joined the mother of
such societies, the Jacobin Club at Paris. They were forbidden
by a clause in the Constitution of 1791 to interfere with con-
stitutional questions, which could only be touched by a
Convention summoned for the purpose, and so could only
interfere in current politics and matters of administration. In
such interference they were justified by the position of power-
lessness into which the executive authority, the King and his
ministers, were reduced by the Constitution. The two burning
questions which first came before them were, the treatment of
the clergy who had not taken the oath to observe the Civil
Constitution of the Clergy, and of the SmigrSs. Both questions
gave plenty of opportunity for the display of fervid revolu-
tionary and patriotic eloquence, for the priests, who had not
taken the oath, were undisguisedly stirring up opposition to
the Revolution in the provinces, and the SmigrSs were form-
ing an army on the French frontier. And the Legislative
Assembly was in a greater degree than either its predecessor,
the Constituent, or its successor, the Convention, liable to

106 , Europea?i History, 1790- 1792

be swayed by oratory. The deputies liked to listen to glowing
words and patriotic sentiments, and were largely influenced by
the speeches of three great orators, Vergniaud, Gensonn£,
and Guadet, who all came from Bordeaux, the capital of the
department of the Gironde, and to whose supporters posterity
has given the name of Girondins. But these orators were in
their turn influenced by a Norman deputy, Brissot. This
veteran pamphleteer was a sincere republican ; he also, having
long been a journalist, believed himself a master of foreign
politics. He desired to bring about a war between France and
Austria. He believed that such a war would either cause the
King to throw in his lot heartily with the Revolution, or, what
was more likely, would make him declare himself openly
against it, and would thus enable the advanced democratic
party to call him a traitor, and by rousing all France against
him, pave the way for his overthrow and the establishment of
a republic. The first step was taken to make Louis xvr
appear the opponent of the Revolution- by passing a decree
against the priests, who had not taken the oath, which his
conscience would not permit him to sign; the second by
passing a decree against the tmigrh % who were led by his own
brothers, and an instruction that he should ask the Emperor
and-the German princes on the Rhine to prevent the kmigrks
from forming an army, and to expel them if they did so.

The question of the expediency of war with Austria was soon
Approach of taken up in France, and not only the Legislative
F^ncVanr 11 Assembly but the popular clubs busied themselves
the Emperor, in discussing it. The Declaration of Pilnitz ex-
asperated the whole nation, which resented dictation or inter-
ference in the internal affairs of France, and the warlike and
menacing attitude of the army oikmigrte y which had been formed
by the Prince de Conde' on the French frontier at Worms,
increased the universal wrath. Louis xvi., whose ministers had
been but feeble figure-heads during the Constituent Assembly,
at this juncture appointed the Comte de Narbonne, a young man
of distinguished ability, to be Minister for War. Narbonne

The Jacobin Club 107

grasped the situation. He saw the people wished for war, and
he therefore declared that the King was as patriotic as his
subjects, and was also ready for war if satisfaction were not
given to France. Three large armies were formed and placed
upon the frontiers under the command of Generals Rocham-
beau, Liickner, and Lafayette, of whom the two former were
created Marshals of France. By this policy Narbonne took
the wind out of the sails of Brissot and the Girondins ; he
hoped that if the Austrian war was successful the King would
be sufficiently strengthened in popularity to regain his authority
as head of the executive ; while, if it failed, the nation in its
extremity would turn to its legitimate sovereign and invest
him with dictatorial power. The leaders of the democratic
party in Paris, which had been scattered by Lafayette in July
1 791, saw this equally clearly with Narbonne, and therefore
opposed the war with all their might. The Jacobin Club had
become their headquarters ; most of the deputies who came
up from the provinces joined the mother society in Paris, and
it soon became more powerful than ever in creating public
opinion. The effect of the secession and consequent forma-
tion of the Club of 1789 only made the Jacobins more frankly
democratic, while the presence of many of its members in
the Legislative Assembly strengthened the influence of the
Jacobin Club. It was in the Jacobin Club during the debates
on the war that the difference between what were to be the
Girondin and the Mountain parties in the Convention first
appeared. Brissot and the Girondin orators argued in favour
of war; while Marat, Danton, and still more Robespierre,
whose career in the Constituent Assembly had made him ex-
ceedingly popular, opposed it. The last-mentioned orator was
indeed the chief opponent of the war ; he saw through Nar-
bonne's schemes, and hinted that the projected war was merely
a court intrigue to promote the power of the King. The
political strife became personal, and Robespierre, Marat,
and Danton became the sworn foes of Brissot and the
Girondins.

108 European History, 1790- 1792

The main causes of the war were the questions of the rights
of the Princes of the Empire in Alsace and of the imigrfo. The
defence of the former rights as rights of the Empire had been
pressed upon Leopold at the time of his election as Emperor,
Causes of and on 26th April 1791 the Prince of Thurn and
France^d n Taxis, as Imperial Commissary, summoned the Diet
the Emperor, to meet. It assembled, and after a long discussion
a conclusum was arrived at, that the Empire maintained the
Treaties of Westphalia and of the eighteenth century now
violated by France, and requested the Emperor to take severe
measures against the revolutionary propaganda. The Emperor
Leopold, as sovereign of Austria, had withdrawn from the
position he had taken up at Pilnitz, but as Emperor he was
obliged to submit this conclusum of the Diet to the King of
France, which he did in a strongly-worded despatch drawn up
by the Chancellor Kaunitz, which was laid before the Legis-
lative Assembly on 3d December 1791. It was as Emperor
also that Leopold defended the conduct of the border princes
of the Empire, notably the Elector-Archbishops of Treves,
Cologne, and Mayence, and the Bishops of Spires and Worms,
in sheltering French 'emigrks. On 29th November 1791 the
Assembly had desired the King to write to the Emperor and
to these border princes protesting against the enlistment of
troops by the Smigris, and the Emperor's answer defending
the conduct of the princes concerned was read to the Assembly
on 14th December. The replies of Leopold were referred to
the Diplomatic Committee, and on its report, the Assembly
resolved on 25th January 1792 that the Emperor should be
requested to explain his attitude towards France and to promise
to undertake nothing against her independence in forming her
own constitution and settling her own mode of government
before 1st March 1792, and that an evasive or unsatisfactory
reply should be considered as annulling the Treaty of 1756
and as an act of hostility. The answer to this demand, which
was drafted by Kaunitz, was read to the Assembly on 1st
March; it censured the course which was being taken by

Alliance between Prussia and Austria 10$

France, stigmatised the Revolution and accused the Jacobins
of fomenting anarchy, and its first results were the dismissal
of Narbonne, the impeachment of De Lessart, the Foreign
Minister, and the formation of a Girondin ministry.

In the position he had taken up the Emperor Leopold was
generally supported. The Princes of the Empire, as was
represented in their condusum passed at the Diet, not only
resented the interference of France with historic rights in
Alsace and her dictation as to whom they should shelter, but
were beginning to fear the contagion of the revolutionary con-
ceptions of the rights of man and political liberty. Through-
out the Rhine provinces the peasants had risen in partial
rebellion against their lords ; in all the great cities of western
Germany the more enlightened bourgeois protested against their
exclusion from political influence. This contagion, however,
did not spread far in these early days. The Empress Catherine,
the King of Prussia, and the King of Sweden, who chiefly
urged Leopold to make a brave stand against the Legislative
Assembly, were urged by other motives. Catherine wished
to see Austria and Prussia embroiled with France so as to
have her hands free to deal with the Poles, who seemed likely
with their new Constitution to ward off destruction. Frederick
William n. was disgusted by the disrespect shown to the prin-
ciple of monarchy by the Parisians' treatment of Louis xvi.
Gustavus in. had imbibed a knightly admiration for Marie
Antoinette, and felt a personal desire to relieve her from her
position of humiliation. Each monarch showed his inclina-
tion characteristically. Catherine received some French
imigris, who found their way to her distant court, with kind-
ness, and dismissed the French ambassador ; Gustavus hurried
to Spa to consult with the French emigr&s, and proposed an
immediate expedition to carry off the French court; Frederick
William signed an offensive and defensive alliance with the
Emperor on 2d February 1792, which saved him the trouble
of personal decision, and left to the Emperor the harassing
business of arranging the details of the war and of so carrying

no European History, 1790- 1792

out the necessary diplomatic negotiations which preceded an
open rupture, that the interference of the powers should seem
justified. In the midst of his preparations the Emperor
Death of Leopold died suddenly on 1st March 1792, the
Leopold, 1st very day on which his last manifesto was read to
March i 79 a. the L e gi s i a tive Assembly. His death was an irre-
parable blow for Austria, for Germany, for France, and for
Europe. In his short reign he had shown himself to be a
monarch of extraordinary ability, possessing alike singular tact
and great force of character. He was succeeded in the heredi-
tary dominions of the House of Hapsburg by his eldest son
Francis n., an inexperienced youth r quite unfitted to continue
Leopold's policy in the troublous times approaching.

Europe had hardly recovered from the shock of the
Emperor's sudden death, when it was startled by the news of
Murder of the murder of Gustavus in. of Sweden, who was

^S^iSI:" 1 " shot on his wav from a masked bal1 at Stockholm
179a. by an officer named Ankarstrom, on 16th March

1792. He lingered till 29th March, when he died, and was
succeeded on the throne of Sweden by his infant son,
Gustavus iv. Duke Charles of Sudermania was appointed
Regent. He at once reversed the policy of the late king ; he
felt none of the sympathy so warmly expressed by Gustavus in.
for Marie Antoinette, and he distrusted the close alliance
which had been entered into with Russia after the Treaty
of Verela. His first measure was to place Sweden in a
position of absolute neutrality, from which she never swerved
during his tenure of power.

Of the ministers who came into office in France in March
1792 through the influence of the Girondins in the Legislative
Assembly, the most notable were Roland and Dumouriez.
The former was a sincere republican, who was induced by his
wife to take up an offensive attitude to the King, the latter
Policy of an experienced soldier and diplomatist, who was
Dumouriez. we ll fitted for the ministry of foreign affairs. Du-
mouriez at once accepted war with Austria as inevitable, and

War declared between France and Austria 1 1 1

directed all his efforts to isolate her. He was a sworn enemy
of the Austrian alliance, entered into by the Treaty of 1756, and
cemented by the marriage of Marie Antoinette, and his first
step was to endeavour to detach Prussia. He was sanguine
enough to believe in the possibility of doing this, but he did
not understand the character of Frederick William 11. It was
difficult to induce that monarch to make up his mind, but when
he did make it up he was obstinate. The French party at his
Court, headed by his uncle Prince Henry, and in his ministry,
represented by Haugwitz, was very strong ; but, on the other
hand, he had been convinced by Leopold that the cause of
Louis xvi. was the cause of monarchy, and the German party
at Berlin hinted that if he allowed Austria to pose as the de-
fender of the rights of the Empire by herself, the policy of
Frederick the Great to make Prussia the leader of Germany
would be undone. Frederick William 11., therefore, listened
coldly to the overtures of Dumouriez, and made war declared
preparations to support his ally in the field. On b * F rance
20th April 1792 the Legislative Assembly assented Austria,
almost unanimously to the King's proposition, as aoth April 1793.
read by Dumouriez, to declare war against the King of
Hungary and Bohemia, as Francis 11. was at this time styled,
and the great war, which was to rage with but slight inter-
missions for twenty-three years, began.

The commencement of the first campaign of 1792 proved
how thoroughly the French army had been disorganised and
demoralised by the policy of the Constituent Assembly and
the general course of the Revolution. An attempt was made
to invade the Austrian Netherlands or Belgium on four lines •
but one column was seized with panic and rushed back to
Lille, murdering its general, Theobald Dillon. The other
commanders found their soldiers filled with a spirit of distrust
for their officers and hardly amenable to discipline, and it soon
became obvious that France would have to stand on the
defensive. This news profoundly moved the people of France
and especially of Paris. The word treachery was freely used

H2 "" European History y 17901792

in connection with the Court, and it was asserted that the
plan of campaign had been revealed to the Austrians by the
Queen. This was true ; Marie Antoinette had always looked
to Austrian help to rescue her from her position, and Louis
xvi. had now entirely come round to her view. At this junc-
ture he dismissed his Girondin ministers on their insisting upon
his signing a decree, which had been passed by the Assembly
ordering the deportation of priests who had not taken the
oath, and even accepted the resignation of the ablest of
invasion of the them, Dumouriez, who had offered to form a new
Tuiieries. ministry. The populace of Paris was intensely
June 179a. exc j te( j by tne f a ji ure f the attack on Belgium,

the concentration of the Prussian army on the frontier, and
the dismissal of the popular ministers, and a body of peti-
tioners, after filing through the hall of the Assembly, burst into
the Tuiieries and for some hours filled the palace, insulting the
King and Queen and forcing the former to put on a red cap
of liberty. The invasion of the Tuiieries marked the final
breach between the King and the people. Louis xvi. longed
more ardently than ever for the arrival of the allied mon-
archs ; and the Jacobin leaders, who perceived the impossi-
bility that France should be successful in war with an unwill-
ing king at her head, began to plot for his overthrow. His last
chance was lost, when he rejected the proffered assistance of
Lafayette, who returned from his army without leave and
offered to bring the National Guard of Paris to his help.

The news of the invasion of the Tuiieries by the mob on
the 20th June further decided the allied monarchs to take
Francis ii. immediate action. Francis 11. , who was crowned
Emperor. Emperor at Frankfort on 14th July 1792, was
14th July 179a. ea g er tQ cQme tQ his aunt > s nel p Tne p 0S i_

tion of the allies was now reversed. Instead of Austria
in the person of the experienced Emperor Leopold guiding
Prussia, it was now Frederick William 11. of Prussia who
directed the policy of the young Emperor Francis. It was
arranged that the Prussians should invade Champagne,

Capture of the Tuileries 113

supported by a corps of Austrians and imigrh on their left, and
joined midway by a corps of Austrians from their right, while
an Austrian army under Duke Albert of Saxe-Teschen was
to march from the Netherlands and invest Lille. The central
Prussian army was placed under the command of the Duke of
Brunswick, who issued a proclamation, drafted by an imigri,
M. de Limon, and filled with violent language by Count Fersen,
threatening to hold Paris liable for the safety of the King, and
vowing vengeance on the French people as rebels.

Brunswick's proclamation was the very thing to complete
the exasperation of the French people. National patriotism
rose to its height ; the country had been declared in danger,
and thousands of volunteers were arming and preparing to go
to the front ; the threats of the Prussians only increased the
national spirit of resistance; and the universal i nsurrection
feeling was one of defiance. But there was ob- of 10th Aug.
viously no chance of success while the executive 1792 '
remained in its present hands. The King's power of interfer-
ing with the preparations for resistance had to be stopped.
This was clearly understood by the democratic leaders, who,
ever since 20th June 1792, had been organising an armed rising.
They waited till some volunteers from Marseilles entered the
capital, singing the song that bears their name, and then
they struck. The royal plans for the defence of the Tuileries
were thwarted; a number of the most energetic democrats
ousted the Council-General of the Commune of Paris, and
formed an Insurrectionary Commune ; and the men of the
poorer districts of Paris, the Faubourgs Saint-Antoine and
Saint-Marceau, headed by the Marseillais, advanced to attack
the royal palace. Before the assault commenced, Louis xvi.,
accompanied by his family and his ministers, took refuge in
the hall of the Legislative Assembly. The attack was gallantly
resisted by the Swiss Guards, who garrisoned the suspension of
palace, but the people were eventually successful Louis xvi.
and the Tuileries was taken. The Legislative 10th Aue ' l792 '
Assembly at once declared the King suspended from his office,

PERIOD VII. H

114 European History \ 1 790- 1 792

and ordered him to be confined with his family in the Temple.
It then elected a new ministry, consisting of three of the
former Girondin ministers, Roland, Claviere, and Servan for
the Interior, Finance, and War, and three new men, Danton,
Monge, and Lebrun for Justice, the Marine, and Foreign
Affairs. This ministry, with the help of an extraordinary Com-
mission of Twenty-one, elected by the Legislative, and of the
Commune of Paris, displayed the greatest energy. By means
of domiciliary visits, those suspected of opposition to the insur-
rection of 10th August were seized and imprisoned; a camp
was formed for the defence of Paris ; men were everywhere
raised and equipped and sent to the front ; and commissioners
were sent throughout France, and especially to the armies, to
tell the tale of the insurrection and to secure the adhesion
of the people. Danton was the heart and soul of the defence
movement and of the ministry, and inspired confidence and
patriotism into those who hesitated; the Commission of Twenty-
one, whose mouthpiece was the great orator Vergniaud, aided
him to the best of their power ; the Legislative directed the
convocation of the primary assemblies, without distinction of
active and passive citizens, for the election of a National
Convention; and the Commune of Paris took measures to
prevent any attempt at a counter-revolution.

But no amount of energy and patriotism could in a moment
make trained armies and enable France to repulse the most
famous troops in Europe. Fortunately for France, in this

Desertion of crisis, her untrained soldiers behaved admirably.

Lafayette. Lafayette, on the news of the insurrection of 10th
August, arrested the commissioners sent to him by the Legisla-
tive Assembly, and endeavoured to induce his army to march
to the aid of the King. But his men refused; the former
commander of the National Guard of Paris deserted, and
Dumouriez took command of his army. Lille made a gallant
resistance to the Austrians, who had formed the siege, but
the Prussians met with no such obstinate opposition. Longwy
surrendered to them on 27th August, and Verdun on 2nd

The Battle of Valmy 115

September, and they continued their march directly on Paris.
Dumouriez fell back with his main army to defend the uplands,
— they can hardly be called the mountains, — of the Argonne.
He summoned to him the corps ctarm'ee on the Belgian frontier
under Arther Dillon, and a detachment from the Army of the
Rhine under Kellermann, while he was also reinforced by
some thousands of undisciplined, and therefore useless, volun-
teers, and t>y a fine division of old soldiers collected from
the garrisons in the interior. In Paris the news of the Prus-
sian advance caused a panic; it seemed impossible that
Dumouriez' hastily concentrated army could oppose an effec-
tive resistance ; and even Danton and Vergniaud could hardly
keep up the enthusiasm they had at first aroused. At this
juncture the Parisian volunteers were half afraid to go to the
front for fear that the numerous prisoners, arrested during the
domiciliary visits, would break out and revenge The Massacres
themselves on the families of the volunteers. This of September
feeling induced the horrible series of murders, I79a *
known as the Massacres of September, in the prisons. The
massacres began fortuitously, and there were not more than
200 murderers at work; but the crowd, including national
guards, stood by and saw them committed without raising a
hand to help the victims. All Paris was responsible for the
murders ; they could have been easily stopped ; but no one
wanted to check them : the feeling which allowed them was
the popular feeling ; neither Danton, nor Roland, nor the
Commune of Paris, nor the Legislative Assembly cared to
interfere; the massacres were the answer to the Prussian
advance and the capture of Longwy, as the insurrection of
10th August was the reply to Brunswick's manifesto.

On 20th September 1792 the main Prussian army, which had
reached the Argonne, attacked the position occu- Battle of
pied by Kellermann at Valmy, and was repulsed, vaimy.
The victory was not a great one ; the battle was aoth8c P tI 7» a -
not very hotly contested; the losses on both sides were
insignificant ; but its results both military and political were

u6 European History, 1790- 1792

immense. The King of Prussia, who complained that the Aus-
trians had not fulfilled their engagements, and that the whole
burden was thrown on him, was easily persuaded by the Duke of
Brunswick to order a retreat. The Duke of Brunswick was in-
duced to give that advice from military considerations, in that
his army was wasted by disease and harassed by the inclement
weather, and from policy, because, like many Prussian officers,
he considered it unnatural for Prussians and Austrians to fight
side by side. The retiring army was not hotly pressed; Dumou-
riez still hoped to induce Prussia to quit the coalition against
France, and pursued with more courtesy than vigour until the
army of Brunswick was beyond the limits of French territory.
On the day of thfe battle, or as it is with more correctness
Meeting of termed the cannonade, of Valmy, the National
turn 000 ™ 11 " Convention met in Paris and assumed the direc-
aoth Sep. 179a. tion of affairs. It contained all the most distin-
guished men who had sat in the two former assemblies on
the Left, or democratic side, and its first act was to declare
France a Republic. After this had been unanimously carried,
dissensions at once arose, and a fundamental difference between
two groups of deputies appeared, which threatened to end in
Parties in tne proscription of the one or the other. On the
the Conven- one side were the distinguished orators of the
Uon ' Gironde, who have given their name to the whole

party, reinforced by the presence of several old members of
the Constituent Assembly and of a few young and inexperi-
enced men. This group was roughly divided into Buzotins
and Brissotins, or followers of Buzot, a leading ex-Constituant,
and of Brissot, the author of the war ; but some of the greatest
of them, like Vergniaud, refused to ally themselves with either
leader. The chief meeting-place of the Buzotins, who in-
cluded most of the younger men, was Madame Roland's salon.
On the other side, taking their name from the high benches on
which they sat, were the deputies of the Mountain, including
almost the whole of the representatives of Paris, and all the
energetic republicans, who had brought about the insurrection

Conquest of Savoy and Nice 1 1 7

of 10th August. This group comprised Robespierre, Danton
and Marat, Collot-d'Herbois and Billaud-Varenne, all deputies
for Paris, and none of whom, except Robespierre, had ever
sat in either of the former assemblies, with some leaders of
the extreme party in the Legislative, Merlin of Thionville,
Chabot and Basire. It was not long before open quarrels
arose between the two groups. The Girondins accused the
leaders of the Mountain of having in the Insurrectionary Com-
mune fomented the massacres of September in the prisons,
and abused them as sanguinary and ambitious anarchists.
This accusation was formally indeed brought against Robes-
pierre by Louvet, a Rolandist Girondin, in an elaborate attack
delivered on 29th October; while at the same time the
Mountain accused the Girondins of being federalists and
desiring to destroy the essential unity of the Republic, an
accusation whic' r was used with deadly effect at a later date.
Both groups, — they cannot be called parties, for they had no
party ties and recognised no party obligations, — appealed to
the great majority of the Convention, the deputies of the
Centre, who sat in the Plain or Marsh. The representative
of this vast majority was Barere, an ex-Constituant, who
trimmed judiciously between the two opposing groups.

The Convention, which had been elected in days of deepest
dejection, if not despair, when the Prussians were moving on
Paris and the Austrians were besieging Lille, was soon raised
by a succession of conquests to a state of patriotic Conque8t of
exaltation, bordering on delirium. In the month Savoy and
of September, just after the battle of Valmy, Nlcc *
General Montesquiou occupied Savoy, and General Anselme
the county and city of Nice, territories belonging to the King
of Sardinia, without striking a blow. This was followed by a
more important series of successes. Though not as a body
engaged in war with France, many princes of the Empire had
sent contingents to the aid of the Prussians and Austrians.
In reply, still without declaring war on the Empire, the French
attacked the Rhenish princes. On 1st October General

1 1 8 European History, 1 790- 1 792

Custine, commanding a corps of the Army of the Rhine, took
Spires, on October 4 Worms, and on October 21 Mayence,
one of the bulwarks of the Empire and the capital of the
Capture of Elector-Archbishop. From Mayence Custine
ai^toctober detached divisions in other directions, and held the
179a. wealthy city of Frankfort-on-the-Main to ransom.

Not less startlingly rapid were the conquests of Dumouriez
on the north-east frontier. After the retreat of the Prussians
Battle of ne turned north against the Austrians ; he raised
jemmappea. the siege of Lille, which had been heroically de-
°v.i792. f en( j e( ^ an( j on g tn November he defeated the
Austrians in a pitched battle at Jemmappes, near Mons.
This victory laid Belgium open to him. He occupied the
whole country, entered Brussels as a conqueror, and estab-
lished his headquarters at Liege. The conquest of Belgium
intoxicated the Convention ; they believed tfreir armies to be
invincible ; they regarded themselves as having a mission to
carry the doctrines of the French Revolution as embodied in
the Rights of Man and the Sovereignty of the People into all
countries; they declared themselves on 19th November ready
to wage war for all peoples upon all kings ; and in disregard
of all international obligations, they declared the Scheldt,
which by treaty had been closed to commerce for years, a free
river, because it had its source in a free country.

The intoxication which followed this series of unparalleled
successes blinded the Convention to the need of improving
and disciplining their troops. The French republicans did
not comprehend that the chief cause of the facile conquests
of their armies was that they met with the sympathy of the
conquered. Belgium, the Rhine provinces, Savoy, and Nice
were all filled with revolutionary enthusiasm, and welcomed
the French as liberators; they requested to be united to
France, when primary assemblies were summoned by the
French commissioners, and on 9th November Savoy and Nice,
and on 13th December the Austrian Netherlands or Belgium,
were declared a part of France. In spite of these military

Execution of Louis XVI 119

successes, the republican army could not be organised in a
day ; the seeds of anarchy sown by the Constituent had gone
too deep to enable discipline to be restored except by sharp
measures ; the administration of the army, that is, the com-
missariat, the war office, etc., was in a state of chaos; the
soldiers, both officers and men, of all the armies, kept their
eyes too closely fixed on the course of politics in Paris to do
their duty efficiently at the front.

The burning question which divided the Convention at the
end of 1792 was the treatment to be meted out to Louis xvi.
Robespierre urged that, as a political measure, he should be
put to death ; but the Girondins, filled with an idea of imitat-
ing the English republicans of the seventeenth century,
decided on a royal trial. When the trial, which was but a
defence of Louis xvi. by his counsel, was over, the Girondins,
in their desire to avoid responsibility, or perhaps from a
genuine belief that it might save the King's life, proposed
that the sentence on him should be submitted to the primary
assemblies of the people. The deputies of the Mountain
feared no responsibility, and taunted the Girondins „

. , . . r ,11. 1™ • ^ Execution of

with being concealed royalists. The motion for Louis xvi.
an appeal to the people was rejected ; the King aist Jan - 1793 *
was sentenced to death by a small majority; and on 21st
January 1793 Louis xvi. was guillotined at Paris.

The result of the execution of Louis xvi. was to give a
pretext to the countries of Europe which had not yet declared
war against the French Republic to do so. Charles iv. of
Spain, in the hope of saving the chief of the Bourbon family,
maintained his minister at Paris until the last possible
moment, and it was with reluctance that he placed his army in
the field on the news of the King's execution. The War ^h
French Republic accepted the challenge, and early Spain, Hoi-
in March declared war against Spain. The war landt and
with Holland stood on a different basis. Dumouriez, t* 16 Empire,
after his conquest of Belgium, looked on Holland as an easy
and particularly wealthy prey. He believed that by conquering

120 Etiropean History, 1790- 1792

Holland, France would have in her hands a means of forcing
England to keep the peace. His views were supported by
Danton, who was sent on mission to Dumouriez' headquar-
ters. The contrary was the result. Pitt sincerely wished for
peace, and was essentially a peace minister, but he had no
idea of allowing the faithful ally of England, Holland, to be
overrun and held to ransom by the French. The opening of
the Scheldt had crowned the long series of French breaches
of international law, and Pitt resented the assumption of the
Convention that the law of nature, as interpreted by them-
selves, was to take the place of the law of nations. Pitt's hand
was also forced in two directions ; the philippics of Burke had
roused the fears of English property-holders against the spread
of French principles ; and George in. was as anxious as any
Continental monarch to preserve the dignity of kings. Pitt
and his foreign minister, Grenville, gradually became convinced
that the French meant to fight England, and that war was in-
evitable, and Chauvelin, the French ambassador, was ordered
to leave London. The French leaders were under a miscon-
ception with regard to the spread of their ideas in England ;
they knew that a large body of educated men sympathised
with them, and expected a national democratic rising which
should overthrow not only Pitt, but the English monarchy.
They did not understand that an English parliamentary
opposition, in spite of its words, is as staunchly loyal as
the ministry, and that it would never foment or encourage
insurrection. Under these circumstances and deluded by these
misconceptions France declared war against England and
Holland on 1st February 1793. Many smaller nations entered
on the fray. Sweden under the prudent government of the
Regent Duke of Sudermania, Denmark under Christian vn.
and Bernstorff, and Switzerland declared their neutrality. But
Portugal, where the heir-apparent, afterwards King John vi.,
had become regent for his mother, Maria Francisca, who
was insane; Tuscany, whose Grand Duke, Ferdinand, was a
brother of the Emperor ; Naples, or rather the Two Sicilies,

Conquest of Poland 1 2 1

whose king was a Bourbon, and whose queen was a sister of
Marie Antoinette, all declared war on the French Republic.
Catherine of Russia wore mourning for Louis xvi. in-
veighed against the wickedness of the French republicans,
and proceeded to take advantage of the occupation of the rest
of Europe in the affairs of France to prosecute her schemes
on Poland. Last of all, the Holy Roman Empire, which had
decreed the armament of the contingents of the circles, on 23d
November 1792, after the news of the capture of Mayence,
solemnly, and with all the circumlocution inseparable from
the movement of the unwieldy machine, declared war against
France on 22d March 1793.

While regenerated France was at bay with nearly the whole
of Europe, regenerated Poland was being conquered by a
single power. While Europe pretended to fight Catherine
France on behalf of the principle of monarchy, invades
Catherine invaded Poland, because by the Con- Poland -
stitution of 3d May 1791 it had strengthened its monarchy.
France was attacked because it was asserted to be in a state
of anarchy, Poland because it had by wise reforms tried to put
an end to an historic system of constitutional anarchy. As
soon as Catherine had made peace with the Turks at Jassy,
and Austria and Prussia were engaged in war with France, she
intervened to overthrow the new Polish Constitution. It was
not difficult to find Polish nobles who resented the abrogation
of the old system, and, under Catherine's encouragement,
Branicki, Felix Potocki, and some others formed the Con-
federation of Targovitsa, and protested against the abolitior"
of the liberum veto and the reforms of 3d May 1791. They
then asked Catherine to send a Russian army to their assist-
ance. She willingly complied, and on 18th May 1792 pub-
lished a manifesto, stating that she was the guarantor of the
ancient Polish Constitution, and stigmatising the reformers
of 1 79 1 as Jacobins. Suvdrov at once entered Poland at
the head of 80,000 Russians and 20,000 Cossacks, and by
force of numbers defeated the Polish army under Joseph

122 European History, 1790 1792

Poniatowski at Zielence* on 18th June 1792, and under
Kosciuszko at Dubienka on 17th July. These defeats caused
the reformers of 1791, including Kollontai and Kosciuszko, to
go into exile ; their place at the Diet was taken by the leaders
of the Confederation of Targovitsa, and the Constitution of 3d
May 1 79 1 was abrogated. The conquest of the Polish patriots
"by Russia greatly excited the King of Prussia and the
Emperor, and was one of the causes which induced Frederick
William to order Brunswick to retreat after his trifling check
at Valmy. The Polish patriots appealed to Prussia for help
under the terms of the alliance of 1790, but the King only
answered that he had not recognised the Constitution of 3d
May 1 791, and that the Polish leaders were Jacobins and
imitators and allies of the French revolutionary leaders. A
Prussian army, therefore, entered Poland to co-operate with
second par- the Russians and to share the spoil A treaty of
tition of partition was signed by Catherine and Frederick
a 4 thSept. William on 4th January 1793, by which Russia
1793. was to annex eastern Poland, including the whole

of Minsk, Podolia, Volhynia, and Little Russia, and Prussia
was to have Posen, Gnezen, Kalisch, and the cities of Dantzic
and Thorn. Austria was too hotly engaged in the war with
France to be able to claim a share, but the conduct of Prussia
at this time in excluding her from the partition of Poland was
never forgotten nor forgiven, and increased the hereditary feel-
ing of distrust between the two powers. The Emperor Francis
regarded himself as duped, and Prussia by acting alone broke
the solemn engagements entered into with Leopold, and
commenced the policy which was to end in the conclusion of
the Treaty of Basle with the French Republic Though the
second partition of Poland was agreed upon in 1792, it was
not consummated until the following year. A Diet was called
at Grodno, and there, in the presence of the Russian soldiers,
Stanislas Poniatowski and the Diet consented in silence, on
24th September 1793, to the arrangements made between
Russia and Prussia. On 16th October Catherine signed a

Contrast between France and Poland 123

treaty, guaranteeing the liberty of Poland, that is, the abuses
of the old Constitution, which were certain to give Russia the
opportunity of finishing the work of blotting out the Poles as
an independent nationality from the map of Europe.

The close of the year 1792 thus witnessed at the same time
the overthrow of Poland and France in arms against foreign
aggression. Each country was to make a violent effort for
independence. The French were to be successful, because
under the influence of personal and political freedom every
Frenchman felt it his duty to resist foreign interference;
Poland was to fail, because it was not the Polish people,
but only the enlightened Polish nobles and bourgeois, who
appreciated the situation.

CHAPTER IV
I793-I795

Fiance at War with Europe— Altered Character of the War — The Revolu-
tionary Propaganda — First Campaign of 1793 — Battle of Neerwinden —
Desertion of Duraouriez — Creation of the Committee of Public Safety —
Insurrection in La Vendee — Creation of the Revolutionary Tribunal
— Struggle between the Girondins and the Mountain — Overthrow of the
Girondins — Second Campaign of 1793 — Loss of Valenciennes and May-
ence — Civil War in France — Royalist and Federalist Risings — Loss of
Toulon — Constitution of 1793 — The work of the first Committee of Public
Safety— The Great Committee of Public Safety— Growth of its Power-
Position of Robespierre— The Reign of Terror— The Committee of
General Security, the Deputies on Mission, the Revolutionary Tribunal,
the Laws of the Suspects and the Maximum — Results of the Terror —
Battles of Hondschoten, Wattignies, and the Geisberg — Relief of Mau-
beuge — Recovery of Lyons and Toulon — Fall of the H6bertists and the
Dantonists — Campaign of 1794 — Battles of Fleurus, Kaiserslautern, and
1st June 1794 — Fall of Robespierre — Rule of the Thermidorians : First
Phase : the Survivors of the Mountain — Conquest of Holland — The
Batavian Republic — Successes on the Rhine, in Savoy, Italy, and Spain
— Insurrection in Poland — The Campaign of Kosciuszko — Third and
Final Partition of Poland — Contrast between the Polish and French
Revolutions — Its Causes — Change in the Attitude of the Continental
Powers to the French Republic— Rule of the Thermidorians : Second
Phase : the Survivors of the Girondins and Deputies of the Centre —
Insurrections of 12th Germinal and 1st Prairial in Paris — The Constitu-
tion of the Year in. (1795) — The Treaties of Basle — France again enters
the Comity of Nations.

The first months of 1793 found France at war with Europe.
France at Though such minor states as Denmark and
War with Sweden and Venice declared their neutrality, they
Europe. manifested no desire to assist the French Republic,

and their neutrality was but of slight service. It was other-

124

The Revolutionary Propaganda 125

wise with the neutrality of Switzerland. The Swiss cantons
had nearly been drawn into the general war by the support
given to the revolutionary party in the Republic of Geneva by
the French ministry, which included among its members
Claviere, a Genevese exile. The canton of Berne went so
far as to occupy the city of Geneva, and it was only by the
exercise of much diplomatic skill that open war was avoided.
The neutrality of Switzerland made the land blockade of
the French Republic of no avail. Through secret agents in
Switzerland, arms, provisions, and necessaries were obtained
from Southern Germany, and diplomatic relations were main-
tained with the democrats residing in the states of the belli-
gerent powers. The declaration of war by the Holy Roman
Empire completed the armed opposition of the greater
countries of Europe against France. Of these countries
Russia alone sent no army or fleet against the Republic, and
Catherine satisfied herself with stating that she was engaged
in conquering Jacobins in Poland.

The character of the war in 1793 differed from that waged
in 1792. In 1792 France was invaded on behalf of Louis xvi.,
and the fighting was carried on according to the principles
which had existed in the eighteenth century. But in 1793 the
powers were at war with France for a different and more far-
reaching reason. The revolutionary propaganda, that is, the
idea consecrated in the decree of the Convention on the 19th
of November 1792, that France was to spread among all
countries the new doctrines of liberty, equality, A1
and fraternity, vitally affected every government acterofthe
in Europe. England in particular, which had War -
studiously kept aloof while the Revolution was pursuing its
course at home, only felt obliged to interfere when the new
rulers of France announced their intention of disregarding all
principles of international law, and of converting other nations
to their doctrines. It was this common opposition to the
revolutionary propaganda which united the powers of Europe
against France in 1 793. England made herself the paymaster

126 European History \ 1793- 1795

of the coalition. She lavished money freely, not only in sub-
sidies to Prussia and Austria, but to less important countries,
such as Spain and Sardinia. With this community of aim
necessarily came a community of action. The war against
France became a matter of principle and not of intrigue.
This new attitude was marked by changes of ministry both in
Prussia and in Austria. The failure of the invasion of 1792
disgusted Frederick William 11. with his advisers. The Duke
of Brunswick fell into open disgrace, and Schulemburg, the
foreign minister, made way for Haugwitz. At Vienna, Count
Philip Cobenzl, the Vice-Chancellor of State, who had man-
aged foreign affairs owing to the old age of Kaunitz, was
dismissed, and his place was taken by Thugut, a man of low
origin, whose sole political object was the humiliation of
France, and his guiding principle a horror of French prin-
ciples. Even in the secondary states similar ministerial
changes took place, of which the most remarkable was the
dismissal of Aranda in Spain, who was succeeded in power
by Godoy, the Queen's lover.

The first result of the formation of the coalition was a deter-
mined attack upon Dumouriez' position in Belgium. That
First Cam- general had hitherto not despaired of detaching
P aignofi793. Prussia from Austria, but the execution of Louis
xvi. destroyed his last hope. Both Prussia and England de-
clined to listen to his lavish promises; his army had wasted away
while in winter quarters ; the first volunteers returned to their
homes in thousands when France was freed from the invaders ;
the troops he retained were deprived of all necessaries by the
disorganisation of the French War Office ; and the people of
Belgium, finding that their country was annexed to the French
Republic, in spite of their patriotic desire for independence,
showed their hostility in every way, and harassed instead
of aiding the French troops. Under these circumstances,
Dumouriez' invasion of Holland failed, as it was certain to
fail. His right wing, which was besieging Maestricht under
the command of General Miranda, was defeated by the

Desertion of Dumouriez 127

Austrians under the command of the Prince of Coburg, and
he had to withdraw his advanced divisions, for fear of being
cut off from France. He was rapidly pursued. An English
army, under the Duke of York, joined the Austrians, under
the Prince of Coburg, and Dumouriez was utterly defeated by
the allies at Neerwinden on the 21st March 1793. Battle of
The defeat became a rout, and the French were *% ^ch°'
driven from Belgium as speedily as they had con- 1793.
quered it Dumouriez then made a fruitless effort to lead his
army against the Convention. He arrested four deputies and
the Minister for War who had been sent to suspend him from
his command, but, finding that his army would not follow him,
he deserted to the Austrians on the 5th April.

The effect of Dumouriez' reverses, and, finally, of his deser-
tion, on the temper of the Convention was most striking. The
enthusiasts who believed in the inauguration of a Effect on the
new era, who boasted that free Frenchmen, even Convention,
without arms and discipline, would be able to defeat all
foreign armies, and who considered that the career of the
Republic was certain to be one of victory, were rudely
awakened. The need of the creation of a strong government
was forced upon the attention of the Convention. Danton,
recurring to the views of Mirabeau, proposed that a new
ministry should be chosen from among the members of the
Legislature. But the republicans had the same horror of
the power of the executive as the constitutionalists, and
Danton's motion was rejected. Nevertheless, it was quite
impossible that an unwieldy assembly and a discredited
ministry could defend France with any degree of success.
As early as January 1793, a Committee of General Defence
had been elected by the principal committees of the Conven-
tion ; this was replaced, on the news of the defeat at Neer-
winden, by a Committee- of General Defence of twenty-five
members chosen directly by the Convention; this was still
too unwieldy, and on the news of the desertion of Dumouriez,
the first Committee of Public Safety of nine members,

128 European History, 1 793-1 795

exercising supreme executive authority, was appointed. But
The Commit- tne question was, how was the Committee to be
tee of Public enabled to rule. Its first duty was to raise soldiers
Safety. tQ meet t h e enemies upon every frontier. For

this purpose eighty-two deputies of the Convention were sent
through France, two and two, to, raise by volunteering where
possible, but by conscription if other measures failed, 300,000
men. This call for recruits caused disturbances in many parts
of France ; in La Vendue it started civil war. It was to protest
against the conscription, and not to defend the Church or the
insurrection nobility, that the people of La Vende'e rose in in-
in La Vendee, surrection. But the leadership of the movement,
1793 * which had at first been taken by gamekeepers and

postillions, was speedily assumed by members of the ancient
French clergy and nobility. Cohesion was thus given to the
insurgents, and a large and important district in the west of
France maintained for a time a successful opposition to the
decrees of the Convention. But the reverses and desertion
of Dumouriez not only caused, for the first time in the history
of the Revolution, the creation of a real executive, it caused
also the forging of the weapons by which that executive was in
the future to establish the Reign of Terror. On 9th March
the Revolutionary Tribunal of Paris was established. Its
special object was the summary punishment of all enemies of
the Revolution. On.the 4th of April the Convention decreed
that a maximum price of food should be fixed. Extended
powers were granted to deputies sent on mission to the
armies or to the departments ; and an army, consisting of the
very poor, or sans culottes, was proposed.

While these measures, which did not take full effect for
some months, were being debated, the Convention was torn
by the opposition between the Girondins and the deputies of
the Mountain. The details of the struggle are not important
The arguments used by the Girondins were that their enemies
were responsible for the massacres of September in the
prisons, that they were under the influence of the Commune

Overthrow of the Girondins i$g

of Paris, and that they encouraged anarchy. The Mountain,
on their side, alleged that the Girondins were concealed
royalists, because they had voted against the execution of
Louis xvi., that they were federalists, who desired to destroy
the unity of the Republic, and that they preferred a weak to
a strong government. The struggle was mainly carried on
in the tribune of the Convention ; Robespierre attacked
Brissot, Vergniaud, and Guadet, and these orators replied by
attacking Robespierre and Danton. The latter for a time
endeavoured to avoid breaking with the Girondins, but he
was so violently impeached for his conduct while on mission in
Belgium, and accused of being an accomplice of Dumouriez,
that in self-defence he was forced to take up the gauntlet.
He had been elected to the first Committee of Public Safety,
and though his constitutional indolence prevented him
from becoming its most important member, he shared with
Cambon, the financier, the chief responsibility of the new
method of government. Meanwhile, worse news kept coming
from every frontier. It was felt to be both injudicious and
unpatriotic for the Convention to be occupied in personal
squabbles when the fate of France was in the balance. The
Commune of Paris decided to intervene. The deputies who
sat in the Plain, or Centre of the Convention, were more
influenced by the eloquence of the Girondins than by the
energy of the Mountain, and it was with regret that they felt
obliged to yield to the Commune of Paris. On the 31st May
1793, regular troops and national guards, under 0verthrow
the direction of Hanriot, the commander of the the Girondins.
National Guard of Paris, surrounded the Tuileries, ad June 17 ^-
to which the Convention had removed on the 10th May, and
the Commune demanded that the leading Girondins should
be expelled from the Convention, and sent for trial before
the Revolutionary Tribunal. The coup d u etat was completed
on the 2d June, when these demands were complied with,
and from that date the Girondins as a political party in the
Convention ceased to exist.

PERIOD VII. 1

130 European History, 1 793-1 795

The desertion of Dumouriez left the way clear for the
Second Cam- Austrians and English to invade France. They
paignofi793. advanced slowly and did not attempt, like the
Duke of Brunswick in the previous year, to mask the frontier
fortresses and move straight upon Paris. On 24th May the
French camp at Famars was stormed; on 12th July Conde,
on 28th July Valenciennes, were taken after making an
obstinate resistance, and the allies were thus firmly established
in France. Then, fortunately for the Convention, the allied
commanders-in-chief quarrelled. The Duke of York, acting
under the orders of the English ministry, besieged Dunkirk,
which port he desired to hold for the disembarkation of
supplies. The Prince of Coburg, with the Austrians, refused
to assist in the siege of Dunkirk, and invested Le Quesnoy.
Further south the Prussians captured Mayence on the 2 2d of
July, and a mixed army of Austrians and troops of the Empire
under Wiirmser forced their way into Alsace. At both ends
of the Pyrenees Spanish armies invaded the French Republic.
In the eastern Pyrenees nearly the whole of Roussillon was
conquered, and in the western Pyrenees the passage of the
Bidassoa was forced. These repeated reverses in so many
quarters did not destroy the courage of the Convention or of
the French people, but they proved that hastily raised un-
disciplined masses can never be a match for trained soldiers.
The successes of Dumouriez and Custine had been as much
the result of accident and of the hearty reception given to
them by the natives of the districts they invaded as of talent
and bravery, but the first defeats showed how thoroughly the
policy of the Constituent Assembly had sapped the discipline
of the French army.

To add to the dangers which threatened France during the
civil war in summer of 1793, civil war in many quarters re-
France, doubled the perils caused by the foreign invasion.
The war in La Vendue increased in magnitude almost daily,
and the soldiers of the Republic were frequently defeated by
the hardy peasants who fought in guerilla fashion among their

Civil War in France 131

woods and marshes. Throughout Brittany and in the moun-
tains of Auvergne similar movements took place, generally
guided by priests and country gentlemen ; but except in La
Vendue there was no serious royalist manifestation. But
the expulsion of the Girondins from the Convention had given
rise to another movement of even greater importance. The
insurrections in La Vendue and similar risings in country or
mountain districts were the work of ignorant peasants ; the
movement in favour of the Girondins was headed by wealthy
and intelligent cities. The news of the coup d"etat of the 2d
of June was received with consternation in most of the chief
cities of France. Girondin journals had long preached the
wickedness of the Commune of Paris, and that the leaders of
the Mountain were either anarchists or ambitious men aiming
at power. These words now had their effect. Several of the
deputies proscribed on the 2d of June escaped into' the pro-
vinces, and a group of them, collected at Caen in Normandy,
endeavoured to organise an army against the Convention.
Other cities followed the example. Marseilles arrested the
representatives on mission ; Bordeaux refused to receive the
deputies sent to it; Lyons started a counter-revolution and
executed Chalier, the leader of the local democratic party ; and
several cities agreed to send detachments of local troops to
form a central army against the Convention at Bourges. For
a few days matters looked most threatening for the victorious
members of the Mountain, but they were well served by the
deputies on mission. The Norman army was easily defeated
at Pacy on the 13 th of July; Bordeaux and Marseilles quickly
submitted, and Lyons was invested. But the success of the
Mountain was due to something more than the vigour of its
representatives in the provinces. The general sentiment in
France was that the conduct of the Girondins in causing civil
war showed the very excess of want of patriotism ; even if the
Commune of Paris had done wrong in interfering with the
Convention, the Girondins had behaved worse in attempting to
rouse the provinces, and owing to this sentiment many depart-

132 European History^ 1793-1795

ments and many cities speedily repented of the encouragement
they had given to the Girondin designs, and withdrew their sup-
port to the proposed concentration of local troops at Bourges.
The deputies of the Mountain met the unparalleled dangers
The constitu- of foreign and civil war with undaunted courage.
tionofi793. Their first measure was to draw up with extreme
rapidity a republican constitution, which is known as the
Constitution of 1793. As it never came into effect, the details
of this proposed system of government need not be described.
But the fact that it was drawn up, promulgated, and sent before
the primary assemblies of the people, deprived the Girondin
insurgents of one of their chief weapons. They had asserted
that the Mountain admired anarchy and wished to retain
power for the Convention and themselves. To these allega-
tions the issue of the Constitution of 1793 was an adequate
reply. But it was quite impossible, according to the leaders
of the Mountain, for the Convention to abandon the reins of
power. A general election at such a time would but increase
the difficulty of the situation. So, while declaring the existence
of the new Constitution, it deferred putting it into effect, and
strengthened the authority of its new executive, the Committee
The work of of Public Safety. The advantages to be derived
the first Com- ^ t ^ concentration of authority in a few hands

mitteeof # J ,

public safety, became quite clear to the Convention after the
expulsion of the Girondins. It may be doubted whether the
distinguished orators who directed Girondin opinion, from
their constant apprehension of the dangers of a strong executive
to individual liberty, would ever have perceived them. The
existence of the Committee made it possible for representatives
on mission and other agents of government to have a central
authority on which to rely. It was the Committee which
directed the short campaign in Normandy which overthrew
the most promising movement of the escaped Girondin
deputies ; it was the prudence of a member of the Committee,
Robert Lindet, which pacified Normandy, after the victory
had been won, by ruthlessly tracking down the ringleaders

The Committee of Public Safety 133

and generously sparing those who had been led away ; it was
the Committee which first attempted to re-establish discipline
in the armies and to supply them with provisions and munitions
of war; and it was on the motion of the most important
member of the first Committee, Danton, that the fatal decree
of the 19th of November, which consecrated the revolutionary
propaganda, and gave good reason for the continued opposi-
tion of foreign powers, was repealed. This good work in all
directions showed the members of the Convention that they
were acting in the right direction.

On 10th July 1793 the first Committee was dissolved on
the motion of Camille Desmoulins, but a new Committee with
similar powers was at once elected. This Committee, which
may be called the Great Committee of Public The Great
Safety, remained in power for more than a year. Committee of
Danton was not a member of it, partly because he Pubhc Safet y-
believed he could do better work outside, partly because of
his dislike of continued labour; Cambon also was not re-elected,
preferring to confine himself to the charge of the finances of
the Republic as the principal member of the Financial Com-
mittee. The nine members originally elected in July were
Barere, who acted as reporter throughout its tenure of office,
and was therefore in some respects the most important of them
all ; Jean Bon Saint-Andre', who took charge of naval matters ;
Prieur of the Marne and Robert Lindet, whose main duties
were to provide for the feeding of the armies ; Herault de
Se'chelles, the chief author of the Constitution of 1793, who
busied himself with foreign affairs; Couthon, Saint-Just,
Gasparin, and Thuriot. Robespierre entered the Committee
in the place of Gasparin on the 27th of July; Carnot and
Prieur of the Cote-d'Or were added on the 14th of August to
superintend the military operations on the frontiers; Billaud-
Varenne and Collot-d'Herbois were added on September the
6th to establish the Reign of Terror ; and on the 20th of
September Thuriot retired. The steps in the growth of the
supremacy of this second Committee of Public Safety are

134 European History, 1793- 1795

significant. On the 1st of August 1793 Barere read his first
report to the Convention. In it he proposed the most
energetic, not to say sanguinary, measures. The war was to
be carried on with the utmost energy ; La Vendue was to be
destroyed; and Marie Antoinette was to be sent for trial before
the Revolutionary Tribunal. On the same day Danton pro-
posed that the Committee should be formally recognised as a
provisional government, and that the ministers should be
directed to act as its subordinates. This motion was not
carried, but the entire control over the resources of France,
and the lives of Frenchmen, which Danton contemplated, was
secured without the passing of a formal decree. The Con-
vention seems to have been very glad to rid itself of the work
of government It accepted without a murmur every measure
proposed by the Committee of Public Safety ; it re-elected
the members month after month ; it threw all responsibility
upon them and registered all the decrees they proposed. As
has been said, it definitely gave them the charge of the military
operations by the election of Carnot and Prieur of the Cote-
d'Or, and it established the unity of their internal administra-
tion by the election of Billaud-Varenne and Collot-d'Herbois.
The rule of the second or Great Committee of Public
The Position Safety is generally known as the Reign of Terror,
of Robes- The Committee itself divided the chief functions
p erre. o ^ g 0vernmen t ampng its members. The special

functions of all, except those of Robespierre, Couthon, and
Saint-Just, have been already noticed. Robespierre was the
only one amongst them who had any reputation outside, or
indeed within, the walls of the Convention. His conduct dur-
ing the session of the Constituent Assembly, his clear-sighted
opposition to the war with Austria, his sagacious views on
the subject of the treatment of the King, his war against the
Girondin federalists, his oratorical talent, and above all his
reputation for being absolutely incorruptible and sincerely
patriotic, made him the man of mark among the Committee.
He was well aware of the importance of his position. His

Position of Robespierre 135

colleagues on the Committee used him as their figure-head to
represent them on great occasions, and he made it his busi-
ness to lay down the general principles which underlay the
system of revolutionary government — that is, of the Reign of
Terror. But though to the Convention and to France at
large Robespierre was the most conspicuous member of the
Committee of Public Safety, he really exercised but very
slight influence on the actual work of government. He had
no department of the State given into his charge ; he had not
the necessary fluency or facility to take Barere's place as
ordinary reporter ; he was not on terms of friendship with the
majority of his fellow-workers ; he was made use of, but was
neither trusted nor liked by the real governors of France.
It was to their benefit that the system of the solidarity of the
Committee was established, which gave to all their measures
the sanction of Robespierre's great reputation for incorrupti-
bility and patriotism. The majority of the Committee had no
positive views on government; they tried to do the work
which lay to their hands in the best way they could ; Robes-
pierre alone hoped to evolve out of the Reign of Terror a
new system of republican government. His only real friends
in the Committee were the two men least suited to give him
effectual help, for Couthon was a cripple, and unable to attend
with the necessary assiduity, and Saint-Just was but five-and-
twenty, the youngest of the Committee, and was generally
absent from Paris on special missions.

The system by which the Great Committee of Public
Safety regulated the Reign of Terror was based The Reign of
upon two important institutions. The first of Terror -
these was the Committee of General Security which sat in
Paris, and was elected from the members of the Convention,
and which exercised general police control over all France.
On great occasions its members sat with the committee
Committee of Public Safety as a Committee of of General
Government, but its special functions were to deal Security -
with men, while the Committee of Public Safety dealt with

136 European History, 1 793-1 795

measures. Dan ton, who was the principal creator of the
supremacy of the Great Committee of Public Safety — though
he himself refused to join it — saw the importance of subordi-
nating in fact, if not in name, the Committee of General
Security to the Committee of Public Safety. On nth Sep-
tember 1793 a Committee of General Security had been
elected, containing certain deputies of independent character,
and Danton, fearing a rivalry would arise between the two
Committees, at once obtained its dissolution, and secured, on
September the 14th, the election of a Committee of General
Security which would act in harmony with the great Com-
mittee. The members elected at this time were with but few
exceptions re-elected every month.

The second instrument by which the Great Committee ruled
Deputies on were the deputies on mission. The practice of

Mission. se nding deputies on special missions originated in
August 1792. It had grown in importance, and the deputies
proved their value in their vigorous suppression of the Girondin
movement in the provinces in the summer of 1793. The
power of deputies on mission was more than once specifically
declared to be unlimited. On grounds of public safety they
were not only permitted, but were ordered, to alter the com-
position of local authorities, whether municipal or depart-
mental. They had full powers to arrest and to make requisi-
tions. They were consistently supported by the Committee
of Public Safety sitting in Paris, and the greatest latitude was
given to them in administering the local government. As long
as they preserved the peace and sent up plenty of supplies
of money, and, when demanded, of recruits to Paris, their
methods of government were not minutely inquired into.
Besides the deputies on mission employed in the internal
administration, another important body of similar representa-
tives were kept at the headquarters of the different armies.
These deputies likewise had unlimited authority. They
could arrest even generals-in-chief at their absolute will ; they
could degrade officers of any rank ; they could interfere with

The Reign of Terror 137

military operations ; and could overrule the orders of a general
in the field. The Committee of General Security and the
deputies on mission ruled by means of inspiring terror. This
terror was based on the existence of the Revolutionary Tribunal
in Paris, and of its imitations termed revolutionary or military
commissions in the provinces, and the armies.

The Revolutionary Tribunal took cognisance of all political
offences, and its sentence was almost invariably death. Nearly
every Frenchman or Frenchwoman could be brought within the
net of the Revolutionary Tribunal by the Law of the Suspects.
By this law, which was most carefully drafted by Law of the
Merlin of Douai, any one who for any reason could Sus P ccts -
be suspected of disliking the new state of affairs could be
arrested. All relatives of imigris or of noblemen came into
this category as well as all former functionaries and officials of
whatever sort. But since the Law of the Suspects was not
sufficiently wide to impress the ordinary bourgeois, more espe-
cially the petty bourgeois, with terror, a new weapon was
forged in the Law of the Maximum. This law was Law of the
put into operation in September 1793. The laws Maximum.
of political economy could not be seriously affected by such a
measure as the Law of the Maximum, which fixed maximum
prices at which all articles of prime necessity were to be sold.
Such a law was certain to be evaded ; but its existence, and
the fact that evasions of the Law of the Maximum brought
the offender under the Revolutionary Tribunal, was enough
to establish the Reign of Terror over the petty bourgeois.
There were other means for extending the system which
need not here be particularised, such as the necessity of
every person carrying a card with him giving a full history
of his conduct during the Revolution, the encouragement of
denunciations by the bestowal of rewards, and similar precau-
tions. The Revolutionary Tribunal was provided with victims
under these measures by the Committee of General Security,
and by the numerous little Revolutionary Committees sitting
in every section of Paris, and in every city, district, and village

138 European History^ 1793-1795

throughout France. The Revolutionary Committees consisted
of tried Jacobins, and were in the provinces appointed by the
deputies on mission. They were frequently purified by the
expulsion of any member who gave evidence of moderate
opinions. The Revolutionary Committees filled the prisons —
it was the business of the Revolutionary Tribunal to empty
them. This it did with much expedition. The death sen-
tences of the Revolutionary Tribunal of Paris, which only
averaged three a week from April to September 1793, aver-
aged thirty-two a week from September 1793 to June 1794,
and 196 a week in June and July 1794. This increase was
very gradual ; it became an established system to send batches
of victims to the guillotine every day ; and the numbers in
these batches increased steadily. The Committee of Public
Safety, through its agent, the Committee of General Security,
did not much care who were executed as long as a consider-
able number went to the scaffold every day. Exceptions to
this rule are, however, to be noted in the executions of Marie
Antoinette on 16th October 1793, of twenty-one Girondins
on 31st October, of certain generals, such as Custine,
Houchard, and Biron, and of the Duke of Orleans and
Bailly, which intimidated courtiers, deputies, generals, and
ex-Constituants.

This system of terror was not suddenly evolved — it was the
result of gradual growth. The two men mainly responsible
for systematising it and carrying it into effect were Billaud-
Varenne and Collot-d'Herbois, who were specially added to
the Committee of Public Safety to superintend the internal
administration of France. On 10th October 1793, on the
motion of Saint-Just, the Constitution of 1793 was declared
suspended, and revolutionary government, that is, the Reign
of Terror, was ordered to continue until a general peace. On
10th December Billaud-Varenne read a report which defined
the system, of which the most important clause was the sub-
stitution of national agents nominated by the government,
— that is, by the deputies on mission, — to take the place of the

1

Capture of Toulon 1 39

elected procureurs-syndics of the districts. The Reign of
Terror in the provinces varied greatly. Some proconsuls,
such as Carrier at Nantes and Le Bon at Arras, carried out
their government in the most bloodthirsty fashion, but the
' Noyades,' or drowning of prisoners wholesale at Nantes, must
not be regarded as typical of the terror in the provinces.
Many proconsuls, such as Andre Dumont, contented them-
selves with threats, and while filling their prisons with suspects
declined to empty them by means of the guillotine. Other
proconsuls, such as Bernard of Saintes, preferred to send an
occasional batch of prisoners to Paris to having a revolutionary
tribunal of their own ; but in every case except those of Carrier
and Javogues, which were too atrocious to be passed over, the
Committee of Public Safety gave its agents in the provinces
a free hand to rule as they would so long as they maintained
internal tranquillity and passive obedience to the decrees of
the revolutionary government.

While the government of the Committee of Public Safety
was being organised in Paris and in the provinces, Results of
disasters succeeded each other with rapidity both toe Terror,
on the frontiers and in the interior of France. The Prussians,
after the capture of Mayence, only advanced a short distance
into France ; but the Austrians made steady progress in the
north-east in conjunction with the English, and, under Wiirmser,
penetrated Alsace and stormed the lines of Wissembourg. The
Comte d'Artois declared his intention to place himself at the
head of the insurgents in La Vendee, at Lyons, and in the moun-
tains of Auvergne. The English also promised to send armed
assistance in every direction. But the younger brother of
Louis xvi. thought it enough to make promises — he did abso-
lutely nothing to fulfil them. The English on their part confined
themselves to one important operation. They had on the out-
break of war despatched a fleet to the Mediterranean under the
command of Lord Hood, and on the 4th of August 1793 tne in-
surgents at Toulon, in the course of their opposition to the Con-
vention, surrendered their city to the allied English and Spanish

140 European History, 1793- 1795

fleets. In Lyons the same progress of opposition was to be
observed. The original insurgents had professed federalist
opinions, but when the Convention sent an army against them
open royalists took the place of the federalists. The vigorous
action of the new government soon freed the French Republic
from its foreign and internal foes. Carnot, on taking charge
of military measures, saw that the only means of defeating the
invaders was to take advantage of the numbers of his soldiers
and to act in masses. Acting on this policy General Houchard
Battles of raised the siege of Dunkirk and defeated the Eng-
wdwat^ lish and Hanoverians in the battle of Hondschoten
tignics. 1793. (8th September). In spite of his victory Houchard
was disgraced for not following it up with vigour. Jourdan, his
successor, carrying out the same policy, concentrated his army
against the Austrians, raised the siege of Maubeuge, and de-
feated the Austrians at Wattignies (16th October). These
victories did not drive the Anglo- Austrian army out of France,
but they stopped the progress of the allies and caused them to
stand upon the defensive. Farther south the same vigour was
displayed. Saint-Just restored discipline in the armies of the
Rhine and the Moselle. Hoche, at the head of the latter, won
the victory of the Geisberg (25th September) over the Austrians
and Prussians, while Pichegru, at the head of the Army of the
Rhine, relieved Landau and drove Wiirmser across the Rhine.
Almost at the same time a powerful army, of which the best
regiments were the former garrison of Valenciennes, captured
Lyons on the 9th of October, and on the 18th of December
Toulon was retaken by an army under the command of
General Dugommier. It was at the siege of Toulon that
Napoleon Bonaparte first made himself conspicuous and won
the rank of general of brigade. The republican armies were
equally successful against the Spaniards. The Army of the
Eastern Pyrenees, under D'Aoust, recovered Roussillon, while
that of the Western Pyrenees, under Muller, drove the Spaniards
across the Bidassoa. In La Vendee equal success was achieved.
The former garrison of Mayence, which was composed of

Opposition to the Committee 141

excellent soldiers who had gained experience and discipline from
their long resistance to the Prussians, destroyed the Vende'an
armies, and the insurrection of the province was severely
punished by Carrier at Nantes and by the infernal columns
which, under General Turreau, were directed to devastate the
country. These repeated successes in every quarter reconciled
the French people to the hideous rkgitne of the Reign of
Terror. Its despotism was excused because of its success,
and its absolute authority reluctantly submitted to as a neces-
sary evil.

In Paris the supremacy of the Committee of Public Safety
and the Reign of Terror met with opposition in Fail of the
two distinct quarters. On the one hand the f^^nton-
Commune of Paris, which was principally in- ists.
fluenced by the Procureur-Syndic, Chaumette, and his sub-
stitute, Hubert, soon began to resent the loss of its former
authority. The Commune had actually carried out the
coup diktat which overthrew the Girondins, and had expected
to reap the chief advantage for itself. In order to form a
party it demanded that the revolutionary government should
cease and that the Constitution of 1793 should be put into
force. But this cry did not raise a sufficiently powerful
support. The leaders of the Commune, therefore, allied them-
selves with the most extreme democratic party, which met
generally at the Cordeliers Club. This extreme party professed
absolutely atheistic principles. It proclaimed the Worship of
Reason ; it celebrated that worship with orgies in the cathedral
of Notre Dame; it induced Gobel, Bishop of Paris, to resign
his see; it carried its opposition to Christianity to an
extreme; and started a system of persecution against the
Christian religion. In home politics it did not defend the
socialistic notions which had found some currency in Paris,
but it nevertheless declared itself the party of the sans culottes^
and denounced all rich men and bourgeois as selfish egotists
and enemies of the people. In foreign policy it adopted the
doctrines of the revolutionary propaganda and declared it the

142 European History \ 1793- 1795

destiny of France to destroy all tyrants. The Committee of
Public Safety, as soon as its power was firmly organised,
resolved to overthrow this party of opposition by striking at
its leaders. Robespierre attacked them in the Jacobin Club,
and caused them to be excluded as atheists and enemies of
all government ; Danton denounced the Worship of Reason as
a disgraceful masquerade ; Camille Desmoulins exhausted his
> resources of eloquence and sarcasm to hold them and their
doctrines up to reprobation in the Vieux Cordelier, As soon
as the extreme party, which is commonly called the H6bertist
party, after its most conspicuous leader Hebert, the editor
of the Pere Duchesne, was thoroughly discredited, the Com-
mittee of Public Safety struck. On 24th Ventdse (14th March
1794) Hubert and his principal supporters were arrested on
the report of Saint-Just. They were at once sent for trial
before the Revolutionary Tribunal, and on 4th Germinal (24th
March) they were guillotined.

The H6bertists fell because they opposed the despotism of
the new government The Dantonists, who followed them to
the guillotine, fell because they believed the Reign of Terror to
be carried too far. Danton had done more than any man to
bring about the supremacy of the Great Committee of Public
Safety. Convinced as he was that only a strong executive
could possibly disentangle France from the dangers which
beset her on every side, he had consistently advocated the
creation of a strong government. Though not himself a
member of the Great Committee, he had believed it to be his
duty to support its power on every possible occasion. He
had not only been the chief author of its supremacy, but the
principal creator of the system by which it ruled. But he
began to believe, in the beginning of the year 1794, that the
Reign of Terror was being too stringently exercised. He was
quite in accord with Billaud-Varenne and Collot-d'Herbois in
considering it necessary to frighten the people of France into
acquiescence with the new order of things, but he did not
consider that it was necessary to shed so much blood to

Execution of Danton 143

accomplish the work of fright. His friend Camille Desmoulins
had in the Vieux CordeliemoX. only exposed the Hebertists,
but had hinted at the need for mercy and the advantages of
appointing a Committee of Mercy. The Great Committee of
Public Safety was not only determined to maintain its
autocratic power, but to defend its system of government.
Danton's influence in the Convention was still sufficiently great
to give the members of the Committee a cause for uneasiness.
It therefore resolved, in order to stop all murmuring against
the Reign of Terror, and to establish a reign of terror over the
Convention itself, to make an example of the most vigorous
patriot in France. On 10th Germinal (30th March 1794)
Danton, Camille Desmoulins, and their chief adherents were
arrested, and on 16th Germinal (5 th April 1794) the Dantonists
followed the Hebertists to the guillotine. These two blows
ensured the supremacy of the Committee of Public Safety and
the continuance of the Reign of Terror.

The Great Committee of Public Safety knew that its tenure
of power rested on its successful conduct of the foreign war.
Throughout the interior tranquillity prevailed Campaign
except in La Vendue, where the sanguinary ofl 794-
measures adopted perpetuated a guerilla warfare. The
French troops were, in 1794, in a very different condition
from that in which they had been left at the commencement
of 1793. The measures of terror which pacified France had
been in the army the cause of the restoration of discipline.
Constant fighting had converted the men into efficient soldiers.
Excellent officers had come to the front during the campaign,
and, owing to the rapidity of promotion, most of the generals
were young and energetic men. All that was best in France
had gone to the front. There, and there alone, men who
might have fallen under the terrible Law of the Suspects at
home, were not only safe themselves, but by their presence in
the ranks of the Republic protected their relatives. All the
resources of France were laid at the disposal of her armies.
The country became one vast arsenal. The soldiers were

144 European History^ 1793-1795

well fed, clothed, and armed, and the ablest administrators
were employed in rendering them efficient. The result of
this concentration of France upon the foreign war was success
in every quarter. In the spring of 1 794 the various armies took
the offensive, the Army of the North, under Pichegru, marched
by the northern line into Belgium, while a new army, after-
wards called the Army of the Sambre-and-Meuse, which was
formed out of the Army of the Ardennes, and a wing of the
Army of the Moselle penetrated Belgium from the south.
Before these two armies the English and Austrians fell back.
They were rapidly pursued, and on the 26th of June 1794
Battle of Jourdan won the battle of Fleurus. This victory,
Fieurus. like the victory of Jemmappes the year before, laid
June 26, 1794. Belgium open to the French armies. Brussels was
reoccupied ; the English and Dutch retired into Holland ; the
Austrians fell back behind the Meuse. Meanwhile, the Army
of the Moselle, under Rene' Moreaux, stormed the Prussian
position at Kaiserslautern, and with the Army of the Rhine
drove the Austrians across that river. The Army of Italy,
which had taken Toulon, also took the offensive, and de-
feated the Piedmontese at Saorgio. Dugommier, with the
Army of the Eastern Pyrenees, turned the tables on the
Spaniards, and crossing the mountains penetrated into Cata-
lonia, while the Army of the Western Pyrenees invaded Spain
in that quarter, and threatened San Sebastian.

The only checks which the Great Committee received
were at sea. Whether it was because it is more difficult to im-
provise a navy than an army, or because sufficient attention
was not paid to the republican navy, it is impossible to decide,
but it is quite certain that the sailors of the Republic did not
rival the soldiers in success, though they did in valour. One
reason for this was that all the best sailors preferred the
lucrative work of preying upon the commerce of the world in
frigates and privateers to serving in the regular fleets, where
no prizes were to be made. The two principal French fleets
were those stationed at Toulon and at Brest. An ineffectual

Battle of the \st of June 1794 145

effort had been made by Sir Sidney Smith to burn the Toulon
fleet when the English and Spaniards evacuated that port.
Nevertheless, a new fleet was soon prepared, but its action
against the English and the Spaniards who blockaded the
coast were ineffectual. The English on leaving Toulon had
proceeded to Corsica. That island had been raised against
the Convention by the native patriot, Paoli, who invited the
English to come and take possession in the name of
George 111. In Corsica, owing to the weakness of the French
Mediterranean fleet, the English remained unmolested for
nearly a year. The Brest fleet, however, came to blows with
the English Channel fleet, under the command of Battle of the
Lord Howe. The United States of America had 18tof June.
agreed to pay part of the debt which they owed France for
money lent during the War of American Independence in
grain, and a convoy was sent to protect the grain-ships. Lord
Howe was directed to cut off this convoy, and the French fleet
left Brest to ensure its safe arrival. From one point of view,
the action of the French fleet was crowned with success, for
the convoy arrived safely, but the fleet itself was utterly de-
feated by Lord Howe on the 1st of June 1794. Since the
object had been attained, the Committee of Public Safety
claimed credit for the action in which the fleet had been
engaged, and the reports which Barfere read daily from the
tribune of the Convention were invariably of battles won and
of feats of valour.

The brilliant successes which followed the establishment of
the power of the Great Committee of Public Safety justified
its despotism in the eyes of France, but as soon as Faiiof Robes-
those successes had freed France from the in- £?*"*' ?* h

., _ , , , . , . , Thermidor

vaders, it was generally felt that the weight of the (37th July)
Reign of Terror was intolerable, and that it had x tw-
become unnecessary. It was at this period of most brilliant
military triumphs that the Terror grew to its greatest height in
Paris. On 2 2d Prairial (10th of June 1794) a law was passed
to accelerate the procedure of the Revolutionary Tribunal,

PERIOD VII. K

146 European History^ 1793-1795

and the number of deaths upon the guillotine increased to an
average of 196 a week. Robespierre, who, as has been said,
was more of a statesman than his colleagues upon the Com-
mittee of Public Safety, who were simply administrators,
understood the tenor of feeling in France. He believed
that the time was coming when the Reign of Terror should
cease, and a new Reign of Virtue, carrying into effect the
maxims of Rousseau, could be established. The working
members of the Committee allowed Robespierre to theorise to
his heart's content ; as long as he did not interfere with them,
Jae might advocate what principles he pleased. The first
evidence of Robespierre's new tendency appeared in his
establishment of the Worship of the Supreme Being. He was
a profoundly religious and virtuous man, and the chief cause
of his hatred of Hubert and Danton was his belief that they
were immoral atheists. On 18th Flor^al (7th May 1794)
Robespierre made his most famous speech in the Convention,
by which he induced the Convention to officially acknowledge
the existence of a Supreme Being and the immortality of the
soul. The speech was followed on 20th Prairial by a great
festival in honour of the Supreme Being, at which Robespierre
presided. This was the day when his power seemed greatest,
but many of his colleagues laughed at his assumption of virtue
and at his posing as a high priest. He perceived clearly that
he could not establish his chimerical Reign of Virtue without
destroying the scoffers who refused to believe in him and his
doctrines. He absented himself for six weeks from the meet-
ings of the Committee, and prepared a speech by which he
hoped to induce the Convention to proscribe his opponents.

On 8th Thermidor (26th July 1794) he read this speech to
the Convention, and attacked covertly, and without mentioning
many names, not only certain of his colleagues in the Com-
mittee of Public Safety, but also the majority of the Committee
of General Security and of the Financial Committee. These
men, who had been governing France while Robespierre was
theorising, would not tamely submit to be ejected from power

Fall of Robespierre 147

and guillotined. On the evening of the same day Robespierre
read his speech to the Jacobin Club, which was the head-
quarters of the puritans who believed in the possibility of a
Reign of Virtue. But on 9th Therm idor the accused depu-
ties determined to act. It was not only the working members
of the Committees, but also the friends of Danton, the inde-
pendent deputies of the Mountain, and the members of the
Centre, who felt threatened, and their attitude was speedily
declared. Saint-Just began to read a report accusing Billaud-
Varenne and Collot-d'Herbois by name, but he was inter-
rupted, and Robespierre himself, with Couthon, Saint-Just,
and two other deputies were, after a stormy scene, ordered
under arrest. But the puritan party were not only strong in
the Jacobin Club; they dominated the Commune of Paris ever
since the overthrow of the H^bertists. Hanriot, the com-
mandant of the National Guard of Paris, rescued Robespierre
and the other imprisoned deputies, and took them to the
H6tel-de-Ville, where a scheme of government was discussed.
The Convention did not wait to be attacked. It declared
Robespierre and all his adherents to be outlaws, and Barras,
Fre>on, and Leonard Bourdon collected columns of regular
troops and national guards to attack the Hdtel-de-Ville. The
Convention was completely successful. The people of Paris,
like the people of all France, persisted in considering Robes-
pierre as the author of the Reign of Terror, while not only
his enemies but his colleagues threw upon him the responsi-
bility for all the atrocities included under the name of the
Terror. Though personally he had very little influence in the
Committee, he was represented and regarded as its master.
Consequently no hand was raised to protect Robespierre and
the puritans; the H6tel-de-Ville was easily occupied by
Barras; Robespierre was wounded in the mouth by a
gendarme, and on 10th Thermidor (28th July) he was guillo-
tined, and was accompanied or followed to the scaffold by the
small group of colleagues who had been impeached with him,
and by the majority of the Commune of Paris.

148 European History, 1 793-1 795

The death of Robespierre did not lead to a change of
The Rule of government, but it led to an alteration in the
dorilns™" svstem ty which the government was admini-
First Phase, stered. The deputies who had been most instru-
mental in the revolution of Thermidor belonged to the Moun-
tain, and expected to retain power in their hands ; but they
saw the necessity of preventing such a permanence of power
as had existed during the previous year. It was, therefore,
resolved that the Committees of Government — that is, the
Committees of Public Safety and of General Security — should
be renewed by a quarter every month, and that the retiring
members should not be eligible for re-election until a month
had passed. The survivors of the Great Committee still
believed in the system of government by terror, but their
new colleagues understood that now that France was vic-
torious the country would no longer submit to such rigorous
measures of repression. The victory of Fleurus had done
away with the necessity of continually employing the guillo-
tine. The system of terror was therefore tacitly abandoned ;
the supremacy of the Committees continued ; the Law of the
Suspects was unrepealed; the Revolutionary Tribunal con-
tinued to exist ; representatives were still sent on mission with
unlimited powers ; but the succession of executions ceased,
and the method of government, though arbitrary, was no longer
sanguinary. The men who ruled France from Thermidor
(July) 1794 to Ventose (March) 1795 were all deputies of the
Mountain, men of the type of Carnot and Robert Lindet,
the most sagacious of the members of the Great Committee
of Public Safety. The most conspicuous of the new men of
this period were Merlin of Douai and Treilhard, who took
charge of the foreign policy. These statesmen, while Carnot
superintended the carrying on of the war with his accustomed
vigour and success, finally broke with the propagandist doc-
trines which had made the war of unparalleled magnitude
and bitterness, and Merlin of Douai, on 14th Frimaire (4th
December) 1794 read a report in the name of the Committee

Conquest of Holland 1 49

of Public Safety, declaring that the Republic did not wish to
be at war with Europe for ever, and laying down the bases
on which treaties of peace honourable to France could be
made. While the Thermidorians were administering the
government strongly and honourably, they were beset with
cries of vengeance against the Terrorists of the previous year.
They felt it necessary to yield to the general outcry, and on 21st
Brumaire, Year in. (nth November 1794), Carrier, the most
ferocious of the proconsuls of the Terror, was sent before the
Revolutionary Tribunal. He was tried and eventually executed
for his crimes. The agitation was stronger against the organ-
isers of the Terror, Billaud-Varenne, and Collot-d'Herbois,
with whom were associated in the popular hatred Barere, the
reporter, and Vadier, who had been the most conspicuous
member of the Committee of General Security. Both the
doctrines and the men of the Terror had still plenty of sup-
porters in Paris, who now dominated the Jacobin Club, which
was therefore closed by the Thermidorians in December
1794. Almost at the same date the Law of the Maximum was
repealed. In the same month the survivors of the seventy-
three deputies who had protested against the proscription of
the Girondins, and consequently been imprisoned, were re-
called to their seats in the Convention.

Meanwhile the series of victories which had commenced
during the rule of the Great Committee of Public „

Conquest of

Safety continued. Pichegru at the head of the Holland.
Army of the North pursued the English and their x 794-5-
Dutch and Hanoverian allies. On the 9th of October he took
Nimeguen, and forcing his way across the frozen rivers drove
the English through Holland. He occupied Amsterdam, and
then with his hussars took the Dutch fleet, which was unable
to leave its moorings in the Texel owing to the ice. By the
end of January 1795 the whole of Holland was in the posses-
sion of the French. The Stadtholder, the Prince The Batavian
of Orange, fled to England, and the English troops Rc P ublic -
were soon after withdrawn. The conquest of Holland was

150 European History, 1793-1795

of the greatest service to the Thermi dorian s, for it enabled
them, by drawing upon the wealth of that country, to relieve
the financial distress of the French Republic. With regard
to Belgium there was no difficulty in coming to a decision as
to its future, for the Decree of Reunion passed in the days of
Dumouriez , success remained unrepealed, and the Austrian
Netherlands were therefore organised as part of the French
Republic. It was otherwise with regard to Holland. The
Thermidorians did not desire to further aggravate the fears
of Europe by annexing that country, but at the same time
they were quite resolved that it should not again fall under
the power of the English. Reubell and Sieyes, two ex-
Constituants who had remained in obscurity during the
Reign of Terror, were despatched to Holland to see what
could be done. They found many Dutch admirers of the
doctrines of the French Revolution, and speedily conciliated
the burghers of the Dutch cities, who had always resented
the power of the Stadtholder. With the help of these parties
and of the Dutch patriots who had been exiled in 1787, and
who now returned from France full of enthusiasm for demo-
cracy, they organised a Batavian Republic on the model of
the French Republic, and in March 1795 a Treaty of Peace
and Alliance was signed between the French and Batavian
Successes Republics. In other quarters the French Re-
in other public was likewise triumphant. Maestricht was
quarters. taken by Kl£ber on the 4th of November 1794.
Jourdan with the Army of the Sambre-and-Meuse, defeated the
Austrians under Clerfayt at Aldenhoven on the 2d of October,
and marching south occupied Aix-la-Chapelle, Bonn, Cologne,
and Coblentz. Meanwhile the Army of the Moselle, under
Rene* Moreaux, finally drove the Prussians out of France and
occupied the Palatinate and the whole of the Electorate of
Treves. On the southern frontier there were similar suc-
cesses. The Army of the Eastern Pyrenees, which had
invaded Catalonia, stormed the Spanish camp at Figueras
on the 20th of November 1794, and took Rosas on the 3rd

The Polish Insurrection 151

of February 1795. In tne first of tn ese actions the French
General Dugommier was killed in action. Moncey, with the
Army of the Western Pyrenees, took Bilbao, Vittoria, and
San Sebastian. The Army of Italy won the victory of
Loano on the 24th of November, which opened communi-
cation with Genoa. The Army of the Alps finally reached
the summits of Mont Cenis and the Little St. Bernard, and
drove the Piedmontese before it.

While the French nation had thus after much suffering and
long submission to the Reign of Terror secured Pound,
its independence and made itself feared by to**
Europe, a Polish insurrection had taken place which was not
crowned with the same success. The second partition of
Poland, which was consummated in 1793, ^ as Deen described.
But the Polish nadon was not inclined to acknowledge its
extinction without another blow. Many Polish exiles came to
France, and the leader of the Polish patriots, Kosciuszko,
received a flattering reception, though no promise of active
help. On the 23d of March 1794 Kosciuszko entered Cracow
and raised the standard of national independence. This news
caused a general rising in Prussian Poland, where the new
administrators of Prussia had behaved with extreme cruelty.
Stanislas Poniatowski, King of Poland, acting under the
influence of the Russian general commanding at Warsaw,
Igelstrom, disavowed Kosciuszko and declared him a rebel.
But the Polish people welcomed Kosciuszko as a liberator.
He defeated the Russians at Raclawice on the 4th of April
1794, and after a further victory occupied Warsaw on the 19th.
Both Russians and Prussians prepared to defend the provinces
they had annexed in 1793, and laid siege to Warsaw in July
1794. By the beginning of September all Prussian Poland
was in a flame of insurrection ; Frederick William 11., who was
conducting the siege in person, rapidly retreated and summoned
to his assistance a large proportion of the troops hitherto
employed against France. But though the Prussians had
temporarily retired, Catherine of Russia determined, at all

152 European History, 1793-179S

hazards, to conquer the Poles. She gathered a great army from
all parts of her empire, and placed it under the command of
the most famous of the Russian generals, Suvdrov. Caught
between the army of Suvdrov and the army of Fersen, who
had succeeded Igelstrom in command of the Russians already
in Poland, the Polish patriots were utterly defeated at
Maciejowice on the 12 th of October 1794, when Kosciuszko
was wounded and taken prisoner. On the 4th of November,
Praga, the suburb of Warsaw on the right bank of the Vistula,
was stormed by Suvdrov, and on the 9th of November the
capital surrendered. Catherine determined to complete the
work of the destruction of Poland. Stanislas Poniatowski was
removed from Poland on the 7th of January 1795, and on
the 25th of November 1795 ne abdicated the throne.

The division of the spoils caused much trouble to the
allies. The Austrians, who had been left in the lurch at
the second partition, claimed a share, and, like the Prussians,
weakened their armies on the frontier of France in order to de-
Extinction f en( * t ^ ie ^ r c ^ ms on Poland. By the final partition,
of Poland, which was arranged between the powers in 1795,
^795- Prussia received Warsaw and the surrounding

palatinates ; Austria received Cracow and the rest of Galicia,
and the Russians were content with rectifying their frontier
from Grodno to Minsk. It is interesting to contrast the
simultaneous failure of the Poles and success of the French.
The cause lay in the fact that the great bulk of the Polish
people were serfs, to whom it mattered little what master they
served, whereas the French people had long thrown off the
bonds of personal serfdom, and had just succeeded in getting
rid of the last shackles of the privileged classes. The Polish
Constitution of 1791 was the work of a few enlightened noble-
men and priests, and was gladly accepted by the educated
bourgeois of the cities, but the peasants were in too degraded
a condition to understand what personal liberty meant. In
France every peasant, every farmer had profited by the
Revolution, and was wedded to its cause not only for political

The Changed A ttitude of the Powers of Europe 1 5 3

reasons, but because of the purchases of ecclesiastical property
which he had made. The national feeling in France em-
braced the whole people, and made France successful against
her foreign foes ; the national feeling in Poland only existed
among a minority of the population, and the result was that
Kosciuszko was unable to attain the triumph which he so
well merited.

The successes of the French Republic and the failure of
the Polish national movement affected the attitude Change in the
of the coalition both towards France and towards c^SSe^tLi
its own members. The Prussians, ever since the Powers,
defeat of Brunswick in 1792, had openly expressed their belief
that the Austrians were betraying them and using them as
catspaws. Frederick William 11. for a long time battled against
these views, which were held by the chief Prussian statesmen,
such as Haugwitz and Alvensleben, by the most respected
Prussian generals such as Kalkreuth and Mollendorf, and by
his own personal clique of favourites, headed by Lucchesini.
In the year 1 793 he had confined his operations against France
to the siege of Mayence, while his best troops were directed
on Poland, and in 1794 he had still further reduced the
number of his soldiers upon the Rhine. England, which had
paid large subsidies to the Prussian government, resented this
conduct, and declared its intention of withdrawing all subsidies
unless Prussia would do as she was directed. Frederick
William 11. declared that he would not receive the English
subsidies on these terms ; but the truth was, that his attention
was far more occupied by the gains he hoped to get in Poland
than with the prosecution of the war against France. Austria,
also, where Thugut had in 1794 become the nominal as well
as the real director of the foreign policy of the Emperor
Francis, was getting tired of the war with France. Prussia's
conduct in making the second partition of Poland in 1793,
and leaving the Emperor out, had sown the seeds of discontent
Thugut was determined that the same thing should not occur
again, and, therefore, when the Polish insurrection broke out

154 European History \ 1793- 1795

in 1794, Austria also denuded her armies upon the French
frontier, This attitude of Prussia and Austria does not entirely
account for the victories of the French republican armies, but
it explains to some extent the ease with which those victories
were obtained. Spain also was weary of the war. Godoy
felt that his tenure of office was imperilled by the existence of
two French armies in Spain which might easily march upon
Madrid, and the Queen, and therefore the King, was entirely
under the influence of Godoy. Many of the princes of the
Holy Roman Empire likewise wished to see the war at an end,
foY it was their states upon the left bank of the Rhine which
were occupied by the French armies ; it was their states upon
the right bank of the Rhine which would be invaded by the
passage of that river, whereas the home dominions of Austria
and Prussia were far to the east, and not likely to be reached by
an invading army. England was the only power which seriously
desired to prosecute the war, for in England a national feel-
ing of repulsion against the French had arisen. The English
government, however, was unable to strike any effective blow ;
Hoche destroyed a body of imigris landed from English ships
at Quiberon Bay in July 1794; the continental powers who
received subsidies were not very earnest in doing the work
for which they were paid ; the French occupation of Holland
had deprived England of the only base from which an army
could act in Europe ; and the English government had there-
fore to be contented with blockading the French ports and
occupying the French West Indian Colonies.

The recall of those sympathisers with the Girondin party,
The Rule of who had been imprisoned, in December 1 794 was
^rilns.™" followed in March 1795 by th e recall to their
Second Phase, seats in the Convention of the outlawed Girondin
leaders, of whom the most conspicuous were Lanjuinais and
Louvet. The return of these victims increased the clamour
against the surviving Terrorist leaders and proconsuls who had
ruled France in 1 793-94 in Paris, or on mission in the provinces.
Hot debates took place on the necessity of punishing what

Insurrection of \st Prairial 155

was now termed t Robespierre's tail/ In Paris a powerful
section of the populace — namely, the young bourgeois, who
were commonly called the Jeunesse Dore'e, or after their leader
Fre'ron the Jeunesse FreVonienne — never ceased to demand
the punishment of the Terrorists. Popular sympathy was
generally with the Jeunesse Dor£e ; conspicuous Jacobins of
the Terror were beaten in the streets ; the heart of Marat was
taken from the Pantheon and thrown down a sewer ; and the
busts of Marat, who was regarded as the apostle of Terrorism,
were everywhere broken. The former rulers of Paris, the old
members of the Jacobin Club and the Revolutionary Com-
mittees, were not inclined to submit to popular vengeance
without striking a blow. On 12th Germinal, Year insurrection
in. (1st April 1795) tne y raised an insurrection^^
in the turbulent Faubourg Saint-Antoine, and the 1st April 1795.
insurgents broke into the Convention shouting * Bread and
the Constitution of 1793.' The only result of this riot was that
Billaud-Varenne, Collot-d'Herbois, Barere, and Vadier were
ordered to be deported to French Guiana without trial. The
persecution of the Terrorists continued. A commission was
appointed to inquire into the acts of the former proconsuls ;
power passed into the hands of the returned Girondins and
the members of the Plain or Centre. Certain of the remaining
deputies of the Mountain, supported by the Jacobins of Paris,
then resolved on a second insurrection. On 1st Prairial,
Year in. (20th May 1795) the Convention was Insurrection
again invaded by a Saint-Antoine mob, headed of m Prairial.
by women who had gained the unenviable name aothMa y I 795.
of the * Furies of the Guillotine.' A deputy named Fe'raud was
taken for Fre'ron and murdered on the spot, and throughout
the day the hall of the Convention was occupied by a howling
mob, which vainly endeavoured to compel the President,
Boissy-d'Anglas, to pass the decrees they desired. Meanwhile
the Committees of Government prepared to act with vigour.
With the help of some regular troops quartered in Paris, of
the national guards of the bourgeois sections, and of the

156 European History, 1793- 1795

Jeunesse Dor£e, they expelled the mob, and on the following
days a force composed of these elements under the command
of General Menou, an ex-Constituant, disarmed the revolu-
tionary sections. The victory of the Committees was the
victory of the enemies of the Reign of Terror. Some of the
former Terrorist deputies were condemned to death and com-
mitted suicide, others were impeached and placed under arrest,
and the Mountain as a party ceased to exist. The expulsion
of the deputies of the Mountain caused the Committees of
Government to be filled by the members of the Centre, the
men who during the Reign of Terror had been peacefully
occupied in the legislative and educational reforms, which
were the most lasting works of the Convention. Of these
new members the most typical is Cambace'res, the great jurist
and principal law reformer of the period, on whose labours
Napoleon compiled the Code Civil. While the Committees
were engaged in the work of government, a commission of
eleven deputies was appointed to draw up a new Constitution
which should avoid the errors of its predecessors. The chief
authors of this Constitution, which is known as the Constitu-
tion of the Year in., were Boissy-d'Anglas and Daunou.

The direction of foreign policy was still mainly conducted
Treaties of by Merlin of Douai, who was now aided in this
Basie. i 7 g5. department by Cambaceres, Sieyes, and Reubell.
Their great work — indeed the great work of the Thermidorians
— was the conclusion of the Treaties of Basle. The causes of
these treaties have been shown in the examination just made
of the changed attitude of the powers of Europe towards the
French Republic. The agent of the French Republic in
Switzerland, Barth&emy, was the diplomatist who negotiated
the series of treaties. Switzerland had throughout the Reign
of Terror been the centre of diplomatic action, for in Switzer-
land alone France could meet the representatives of foreign
powers. The first and the most important of the Treaties
of Basle was that between France and Prussia, which was
signed upon the 5th of April 1795. By it not only was peace

The Treaties of Basle 157

concluded between the contracting powers, but a line of demar-
cation was agreed to be drawn by which Prussia might secure
safety from French invasion for the states of Northern Ger-
many. One point only was left in abeyance by Barthelemy
and Hardenberg, the negotiators of this treaty. The French
Government insisted that France, in reward for her exer-
tions, and in compensation for the long war, should receive
her natural limits of the Rhine. Prussia's territory upon the
left bank of the Rhine was very small in amount, and it was
agreed that the amount of compensation she should receive
for ceding it to France should be left unsettled for the pre-
sent. Frederick William 11., who posed as a guardian of the
Holy Roman Empire, refused openly to assent to the doctrine
that France should reach the Rhine and thus consecrate the
infringement of the limits of the Empire. He had no
desire to appear ready to consent to any such arrangement,
for he felt that such a policy would leave to Austria the posi-
tion of protector of the Empire. The Treaty of Basle with
Prussia was succeeded at the same place by a treaty with
Spain on the 2 2d of July, and finally by a treaty with the
most energetic of the petty princes of the Empire, the Land-
grave of Hesse-Cassel, on the 29th of August. Peace had
already on February 9th been made with Tuscany, which had
most unwillingly declared war on France under pressure from
England. Of these treaties, the most important was that with
Spain, which was excessively popular at Madrid, and won for
Godoy the high-sounding title of ' Prince of the Peace.' Thus,
after three years of war, France re-entered the comity of
nations and broke up the coalition formed against her inde-
pendence.

CHAPTER V

1795-1797

Results of the Treaties of Basle on the Foreign Policy of France— Constitu-
tion of the Year in — The Directory— The Legislature: Councils of
Ancients and of Five Hundred— Local Administration of France— The
Insurrection of Vende'miaire — The Rising of 13th Vende*miaire in Paris —
The First French Directors, Councils, and Ministers — Dissolution of the
Convention— England and the Emigris— Treason of Pichegru — Exchange
of Madame Royale — Desire for Peace in France — France and Prussia —
Suggestion of Secularisations in Germany— France and the Smaller
States of Europe— Attitude of Russia— Campaign of 1795 in Germany —
Bonaparte's Campaigns of 1796 in Italy— Battle of Montenotte— Armi-
stice of Cherasco — Battle of Lodi— Armistice of Foligno— Conquest of
Upper Italy— Battles of Castiglione, Areola, and Rivoli— Peace of
Tolentino with the Pope — Campaign of 1796 in Germany — Battle of
Altenkirchen— Retreat of Moreau— Effects of the Campaign in Germany
— Treaty between Prussia and France— Internal Policy of the Directory —
Pacification of La Vendue— The State of France— The Directory, Coun-
cils, and Ministers in 1796 — Creation of the Ministry of Police— Alliance
between France aud Spain— Treaty of San Ildefonso — Battle of Cape
Saint- Vincent-«-The Batavian Republic — Negotiations between England
and the Directory — Death of the Empress Catherine of Russia— Bona-
parte's Campaign of 1797 in the Tyrol— The Campaign of 1797 in Ger-
many—Preliminaries of Leoben between France and Austria,

The conclusion of the Treaties of Basle in the spring and
Result of the summer of 1795 brought France once more
Treaties of into a recognised position among the nations
Basle. Q j. £ ur0 p e# The idea of a revolutionary propa-

ganda had been entirely abandoned by the leading Thermi-
dorians, who looked upon it as the first duty of the French
Government to secure peace for France. All the great states-
men of the revolutionary period, from Mirabeau to Danton

168

The Constitution of the Year HI 159

and Robespierre, had protested against the absurd notion that
it was the mission of France to secure the pre-eminence of
democratic ideas throughout the whole of Europe. Events
had shown that it was a task of quite sufficient difficulty to
secure the prevalence of such ideas in France. The aban-
donment of the revolutionary propaganda broke up the league
of old Europe against new France. When the Prussian state,
and still more the ancient monarchy of Spain, had consented
to make peace with France, the rest of the powers of the
Continent felt that they could no longer affect to treat the
French republicans as beyond the pale of humanity, or the
French Republic as having destroyed the title of France to
be reckoned as a nation.

The Thermidorians, not satisfied with their diplomatic suc-
cess, constructed a new government for France, constitution of
The authors of the policy, which resulted in the the Ycar IIL
Treaties of Basle, were also the sponsors of the * Constitution
of the Year in.' The task of drawing up the bases of a new
- Constitution was referred upon 14th Germinal, Year in. (3d
April 1795) to a committee of seven deputies, but the details
were worked out by a subsequent commission of eleven. Among
the seven the most important were Sieves, Cambace'res, and
Merlin of Douai, who were also at this period the three prin-
cipal members of the Committee of Public Safety. Just as in
making the Treaties of Basle, they and their colleagues had re-
curred to the fundamental ideas and policy of the old French
Monarchy, so in the new Constitution they exhibited the influ-
ence of bygone ideas. The experience of the Constituent and
Legislative Assemblies, and of the Convention until the forma-
tion of the Committee of Public Safety, had shown the utter
inadequacy of intrusting supreme executive and administrative
authority to an unwieldy deliberative assembly. The power of
the monarchy in all modern states has rested upon the con-
viction of the importance of consolidating, as far as possible,
the executive authority ; the founders of the United States
of America understood this truth, and invested their President

160 European History, 1795 -1797

with power resembling that exercised by kings ; and the Con-
vention, when it yielded to the voice of Danton, and conferred
supreme authority upon the Committee of Public Safety, had
reaped the advantage in its victories upon all the frontiers.
Even the most obtuse of the deputies who sat in the Con-
vention had learnt this lesson. And the founders of the
Constitution of the Year in. had no difficulty in carrying the
most important point in their programme. This was the
entire separation of the executive and legislative powers.
The Constitution of 1791, in its jealousy of the monarchy,
had practically deprived the king and his ministers of all real
authority, while leaving him the entire responsibility. The
Constitution of 1793 had placed all executive authority in
the hands of the Legislature. The Constitution of the Year
in. endeavoured to separate the executive and legislative
authorities.
Under the new arrangement the executive was placed in
the hands of five Directors. One was to retire

The Directory. , ,...,- ,

every year and was not eligible for re-election ; his
successor was to be chosen by the Legislature. In order
to secure an entire separation between the members of the
Directory and of the Legislature, no member of the latter
could be elected a Director until twelve months had elapsed
after the resignation of his seat. The Directors were to
appoint the Ministers, who were to have no connection what-
ever with the Legislature, and who were to act as the agents of
the Directors. The individual Directors were to exercise no
authority in their own names. They were to live under the
same roof in the Palace of the Luxembourg at Paris. They
were to meet daily, and the will of the majority was to be
taken as the will of the whole. They were to elect a President
every month, who was to act as their mouthpiece at the recep-
tion of foreign ambassadors and on all occasions of ceremony.
The control of the internal administration, the management
of the armies and fleets, and all questions of foreign policy
were entirely left to the Directors. But treaties, declarations

The Constitution of the Year III 161

of war and similar acts had to be ratified by the Legislature.
The Directors had nothing whatever to do with the work of
legislation, and their assent was not needed to new laws.
With regard to the revenue, the administration of the
finances and of the treasury rested with the Directors, but
they could not impose fresh taxes without the assent of the
Legislature.

The Legislature, under the Constitution of the Year in. con-
sisted of two chambers — the Council of Ancients and the
Council of Five Hundred. It is a curious com- The Lcgisia-
mentary upon the debates which took place in turc -
the Constituent Assembly in August 1789, when the establish-
ment of two chambers was rejected with scorn as being an
obvious imitation of the English Parliament, that in 1795 this
very principle was almost unanimously adopted. The ex-
perience of the three great revolutionary assemblies had con-
vinced Sieves and his colleagues of the inexpediency of leaving
important measures to be decided in a single chamber. The
delay necessitated by a law being obliged to pass before two
distinct deliberative bodies now appeared most advantageous,
when compared with the headlong precipitation which had
marked all the earlier stages of the Revolution. The Council
of Ancients was to consist of men forty-five years old and
upwards, and, therefore, presumably not liable to be carried
away by sudden bursts of enthusiasm. For the Council of
Five Hundred there was no limitation of age, and elderly men
were not precluded from being returned to it. The Council
of Five Hundred consisted, as its name implies, of five hundred
deputies ; the Council of Ancients of two hundred and fifty.
Dictated by experience, also, were the measures taken for the
election of deputies. In order to avoid the inconvenience
which had resulted from the election of an entirely new body
of representatives at one and the same moment, as had
happened in 1 791, it was resolved that one-third of the two
Councils should retire yearly. Deputies were to be chosen
by an elaborate system of primary and secondary assemblies

PERIOD VII. L

162 European History, 1795-1797

held in each department of France, and a property qualifica-
tion was demanded both for the electors and the deputies.
With these safeguards Sieyes and his colleagues believed they
had secured a practical means of obviating all the errors of
the past. The Council of Five Hundred had allotted to it as
its special function the initiation of all fresh taxation and the
revision of all money bills. The Council of Ancients was
the court of appeal in diplomatic questions, such as the
declaration of war. In actual legislation the consent of
the majority of both chambers was needed for a new law.
For their most important function — the yearly election of a
new Director — the two chambers were to form one united
assembly.

By this Constitution, the conspicuous drawbacks of the two

. A , . . former Constitutions, namely, the enforced weak-
Local Admini- t ' J '

stration of ness of the executive and the undefined powers
France. f tne Legj s i a t ure were avoided. But the local

administration established by the Constitution of 1791 had
proved so excellent that it was only slightly modified and not
radically altered. The great achievement of the Constituent
Assembly — the abolition of old provincial jealousies by the
division of France into departments — was maintained. The
wise step which had been taken by the Great Committee
of Public Safety in abolishing the directories of the depart-
irfents and of the districts was sanctioned, and the council-
generals were left to act alone. The main distinction between
the administrative systems of 1791 and 1795 was triat tne
elected procureurs - syndics and procureurs - gSniraux - syndics,
established by the former, were replaced by officials nominated
by the supreme executive at Paris. These officials went under
the name of agents during the Directory, but possessed the
same authority and carried out the same functions as the
sous-prkfets and prkfets afterwards appointed by Napoleon.
The courts of justice, whether local, appellant, or supreme,
established by the Constitution of 1791, were left untouched
by the Constitution of the Year in.

Position of the Convention 163

In spite of the glories of the conquest of Holland, the
passage of the Rhine, the victory of Quiberon, The In8urrec -
and the invasion of Spain, — in spite of the even tionofVend*-
greater credit justly earned by the Treaties of miaire *
Basle, — in spite of the new Constitution, which, if faulty in
places, was superior to those which had preceded it — the
Thermidorians were intensely unpopular in France. The re-
collection of the Reign of Terror weighed upon the imagina-
tions of the people even after the death of Robespierre, the
deportation of Billaud-Varenne, and the closing of the Jacobin
Club. The Convention was still in the minds of men shrouded
by the remembrance of the innocent blood that had been shed.
The inauguration of the new constitutional system was looked
upon as an opportunity for driving the members of the Con-
vention from power, and threats of vengeance were every-
where heard against them. Intriguers, some of them possibly
royalists, who desired the return of the Bourbons, but most of
them bourgeois or aristocrats who had personal reasons for de-
siring revenge, hoped to take advantage of this general feeling
to overthrow the Republic. But the mass of Frenchmen were
sincerely republican, and were clear-sighted enough to perceive
that the return of the Bourbons would be followed by the loss
of the material advantages that had been gained by the sale
of the lands of the Church and the nobility. The members
of the Convention understood the intentions of the in-
triguers, and understood also that the French people sincerely
loved the Republic. They proceeded to frustrate the designs
of their enemies by decreeing that two-thirds of the new
Legislature must be elected from among the deputies of the
Convention. The intriguers in Paris, thus foiled in their
expectations of a certain majority in the new Legislature, tried
to rouse the people of Paris into active insurrection. There
can be no doubt that not only in Paris, but throughout France,
the action of the Convention in ordering the election of so
large a proportion of the old deputies was profoundly un-
popular, but it was one thing to dislike a measure and another

164 European History, 1 795- 1797

thing to involve France in a fresh revolution. In the pro-
vincial towns there was universal grumbling but no active
opposition. In Paris, however, where the intriguers abounded,
it was hoped that the jeunesse dork, who had played so great
a part in the previous winter, assisted by the bourgeois Sec-
tions, would be able by making an imposing display of force
to compel the Convention to revoke the obnoxious decree.

This project of the agitators in Paris was soon known in
Fighting in the Convention, and had the result of causing the

d^i^S^' divided forces of the Thermidorians to close up
October 1795). their ranks. The three chief groups in this party
were the returned Girondins, the leaders of the Plain, and the
former adherents of the Terror. The leaders of all these
groups united in the presence of a common danger, for they
felt that the dissolution of the Convention without some such
measure of security as the re-election of the two-thirds to the
forthcoming Legislature would lead to their own proscription.
They therefore appointed Barras, who had commanded in
the attack upon the H6tel-de-Ville upon the 9th Thermidor
of the previous year, and overthrown the supporters of Robes-
pierre assembled there, to watch over their safety. Barras
summoned to his assistance Napoleon Bonaparte, who was
then in Paris engaged in protesting against his recall from the
Army of Italy. The antecedents of this young general, his
well-known Jacobin principles and his former friendship for
Augustin Robespierre, had led to his recall and to his being
placed upon the unemployed list. Barras had under his
command the garrison of regular troops quartered in Paris
and the armed guards of the Convention. The Royalist
agitators counted on the jeunesse dorke and the bourgeois
Sections. Bonaparte perceived that in numbers each party
was evenly matched, and he at once sent for the artillery
quartered at Meudon. The Convention declared itself en
permanence, the troops were stationed round the Tuileries,
Bonaparte's guns were mounted in the gardens and the Place
du Carrousel. The attack on the Convention was made on

The first Directors 165

the 13th Venddmiaire (5th October) in a very slovenly
manner. No effort had been made to concentrate the force
of the assailants at a given moment, and as the first column
marched carelessly down without recognised leaders, it was
fired upon and almost entirely cut to pieces by Bonaparte's
artillery. Nevertheless column after column of devoted
national guards approached the Tuileries with the utmost
gallantry to meet the same fate. The insurrection of 13th
Vend^miaire cannot be compared with the other famous
insurrections of the 14th July 1789 and 10th August 1792,
for not one of the defenders of the Convention was wounded.
It was a butchery, not a battle.

The Convention, conscious of its unpopularity, and not de-
siring to increase it, made but slight efforts to discover and
punish the leaders of the insurrection of 13th Vend^miaire.
Only a few military executions, after trial by court-martial, of a
few prisoners taken with arms in their hands were permitted,
and no vigour was shown in hunting down even the most con-
spicuous agitators. It was resolved at once to proceed to the
election of the first Directors under the new system. The First
Sieves refused to be one of them. It was Directors,
generally agreed, though not formally declared, that the first
Directors should all be deputies of the Convention who had
voted for the death of Louis xvi., and who might therefore be
presumed to be faithful to republican institutions, if not
from inclination at least from fear. The five deputies
actually elected were — Barras, whose conduct on the 9th
Thermidor, and on the 13th Venddmiaire, had obtained for
him the gratitude of the majority of the deputies ; Reubell, an
ex-Constituant and an Alsatian, who was believed to have a
special knowledge of foreign affairs ; Revelliere-L£peaux,
another ex-Constituant, a member of the Committee of Public
Safety, a good lawyer, and the future inventor of a new religion ;
Carnot, the famous military member of the Great Committee
of Public Safety, who was selected for his strategic ability ; and
Letourneur, an ex-officer of Engineers, like Carnot, who was

1 66 European History, 1795- 1797

expected to act as Carnofs assistant. To the Council of
Ancients and the Council of Five Hundred were elected among
the two-thirds chosen from the Convention the more con-
spicuous Thermidorians, including Sieves, Cambace>es, Tallien,
and Treilhard. The six first ministers were appointed by the
Directors on 14th Brumaire (5th November). They were
Merlin of Douai and Charles Delacroix, two ex-deputies of
the Convention who had not been elected to the new Legis-
lature, appointed to the Ministries of Justice and of Foreign
Affairs, Aubert-Dubayet, a distinguished general, to the
Ministry of War, and Faypoult, Benezech and Admiral Truguet
to the Ministries of Finance, the Interior, and the Marine,

The first Directors elected and the new Legislature con-
Dissoiution stituted, the Convention had to decree its own
of the dissolution. The three years during which it had

Convention. sat are p er h a p S fa most important and most

critical in the whole history of France. The Convention had
not merely witnessed the rise and fall of many cliques and
many parties ; it had allowed the Reign of Terror to be estab-
lished, and had punished its inventors with death or deporta-
tion. It had passed through nearly every variety of government,
and had seen France in her greatest degradation and at the
height of her success. Its last act, passed on the very day on
which it dissolved itself, 4th Brumaire (26th October), was
worthy of its best and greatest days, for it was an act declaring
a complete amnesty for all political offences, or supposed
offences, since the declaration of the Republic.

The successful establishment of the Directory and the
England and victory won over the royalist agitators on 13th
the Emigres. Vend^miaire had a profound effect upon the policy
of England. Hitherto Pitt and Grenville, inspired by their
agent in Switzerland, William Wickham, had believed in the
vain promises of the royalist imigr&s, and had hoped by their
means to restore the Bourbon monarchy in France. The
headquarters of the royalist agitators were, as they had always
been, in Switzerland. Neither the Comte de Provence, who,

The Treason of Picliegru 167

since his nephew's death, called himself Louis xvin., nor the
Comte d'Artois were really deceived by the hopes held out
by their royalist friends. But the English ministers, deluded
by the extravagant promises of the hmigrks and by the reports
of Wickham, considered the prospects of an overthrow of the
Republic to be excellent. They had shown their confidence
in the SmigrSs by the active assistance they had given to the
expedition to Quiberon Bay, and still more by the large sums
of secret-service money which had been expended in Switzer-
land. The efforts of the royalist kmigrks took two directions ;
on the one hand, they had fomented the feeling of discontent
in Paris which had culminated in the insurrection of 13th
Vend^miaire, and, on the other, they had attempted to affect
the loyalty of the generals of the Republic. The general on
whom they counted most was Pichegru, the con- Treason of
queror of Holland. This general, like Dumouriez Pichegru.
in 1793, was more ambitious to attain wealth and power for
himself than success for the Republic. During his sojourn in
Paris in the spring of 1795 he had formed a close alliance
with the royalist agitators in the capital, and on proceeding to
take up the command of the Army of the Rhine-and-Moselle
he entered into direct communications with the Prince de
Cond6, the general commanding the tmigre army in Germany.
Cond6 promised Pichegru the government of Alsace, the
Chateau of Chambord, a million livres in cash, an income of
two hundred thousand livres a year, and the rank of Marshal
of France, if he would undertake to restore the Bourbons. Great
hopes were built upon these negotiations, and the Comte de
Provence left Verona to take part in them. But the success
of these intrigues was nullified by the victory of 13th
Venddmiaire ; the Margrave of Baden-Baden refused to allow
the Pretender to enter his territory ; Wickham was unwillingly
convinced that the purchase of the general did not include
the purchase of his army ; and the Directory, as soon as it had
firmly seized the reins of power, recalled Pichegru, whose
transactions with Cond^ had been more than suspected, and

1 68 European History, 1795-1797

replaced him by a thorough republican, Moreau. These
failures convinced Pitt and Grenville that there was no
advantage to be gained in trusting to the promises of the
imtgres.

The Directory, on assuming power, resolved to continue the
policy of the Thermidorians, and not to recur to the notions
of the revolutionary propaganda. It desired to show Europe
that France was ready to enter into the comity of nations, and
did not presume for the future to interfere with the internal
arrangements of other countries. It, therefore, on grounds of
humanity, took up again the negotiations which had been
commenced in July 1793 for the release of the children of
Louis xvi., and, using Spain as an intermediary, entered into
communications on this subject with the bitterest enemy of
France — Austria. The death of the Dauphin, commonly
called Louis xvn., had left only one of the children of
Louis xvi. and Marie Antoinette in the hands of the Republic.
The Thermidorians had, at the instigation of one of their
leaders, Boissy-d'Anglas, seen the expediency of proving to
Europe that the French republicans were not barbarians, by
offering to surrender the person of Madame Royale to her
Austrian relatives. This project was carried out by the
Directory. On 20th December 1795 Madame Royale was
Exchange ot excrian g ec ^ m Switzerland for the four deputies
Madame and the Minister of War whom Dumouriez had
Royale. handed over to the Austrians, and for another
deputy, Drouet, the former postmaster at Sainte-Menehould,
who had been taken prisoner by the Austrians in 1793.

The exchange of Madame Royale was a manifest evidence
of the desire of the Directors to conclude peace. The
Prussian ambassador at Paris reported to his government on
28th December 1795, 'The general cry in Paris is, "Make
peace and you will have money and bread." ' l Peace, indeed,

1 Prcussen und Frankreich von 1795 bis 1807 : Diplomatische Corre-
spotidcnzen. Ed. by P. Bail leu, vol. i. p. 41.

France and Prussia 169

was the desire not only of the people of Paris, but of the
people of all France, of the majority in the new Desire for
Legislature, and of the Directory. It was hoped Peace in
that the Treaties of Basle were but the prelimin- France -
aries of a general peace throughout Europe. But the two
remaining enemies of the French Republic, England and
Austria, did not see their way to meeting the Directory half-
way. Pitt and Grenville argued that a peace made with the
Directory would be only of the nature of a truce. They were
ready enough to make peace, but considered it inadvisable to
negotiate with a government which seemed to them in its
essence unstable. Owing either to the intrigues of the Smigris,
or to their own knowledge of politics, they grasped the fact that
the new government of France was constructed on a faulty
basis, and that a peace concluded with it would not be lasting.
The attitude of Austria was somewhat different. Thugut, the
Austrian minister, believed that France was exhausted, and
that by a continuance of war substantial concessions could
be wrung from her. Reubell, the Director who took charge of
the conduct of Foreign Affairs, expressed himself as follows to
the Prussian ambassador at Paris : ' The war with Austria
troubles us less than the war with England. Our means for
supporting the former are ready, but not without having ex-
hausted all the resources of the Republic. It will be probably
the last effort of the two belligerent powers. . . . Our plan of
campaign is almost settled; the war will be defensive in
Germany and offensive in Italy. It is important to us to
detach Austria from England and Sardinia from Austria/ l
Contrary to their wish, therefore, the Directors found them-
selves obliged to continue the war with England and Austria.
While continuing the war with these two powers, the French
Directory, like the Thermidorians, hoped to obtain France and
not only the neutrality of Prussia and Spain, which Prussia,
had been secured by the Treaties of Basle, but their active
co-operation. One of its first diplomatic endeavours was to
1 Bailleu, op. cit. vol. i. p. 48.

170 European History, 1795- 1797

enter into close relations with Prussia. Some of the ministers
of Frederick William 11., notably Alvensleben, were in favour
of an alliance with France ; but the King himself, though he
had been forced by the emptiness of his treasury, and his pro-
jects on Poland to make peace with the French republicans,
looked on the idea of making an alliance with them with
horror. In this attitude he was supported by his two ablest
ministers, Haugwitz and Hardenberg. By the terms of the
Treaty of Basle Hardenberg had secured the preponderance
of Prussia in northern Germany. A line of demarcation or
neutrality was drawn across Germany, and the northern states,
which were thus freed from the fear of a French invasion,
looked to Prussia as their leader and saviour. An excuse for
not forming an offensive and defensive alliance with France was
found in the occupation by the French troops of the Prussian
territories on the left bank of the Rhine. Prussia would only
negotiate on the basis of the restoration of the status quo ante
bellum, and the French Directory, like its predecessors, the
Thermidorian Committee of Public Safety and the Great
Committee of Public Safety, insisted on the cession to France
of all territory up to the Rhine. The Directors, had they
wished, could not have opposed the universal feeling in France
in favour of making the Rhine the frontier, and proposed that
Prussia should take compensation for its cessions on the left
bank of the Rhine, by secularising the bishoprics and abbeys
of northern Germany and annexing their territories. This
proposal, which would bring in its train the overthrow of the
Constitution of the Holy Roman Empire, could not be
sponsored by Prussia. The policy of Frederick the Great
had been to assume that Prussia, not Austria, was the true
defender of the rights of the Empire, and his nephew, in spite
of Alvensleben's representations, feared to break with the here-
ditary policy. The arrangement with regard to the line of de-
marcation had placed Prussia in the position of the guardian
of the Empire ; the acceptance of the French propositions
would have made her seem its destroyer. The attempts of the

France and Europe 171

Directory, and afterwards of the Consulate, to secure an alliance
with Prussia, were therefore foredoomed to failure.

The victories of the French Republic were received with
more than toleration in the smaller states of Franceand
Europe, which feared the aggressions of Austria, the Smaller
Prussia, and Russia far more than any invasion States -
by the French. Switzerland had profited greatly by the strict
neutrality it had maintained. The wealth of France had
poured freely into the cantons for the purchase of provisions
and other necessaries ; the residence of the diplomatists of
Europe at Berne, the headquarters of Wickham, and at Basle,
the headquarters of the French minister Barthelemy, had also
been profitable to the country, while the Swiss, ready as ever
to accept money from all sides, were enabled to make very
considerable gains. Of the Princes of Italy, Ferdinand,
Grand Duke of Tuscany, and brother of the Emperor, had, to
the disgust of the Court of Vienna, made a separate peace
with the French Republic in February 1795; Ferdinand of
Naples had followed his example, and the King of Sardinia
alone remained in armed opposition to France. With Portugal
the Directory and the Committee of Public Safety, refused to
treat, for, like the French statesmen throughout the eighteenth
century, the Directors regarded Portugal as merely a province of
England. With the smaller northern powers the Directory estab-
lished the most friendly relations. Christian vn. of Denmark
had always maintained his neutrality, and through the French
minister, resident at his Court, many important secret negotia-
tions had passed with Prussia. In Sweden, Charles, Duke
of Sudermania, the guardian of the young King Gustavus iv.,
abandoned the policy of Gustavus hi., and now made a treaty
of friendship and a commercial treaty with the French
Republic. The only other state to be mentioned is Turkey.
The Turks looked upon the events which were passing in the
West of Europe with unconcern ; still they were inclined to be
friendly with the French Republic, because it was engaged in
fighting with Austria, and thus distracted the attention of one
of the hereditary enemies of the Sublime Porte.

\J2 European History, 1795- 1797

Catherine of Russia, now at the close of her long reign,
still regarded the French Revolution as affording
a happy opportunity for her to pursue her schemes
on Poland without active interference from Prussia or Austria.
Her one desire was that France should continue the war, and
for this reason she cordially received at her court the Comte
d'Artois, and encouraged the presence of French Emigres.
The Treaties of Basle bad greatly offended her, for Prussia was
thus left free to interfere in Poland, but Catherine was too
wise to attempt to do more than intrigue with the affairs of
Western Europe. She had no idea of intervening actively.
The campaign of 1795 on tne Rhine frontier is chiefly im-
Campaign portant in regard to the treason of Pichegru. The
of 1795. Elector of Bavaria, who was at the same time the
Elector Palatine, had, as has already been said, been uni-
formly friendly to the French. It was by his connivance that
two of the most important fortresses upon the Rhine, Mann-
heim and Diisseldorf, were surrendered to Pichegru and
Jourdan respectively. Meanwhile Marceau besieged the
fortress of Ehrenbreitstein, and Kteber the city of Mayence.
There can be little doubt, though it is not absolutely proved
by documents, that it was because of the negotiations he had
commenced with the Prince de Conde* that Pichegru did not
advance into Germany. Jourdan, who did advance with the
Army of the Sambre-and-Meuse, therefore found himself
unprotected on his right, and was forced to retire with con-
siderable loss. Marceau succeeded in taking Ehrenbreitstein,
but the same treacherous inaction of Pichegru allowed the
Austrian General Clerfayt to force Kteber to raise the siege
of Mayence. It was on 20th October 1795 tnat Jourdan
recrossed the Rhine ; on the 29th Kteber was driven from
before Mayence ; and on the 30th Pichegru was defeated and
driven behind the Queich. The first operations of the French
armies under the Directory were, thus, owing to Pichegru's
treachery, unsuccessful, and on the 21st December an armistice
was made between the French and the Austrians on the Rhine.

Campaign of 1796 in Italy 173

In the north, owing to the Treaties of Basle, there were no
military operations of importance during the autumn of 1795,
and the French army maintained its position on the frontier
of Holland. In the south considerable alterations were made.
The treaty of peace with Spain enabled the experienced and war-
like soldiers of the two armies of the Pyrenees to be despatched
to reinforce the Army of Italy, which was also joined by the bulk
of the troops of the Army of the Alps. General ScheVer, who
commanded the Army of Italy, pushed forward, and by a victory
at Loano on the 24th November 1795, opened up a direct
communication with Genoa and cut off the Sardinians from
the sea. In the four armies of the Directory which had thus
taken the place of the thirteen armies of the Republic, there
were under arms at the close of 1795 about 300,000 men
under experienced generals, excluding what was known as the
Army of the Interior, which guarded Paris and garrisoned the
chief cities of France.

Reubell, in his conversation with the Prussian ambassador
at Paris, openly declared that the chief military Cam p aign in
effort of France in 1796 was to be made in Italy. Italy, 1796.
Hitherto the Army of Italy had been overshadowed First Stage *
by the operations of the armies engaged upon the Rhine ;
but the Directory now desired to attack Austria in a vital
piace. Upon the Rhine they were in reality waging war with
the Empire and not with Austria. Mayence, for instance, was
the capital of an Elector, not an Austrian city, and blows
struck in that quarter affected the Empire and the petty
princes of the Empire far more than they did Austria. But in
Italy the House of Austria owned an important possession in
the Milanese. Between the Milanese and the French Army of
Italy was Piedmont, the principal state of the King of Sardinia.
Victor Amadeus in. of Sardinia was the only petty monarch
in Europe who had not attempted to make peace with the
French Republic. In his resentment at the loss of Savoy and
Nice he had thrown himself into the arms of Austria, and had
borrowed an Austrian general, Colli, to command his small

174 European History, 1 795- 1797

but well equipped army. This was the situation when
Napoleon Bonaparte, who had been nominated to the com-
mand of the Army of Italy by the Directory, on the proposi-
tion of Barras, to whom he had rendered such signal service on
13th Vend&niaire, arrived to take up his new command on
the 27th of March 1796. He understood the policy of the
Directory, and determined to crush the King of Sardinia first,
in order to be free to attack the Austrians in the Milanese. He
therefore turned the Maritime Alps and separated the Austrian
from the Sardinian army. The rapidity of his success was such
as to surprise the Directors. After turning the Alps Bonaparte
struck north and defeated the Sardinians at Montenotte,
Millesimo,and Dego on the 12th, 13th, and 15th April, stormed
their camp at Ceva on 16th April, and finally defeated them
Armistice of at Mondovi on 2 2d April. He then threatened
cherasco. Turin, and the King of Sardinia signed an armistice
Apnl a8, I796, with him at Cherasco on 28th April, abandoning
to the French army his most important frontier fortresses. As
the first result of these military operations the King of Sardinia
sued for peace, which he was only granted on recognising the
cession to France of Savoy and Nice, and as a second result
General Bonaparte was enabled to attack the Austrians in
Lombardy without leaving a hostile power behind him.

The operations of the second stage of the famous campaign
of 1796 were as rapid and as completely successful. On the
The Cam aten ^ ^ av Bonaparte crossed the river Po by skil-
in Italy. fully misleading the Austrians as to his intentions,

Second Stage. and Qn IQth May he forced the passage f the

Adda at Lodi, where he won one of his most famous victories.
The Austrian General Beaulieu felt himself incapable of hold-
ing the lines of the other rivers, and fled into the Tyrol.
Bonaparte first occupied Milan, and then forced the Dukes of
Parma and of Modena to submit to his demands, and to send
ambassadors to treat for peace at Paris. To these petty
princelets Bonaparte behaved with the utmost arrogance;
not satisfied with making large requisitions of money and

Battle of Castiglione 175

provisions, he selected their finest pictures and works of art, and
directed them to be sent to Paris. Far more important, from
his spiritual position, though not of greater military strength,
was the Pope. The French armies occupied the Legations
of Ferrara and Bologna, and Bonaparte then threatened to
march on Rome. In terror Pope Pius vi. concluded, on the
24th June 1796, an armistice at Foligno, by which he aban-
doned Ancona, and promised to send to Paris thelargesumof
20,000,000 livres, with many manuscripts and works of art.
The conquest of Italy revealed to Europe the French Re-
public in a new light. It showed the monarchs, and especially
the rulers of little states, that the revolutionary propaganda
which they had hated and dreaded so much had given way
to an even more dangerous military policy, directed by a
victorious and ambitious general.

But Austria was not going to be driven out of Italy by a
single campaign. The beaten army of Beaulieu was reor-
ganised by General Melas, and reinforced by TheCampaign
30,000 picked men from the Rhine. This army, in Italy,
amounting in all to 70,000 men, was placed Thirdsta * e -
under the command of Marshal Wurmser, who, at the end
of July, debouched from the Tyrol and invaded Italy by the
two sides of Lake Garda. Bonaparte, whose army did not
exceed 40,000 men, broke up the siege of Mantua which he
had formed, and utterly defeated the Austrians in the great
battle of Castiglione on 5th August 1796. Wurmser fell
back, but in September, the following month, he invaded
Italy by the valley of the Brenta, and threw himself into
Mantua. Bonaparte, now considering himself for a time freed
from the danger of another Austrian attack, made an effort to
reconstitute Northern Italy. Several of the cities, notably
Modena, Bologna, and Ferrara, had declared themselves
republics, but Bonaparte could see no advantage in little
republics, and summoned a general assembly of deputies from
the whole of Lombardy to meet at Milan. This assembly
was disposed to form a Lombard Republic, but before it

176 European History^ 1795-1797

could complete its deliberations Bonaparte had to fighl
another Austrian army.

The Austrians, disgusted and surprised by these successive
defeats, prepared to make a great effort. For the first time,
The Campaign ^ e Emperor appealed directly to the patriotism
in Italy. of the people, and more especially of the nobility,

age. ^ new arm y was equipped, which, if not so
numerous, was more enthusiastic than the former armies, and
was placed under the command of General Alvinzi. Bona-
parte had received few or no reinforcements, and felt himself
unable to face an army of 60,000 men. He waited, there-
fore, patiently in his headquarters at Verona while Alvinzi
advanced slowly down the Brenta. Having learnt experience
from their former defeats, the Austrians- were in no hurry to
come to blows, even with the small French army in front of
them. Alvinzi entrenched himself in a formidable position
on the heights of Caldiero, and repulsed a French attack
upon the 12th of November. Another such check meant
the ruin of the French army. Bonaparte decided to turn the
position. Advancing along the causeway through the marshes
upon Alvinzi's left, he fought the celebrated battle of Areola
on the 1 6th of November, and Alvinzi, finding his position
untenable, retreated into the Tyrol.

Even yet the Austrians were not finally discouraged.
Wiirmser held out in Mantua ; the Pope, incited by the Court
The Campaign ^ Vienna, did not observe the Armistice of
in Italy. Foligno, and determined to raise the Italian

Fifth stage. p p U i ace against the French ; and it was resolved
to make a final effort. In the depth of winter Alvinzi
advanced down the eastern shore of Lake Garda, but was
stopped and utterly defeated at Rivoli on the 14th January
1797. Provera, who had endeavoured to relieve Wiirmser by
the Brenta, while Alvinzi occupied the main French army at
Rivoli, was also defeated, and on 2d February 1797 Mantua
surrendered. These successive blows destroyed the military
power of Austria in Italy, and Bonaparte began to make

Campaign of 1796 in Germany 177

plans for invading Austria itself. But before he started it
was necessary to establish peace behind him. The behaviour
of the Pope showed the general that His Holiness could not
be trusted, and it was only under the pressure of a French
advance upon Rome that Pius vi. signed a treaty Treaty of
of peace with the French at Tolentino on 19th Toientino.
February 1797. By this treaty Bonaparte's lines e ,I9 ' 1797,
of communication were secured; the people of Lombardy
were his enthusiastic admirers, and everything promised a
speedy and successful advance upon Vienna."

As Reubell had stated to the Prussian ambassador, the
chief effort of the French armies was directed in the year
1796 against the Austrians in Italy. But the campaign in
operations in Germany were nevertheless of ex- Germany,
treme importance ; not on account of what was I79 ^'
achieved, but because of their effect on the policy of the
Princes of the Empire. Carnot, who was left in entire charge
of military affairs by the Directory, combined a skilful plan of
campaign. He directed the Army of the Rhine-and-Moselle,
now under the command of Moreau, and the Army of the
Sambre-and-Meuse, still under the command of Jourdan, to
make a simultaneous advance into the heart of Germany,
and to unite their forces upon the Danube. The generals
were sufficiently able, and the troops sufficiently experienced
in war, to carry out this movement ; but at the head of the
Austrians, for the first time since the outbreak of the war,
there appeared a general of real military genius. The Arch-
duke Charles, the third son of the Emperor Leopold, and the
brother of the reigning Emperor, Francis 11., was only a young
man, but he proved himself to be a profound strategist. On
the 1 st June 1796 he announced to the French generals that
the armistice, which had lasted six months, was at an end.
Jourdan at once advanced from Diisseldorf, and after taking
Frankfort and Wiirtzburg invaded Franconia. The Archduke
Charles immediately opposed him with his whole army, and
Jourdan had to fall back after a three weeks' campaign.

PERIOD VJJ. M

178 European History \ 1795-1797

Moreau was not able to cross the Rhine until 24-25 June 1796.
The operation was one of extreme difficulty, which was
chiefly overcome by the skill and gallantry of Desaix. Moreau
then proceeded to carry out Carnot's orders \ he advanced
with great rapidity ; he defeated the Prince de Condd and his
army of kmigr'es at Ettlingen; he occupied Stuttgart, and
forced his way into Bavaria, reaching the Danube in the
month of August. To oppose him the Archduke Charles
marched rapidly to the south, and Jourdan once more left
Diisseldorf and invaded Franconia. The Archduke Charles
soon understood the intentions of Carnot, and took up a
central position between the two French armies at Ingolstadt.
He waited until the French generals had penetrated far from
their base of operations, and then, leaving but a weak divi-
sion in front of Moreau, he attacked Jourdan in force. The
French Army of the Sambre-and-Meuse was overcome by the
weight of numbers ; on the 3d of September it was driven
from Wiirtzburg, and on the 20th of September defeated at
Altenkirchen, where Marceau, one of the most renowned of
the young generals of the republican period, was killed.
Having driven back Jourdan, the Archduke Charles turned
upon Moreau. That general had imprudently continued to
advance into Bavaria, and did not perceive until late in Sep-
tember the critical position in which he had been left by the
retreat of Jourdan. When he did perceive it, he extricated
himself by one of the most famous retreats known in military
history. For forty days he fell back through a hostile country,
with bad roads, and offering almost innumerable difficulties
from its lofty mountains and dense forests, and harassed by
the presence of a victorious Austrian army attempting to cut
off his retreat, and eventually he recrossed the Rhine on the
24th of October.

From a military point of view, apart from the intrinsic
interest presented by the operations of the armies, the chie
importance of the campaign of 1796 in Germany lay in the
fact that it occupied a considerable force of Austrian troops,

Secret Treaty between France and Prussia 179

which were thus prevented from being sent as reinforcements to
the Austrian army in Italy. From the diplomatic Effectsofthe
point of view, the campaign had results almost campaign in
rivalling those achieved by Bonaparte in Italy. The Gcrman y-
advance of the French threw the states of Southern Germany
into the hands of Prussia. They felt a natural sentiment of
jealousy at perceiving the states of Northern Germany escap-
ing the horrors of war, owing to the line of demarcation
established by the Treaty of Basle. Many of the smaller
states, and at least one of the larger states, Saxony, implored
the intervention of Prussia. Frederick William 11., only too
glad to pose as the guardian of the Empire, made use of all
his influence to induce the French Directory to consent to the
further extension of the line of demarcation. Reubell, the
Director who took charge of foreign policy, was possessed by
the idea that Prussia and France were natural allies, and
induced the Directory to meet the views of Frederick
William 11. ; but in return he demanded that Prussia should
enter into an offensive and defensive alliance with the French
Republic. The King of Prussia, in his hatred of Jacobin
principles, was inclined to reject this proposal, but his ministers,
notably Haugwitz and Alvensleben, persuaded him that it was
impossible to refuse entirely. A compromise was arranged,
and on 5th August 1796 a secret supplement to the Treaty of
Basle was signed between France and Prussia. By this secret
convention Prussia definitely promised to recognise the limits
of the Rhine for the French Republic, and in return France
guaranteed that at a general peace not only the King of
Prussia should receive compensation for the territories he
surrendered, by the cession of some ecclesiastical states, but
also that his brother-in-law, the Prince of Orange, should
receive a sovereignty in Germany, to make up for the loss of
the Stadtholderate in Holland. It proved impossible to ex-
tend the line of demarcation to the southern states of
Germany as long as the Austrian army of the Archduke
Charles remained there. And therefore the petty rulers

180 European History \ 1795- 1797

endeavoured to make peace with France on their own account.
The Duke of Wurtemburg and the Margrave of Baden both
opened negotiations, and since the Elector of Bavaria had
fled into Saxony on the advance of Moreau, the Estates
of Bavaria signed a treaty of peace with the French general at
Pfaffenhofen on the 7th September 1796. But the successes
of the Archduke Charles and the retreat of Moreau put an
end to these peaceful dispositions. The Elector of Bavaria
refused to ratify the treaty his Estates had made ; the Duke
of Wurtemburg dismissed the minister who had conducted
his negotiations ; and in spite of all the efforts of Prussia, the
predominance of Austria continued in Southern Germany.

The successes of Bonaparte in Italy, and the operations
of the French armies in Germany which, though they had
internal ended in retreat, had not been discreditable to the
Dirertonr! 11 * g enera fe or soldiers, reacted very favourably upon
1796. ' the position of the Directory. The French, as a
nation, have always been dazzled by military glory, and since
the armies of the Directory were victorious, they were inclined
to look upon the government of the Directory as excellent.
> successes did not merely add to the reputation
of the Directors; by means of them their financial diffi-
culties were relieved. The doctrine that invading armies
should rive upon the resources of the invaded countries was
a most convenient one. Not only did the armies in Italy
and Germany maintain themselves free of cost to the Direc-
tory, but the generals sent large sums of money to Paris. It
was therefore unnecessary to impose fresh taxes or issue more
paper money. But the relief of financial distress was not the
only result of the government of the Directory in 1 796 ; it
restored internal peace. Hoche, after his defeat of the
imigrh at Quiberon Bay in 1795, devoted himself to the
pacification of Brittany and La Vendue. The chief credit
due to the Directors is that they gave the young general a free
hand. While putting down armed insurrection, and defeating
the Vendean chiefs whenever they appeared, Hoche used the

The State of France in 1796 181

most conciliatory measures towards individuals. His policy,
as he himself declared in one of his proclamations, was to
make the Republic loved. While punishing brigandage
severely, he conveniently forgot all past offences as long as
the offenders occupied themselves peacefully; and on the
15th of July 1796 the Directory was able to announce to the
Legislature that the whole of France was at peace. In truth,
ail political disturbances were at an end. The majority of
the French people frankly accepted the Republic, and seemed
to care very little what was the actual form of the republican
government. But though political disturbances were over,
the troubled times through which France had passed had left
only too much scope for private animosity. In the south
armed bands, resembling the Companies of Jehu of 1795, pre-
tended to be acting for the defence of religion, when they
were really moved by desire of plunder and booty. In the
centre the pretext of religion was not alleged, but armed
bands of brigands collected in the forests and the mountains,
and, like the banditti in Italy, pillaged travellers on the high
roads, and held whole, villages to ransom. These evils
steadily diminished with the consistent enforcement of the
law, but it was some years before France became absolutely
safe for travellers. Of less importance were the insurrections
fomented by the extreme democratic party. Democracy was
discredited by the recollection of the Reign of Terror, and
the plot of Babeuf in May, and an attack on the camp at
Grenelle in November 1796, were easily suppressed.

By the terms of the Constitution of the Year in. no change
in the Directory or the Legislature was to be Fir8t changes
made until February 1707. By this arrangement intheDirec-

• j r • J J . j toryandthc

a period of consistent government was secured. Legislature,
The Directors, on the whole, acted harmoniously 1797.
together. The pre-eminence of Reubell and Carnot was gener-
ally recognised; Barras occupied himself chiefly with his
pleasures ; Revelliere-L^peaux was engaged in establishing his
new religion of Theo-philanthropy, which made some converts

1 82 European History, 1 795 - 1 797

in the towns, but found no followers in the villages; and
Letourneur simply acted as Carnot's lieutenant. In the Legisla-
ture the chief leaders, such as Sieves, Cambace'res, and Boissy-
d'Anglas, showed occasionally their jealousy of their former
colleagues in the Convention ; but, on the whole, they did not
try to interfere with their measures. The only heated debates
which took place in the Council of Five Hundred were on the
nature of the disturbances in the south of France. These were
roundly asserted by the opposing parties to be caused by in-
trigues of priests, or by intrigues of Jacobins. Fr£ron, who had
been sent by the Directory to settle these troubles, was very
violently attacked, and with difficulty exculpated himself from
the charge of political partisanship. But, on the whole, the
debates in both branches of the Legislature were very tame.
Nevertheless there appeared, during 1796, the germ of what
in 1797 was known as the Clichian party, so called from its
meeting at the Club de Clichy. This party was not openly
royalist, but the chiefs of the French SmigrSs, supported by the
funds supplied by Wickham, believed they could use it to serve
their own purposes, as they had made use of the agitators in
changes in tne Paris Sections in 1795. * n tne ministry no
the Ministry, changes of great importance were made in 1796;
Ramel, the former colleague of Cambon in the Financial
Committee of the Convention, replaced Faypoult as Minister
of the Finances ; and P£tiet, a former commissary-general,
was appointed Minister of War in succession to Aubert-
Dubayet. Of more importance was the creation of a seventh
ministry, of General Police, in January 1796, for it was an
evidence of a new spirit, and the first symptom of the elabo-
rate scheme for muzzling public opinion, which was developed
to its height by Fouche* at a later date. Merlin of Douai left
the Ministry of the Interior for three months to organise the
new department, and was succeeded in April 1796 byCochon
de Lapparent, a former member of the Convention.

It has been said that the Directors endeavoured in vain to
form an offensive and defensive alliance with Prussia. They

Alliance between France and Spain 183

were more successful with regard to Spain. The power of
Godoy, who for the negotiations at Basle had France and
been created Prince of the Peace, rose to its height. Spain.
General Pe'rignon, who had been sent as ambassador to Madrid
by the Directory, skilfully flattered the vanity of the new
prince, and, to the astonishment of all Europe, an offensive
and defensive alliance was signed between the French Republic
and the ancient Bourbon monarchy of Spain at San Treat of SaQ
Udefonso, on the 19th of August 1796, by which iidcfonso.
Spain agreed to declare war against England, and 19 th A "*- 1796.
the French promised to assist in the conquest of Portugal,
which was to be divided between the two allies. From a
military point of view the alliance with Spain did not yield
any advantage to France, but from a naval standpoint it
proved of incalculable value. The English were obliged to
abandon Corsica, their only foothold in the Mediterranean,
and to concentrate their fleet at Gibraltar. The Spanish navy,
to which much attention had been paid throughout the
eighteenth century, had certainly improved, and, united with a
few French men-of-war, far outnumbered the English Mediter-
ranean Fleet. This was the year of the great English naval
mutiny at the Nore, and the profound discontent which pos-
sessed the English sailors was equally perceptible at Gibraltar.
But fortunately the English admiral, Sir John Jervis, was a
man of singular ability, who understood the English sailor
perfectly. He showed no mercy to ringleaders, but main-
tained discipline, and even made it popular by looking after
the men's food, and appealing to their patriotic feelings. He
understood that, on the eve of a battle, the sailors would cease
their disaffection. Accordingly he kept at sea for several
months after the junction of the French and Spanish fleets,
announcing his intention to offer battle ; and when B atueof
discipline was restored he utterly defeated the St. Vincent.
French and Spaniards off Cape St. Vincent, on the 14th of
February 1797. By this victory, in which Nelson greatly dis-
tinguished himself, the Spanish fleet was practically destroyed

1 84 European History, 1795- 1797

for offensive purposes, and the high hopes that the Directory
had built on the naval assistance of Spain were frustrated.
England had promptly, as in former days, come to the help of
Portugal, and sent an army under the Hon. Sir Charles
Stuart to defend the country, and a general, the Prince of
Waldeck, to reorganise the Portuguese army.

While the Directory made an alliance with Spain, and hoped
The Direc- to ma ^ e one w ^^ Prussia, its sentiments of hostility
tory and towards England remained undiminished. It had
England. ^en ex p ec ted in France that the conquest of
Holland and the formation of the Batavian Republic, in close
alliance with the French Republic, would have struck a more
serious blow at the prosperity of England than it had really
done. As a matter of fact, the loss of Holland proved but a slight
commercial disaster ; the commerce of the North of Europe,
which passed through English hands, merely moved from
Amsterdam to Hamburg, and the English merchants suffered
little. From a naval point of view, the French possession of
Holland made it necessary for England to set on foot a power-
ful fleet to watch the Dutch navy in the Texel, while she also
had to maintain a fleet blockading the French port of Brest
in addition to her Mediterranean fleet. The English govern-
ment was more profoundly affected by Bonaparte's victories
in Italy than by the loss of Holland. In November 1796
Lord Malmesbury was sent to Paris to discuss the bases of a
peace. He began to negotiate for the restoration of the status
quo ante bellum, and demanded the surrender of Belgium to
the Emperor. Such terms were ridiculous; the French
Directors, even had they wished, would not have dared to with-
draw from their policy of making the Rhine the frontier of
France. The diplomatic habitudes of Lord Malmesbury were
regarded by the Directors as proofs of his double-dealing, and
he was abruptly ordered to leave Paris on the 20th December
1796. There was little real expectation of peace on either
side. At the very time Lord Malmesbury was in Paris the
Directory was preparing a naval expedition in Brest harbour.

Death of the Empress Catherine 185

It was announced that the expedition was intended for the
West Indies, and it was placed under the command of Hoche.
On the 1 6th of December it set sail for Bantry Bay, for the
Directory had really recurred to the old French idea of attack-
ing England through Ireland. But a terrible storm scattered
the French Fleet, and only two or three ships reached Bantry
Bay, and they returned to France without effecting a landing.

Though the history of Europe during the year 1796 is
chiefly bound up in the policy and military achieve- Death of
ments of France, the close of the year witnessed o^rumIIu
the disappearance of the greatest monarch of Nov. 17, 1796.
Eastern Europe. On the 17th November 1796, Catherine of
Russia died. The importance of her reign belongs to the
period prior to the French Revolution, and her attitude towards
the series of events grouped under that title, was chiefly
dictated by the course of events in Poland. She was suc-
ceeded on the throne of Russia by her son, the Emperor Paul.
The new monarch soon gave evidence of the aberration of intel-
lect which led him into the strange excesses that brought about
his assassination. His first step in foreign politics was to decline
to assist Austria with his armies, and he even withdrew a Russian
fleet which his mother had recently sent to the assistance of
England. In conversation he expressed his detestation of
the French as Jacobins, but none the less he opened nego-
tiations with the Directory by means of his ambassador at
Berlin, Kolichev, who communicated freely with the French
ambassador Caillard.

In the commencement of the year 1797 the interest of
Europe was concentrated upon Bonaparte and his army.
Being master of Italy he now determined to invade Bona %%
the home domains of the House of Austria. He Campaign
begged the Directory to act with energy in Ger- of I797#
many in order to prevent reinforcements being sent against
him. The Emperor recalled his brother, the Archduke Charles,
from the Rhine, and placed in him command of the Austrian
army in the Tyrol. On the 16th of March 1797 Bonaparte

1 86 European History, 1795-1797

forced the passage of Tagliamento. Joubert, who was acting
independently in the district of Friuli, made his way by that
route into the Tyrol, and joined his general-in -chief at Kla-
genfurt on the 13th of March. With the combined army
Bonaparte pursued the Austrians. He defeated the Archduke
Charles at Neumarkt and Unzmarkt, and on 7th April he
entered Leoben. The Archduke Charles felt it impossible to
oppose the French longer, and on the 17th of April 1797 pre-
liminaries of peace were signed at Leoben.

Simultaneously with Bonaparte's advance the Armies of the
Campaign Rhine-and-Moselle under Moreau, and of the
of 1797 in Sambre-and-Meuse under Hoche, were set in
Germany. motion The i atter advanced from Diisseldorf,
defeated the Austrians in five engagements, took Wetzlar, and
was already marching on Giessen in Hanover when his pro-
gress was stopped by the news of the signature of the Pre-
• liminaries of Leoben. Moreau, on his side, had not been able
to cross the Rhine until 20th April, and had made no further
offensive movement, when he was ordered to cease operations.
By the Preliminaries of Leoben the war between France
Preliminaries an d Austria, which had lasted without intermission
of Leoben. f or fi ve years, came to a termination. By the Con-
pn X7, 1797 ' vention signed at that place, Austria agreed that the
Rhine should be recognised as the frontier of France, which in-
volved the cession of Belgium. In Italy the Emperor promised
to give up the Milanese, and to receive Venice in compensa-
tion. These were the territorial bases agreed to, and General
Bonaparte was intrusted by the Directory with the task of con-
cluding a definitive peace with Austria. But this. Convention
only bound Francis 11. as head of the House of Hapsburg,
not as Emperor. It was therefore agreed that a congress
should be held at Rastadt, at which terms of peace should be
arranged between the French Republic and the Empire. The
Preliminaries of Leoben crowned Bonaparte's great victories,
and the monarchs of Europe quickly recognised that they
had no longer to deal with the French Republic, but with
the young Corsican general.

CHAPTER VI

1797-1799

Elections of 1797 in France — Policy of the Clichians— Struggle between the
Directors and the Clichians— Negotiations for Peace between England
and the Directory — Changes in the French Ministry— Revolution of 18th
Fructidor — Bonaparte in Italy — Occupation of Venice — The Ligurian and
Cisalpine Republics formed — Annexation of the Ionian Islands by France
— Treaty of Campo-Formio— Capture of Mayence— The Batavian Re-
public — Battle of Camperdown— Bonaparte's Expedition to the East-
Capture of Malta— Conquest of Egypt— Battle of the Nile — Internal
Policy of the Directory after 18th Fructidor— Foreign Policy — Attitude of
England, Prussia, Austria, and Russia — The Helvetian Republic— Italian
Affairs — The Roman and Parthenopean Republics formed — Occupation
of Piedmont and Tuscany by France— The Law of Conscription — Out-
break of War between Austria and France — Murder of the French Pleni-
potentiaries at Rastadt — The Campaign of 1799 — * n Italy— Battles of
Cassano, the Trebbia and Novi— Italy lost to France — In Switzerland —
Battle of Zurich— In Holland— Battles of Bergen— Results of the Campaign
of 1799 — Policy and Character of the Emperor Paul of Russia— Bona-
parte's Campaign of 1799 in Syria — Siege of Acre — Battle of Mount
Tabor— Struggle between the Directors and the Legislature in France —
Revolution of 226. Prairial — Changes in the Directory and Ministry—
Bonaparte's return to France— Revolution of 18th Brumaire— End of the
Government of the Directory in France.

In the month of May 1797 a new Director and a new third
of the Legislature were, in accordance with the Constitution
of the Year 111., elected in France. These elec- _ „ t

; The Elec-

tions were entirely favourable to the Chchian tionsofiw

party. This party, which had gradually grown up ln France *

since the dissolution of the Convention, and took its name

from the Club de Clichy, was led by men of very considerable

ability. The sentiment which united ihem was a loathing of

187

1 88 European History, 1797- 1799

the memory of the Reign of Terror and a desire to expel from
power those who had taken part in it. This sentiment was
very general in France, and the new legislators returned to
the Council of Ancients and the Council of Five Hundred
were, with but few exceptions, men who had not sat in the
Convention. Many of them were former members of the
Constituent and Legislative Assemblies, and had a consider-
able knowledge of parliamentary tactics. Foremost among
this group was Barb^-Marbois, who had, under the Bourbon
monarchy, been intendant of San Domingo, but the deputy
belonging to it who attracted most attention was General
Pichegru. The first success of the Clichian party was won in the
election of the new Director. The retiring Director on whom
the lot had fallen was Letourneur, and to fill his place was
chosen Barth&emy, a former marquis, and the diplomatist
who had negotiated the Treaties of Basle. This election was
very significant. It seemed to presage a consistent peace
policy. It afforded a guarantee that the proscription of the
nobles of the ancien r&gime was to be ended.

In foreign policy it was indeed the aim of the Clichians to
bring about a universal peace. Their home policy was
Policy of the neither so definite nor so logical. In their hatred
ciichians. f the Terrorists there can be no doubt that the
wiser heads among the Clichians desired a return to a
monarchical government. Pichegru and the more self-seeking
among them thought that they could obtain money and
power by a new revolution. Never were the prospects of a
counter-revolution more promising. The Clichians, recog-
nising the impossibility of restoring the Bourbon Monarchy in
its former authority, were in favour of a constitutional, limited
monarchy after the English pattern. But Louis xviil, and the
Comte d'Artois, buoyed up by the hopes of the Smigris
refused to make the slightest concession ; they would not
acknowledge the Constitution of 1791 ; they would not even
promise to consent to the slightest limitation of the old
monarchical power. Under these circumstances the Clichians

The Directors and the Clichians 189

had to look for a king elsewhere. A few, among whom may
possibly be counted Pichegru, were ready to accept Louis xvm.
on his own terms. A larger party were in favour of the Duke
of Orleans, son of Philippe fegalite', and, in the future, King of
the French as Louis Philippe. Others favoured the accession
of a Prussian prince, and negotiations were opened at Berlin
to see whether Prince Francis, the nephew of Frederick
William 11., would accept the throne. With such divisions of
opinion, there was no doubt that the internal policy of the
Clichians, even though backed by large subsidies from England,
which passed to them through Switzerland, was certain to bring
about no result. Nor was their peace policy more likely to
succeed. The wars of the French Republic had organised a
body of valiant and experienced soldiers whose trade was war,
and to whom the idea of peace was repugnant. Both Bona-
parte and Hoche, the two greatest generals of the Directory,
naturally looked with suspicion and dislike upon the policy of
the Clichians.

It need hardly be said that the attitude of the Clichians was
one of open hostility to the four original Directors. Their one
adherent in the Directory, Barthelemy, proved to be a very
weak support, and his brother Directors soon saw struggle
that it was unnecessary to trouble themselves J** ween the

1 1 • ml , . . . • t t^- Directory

about him. The four remaining original Directors and the
were united in their dislike of the new theories, and Clichians.
also as regicides had reason to fear their success. A severe
struggle was therefore imminent between the majority of the
Legislature and of the Executive. A crisis had arisen which
tested the political theories which had found their expression
in the Constitution of the Year in. The Legislature
endeavoured to encroach upon the authority of the Directory;
the Directors refused to yield one jot of their power. The
first active measure of hostility in the Councils was an attack
upon the Foreign Minister, Charles Delacroix. Pitt had
decided to make a second attempt to bring about peace be-
tween England and France, though without much expectation

190 European History, 1797-1799

of its success, and a conference was opened at Lille on the
Negotiations 4th July 1 797, at which Lord Malmesbury was pre-
fer Peace sen t as the English plenipotentiary. He presented,
England and on behalf of England, almost the same demands
the Directory, as na( j Deen rejected in the previous December,
and the negotiations were speedily broken off. Using this as
a pretext, the hostile majority in the Council of Ancients and
Council of Five Hundred accused the Directors of not
sincerely wishing for peace, and threw the chief blame for the
rupture of the conference on their minister, Delacroix. The
Directory yielded. Charles Delacroix was sent as ambassador
to Holland, and was succeeded as Foreign Minister by
Talleyrand. This skilful and subtle diplomatist saw that the
rivalry between the two powers in the State must lead to an
open rupture. He sided strongly with the Directors; he
communicated with Hoche and Bonaparte, and there can be
little doubt that he was one of the principal, if not the prin-
cipal, author of the coupcTetat or revolution which followed.
The dismissal of Delacroix was perhaps the most important epi-
sode ; but the other ministers were likewise violently attacked
by the Councils, and in addition to the Foreign Office every
department of State, except the ministries of Finance and
Justice, changed hands in July 1797. Francois de Neufchateau
became Minister of the Interior, General Scherer Minister for
War, Pleville de Peley Minister of the Marine, and Lenoir-
Laroche, who was succeeded in a few days by Sotin de la
Coindiere, Minister of Police.

The revolution of the 18th Fructidor was one which created
The Revoiu- but little interest among the people of France. It
tion of 18th was the result of an intrinsic weakness in the Con-
(4thSeptem- stitution, not of a popular movement. Two co-
ber 1797.) equal powers can never exist in the government of
a State : when a collision takes place one must be overthrown.
In their measures for overthrowing or muzzling the leaders of
the opposition in the Legislature, the four senior Directors
could not agree. Carnot, the greatest of them all, disliked

Revolution of i$tA Fructidor 191

any interference with the Constitution, and looked upon the
employment of force as likely to lead to great disasters. The
other original Directors, Barras, Reubell, and Revellifere-
Ldpeaux, were, however, perfectly agreed. They were deter-
mined to use the regular troops that formed the garrison of
Paris; Hoche, from Holland, sent them a sum of money; and
Bonaparte instructed one of his best generals, Augereau, to
act according to their orders. Accordingly, on the morning
of the 18th Fructidor (4th September 1797) fifty-five of the
leaders of the Clichian party in the Legislature, including both
Barb^-Marbois and Pichegru, were arrested, and were at
once deported, with the ex-minister of Police, Cochon de Lap-
parent, and several other individuals, without trial, to Cayenne
and Sinnamari. The same harsh measures were not taken
with regard to the two dissentient Directors, Carnot and
Barth£lemy, who were given every facility for escaping from
France. This revolution was carried out without the shedding
of a single drop of blood, and the success of the Directors
was acquiesced in by the people of France.

Merlin of Douai, the great jurist and statesman, and
Francois de Neufch&teau, a dramatist and former member of
the Legislative Assembly, were elected as the new Directors
in the place of Carnot and Barth^lemy, and were succeeded
in the ministries of Justice and the Interior by Lambrechts
and Letourneur.

After the conclusion of the Preliminaries of Leoben
Bonaparte returned to Italy and established himself at
Montebello, near Milan, He was appointed Bonaparte
plenipotentiary of the French Republic to con- in Italy,
elude a final treaty with Austria, but the negotiations lasted
for many months. During this time the young general was
chiefly engaged in settling Italy. He first made a terrible
example of the city of Verona, where the people occupation
had risen in revolt during his campaign in the ©fvenicc.
Tyrol, and had murdered the wounded French soldiers left
in their city. He next occupied Venice, and exacted from it

192 European History, 1797- 1799

a heavy contribution in money. Having thus established his
power throughout northern Italy, Bonaparte began to set up
new governments. On the 15th of June 1797 he insisted on
the dissolution of the ancient government of Genoa, and
The Ligurian formed that city and the surrounding districts into
Republic. a new Ligurian Republic. Piedmont, by the terms
of the Treaty of Cherasco, was left to the King of Sardinia,
but Bonaparte at once formed Lombardy, Modena, Reggio,
Bologna, Ferrara, the Romagna, Brescia, and Mantua into one
The cisalpine State, which he named the Cisalpine Republic.
Republic The Constitution of this new Republic, which
was modelled on the Constitution of the Year in., was pro-
mulgated on the 9th of July 1797. In these measures
Bonaparte had carefully avoided any annexations by France.
It was otherwise with regard to the Ionian Islands," which
were ceded to the French Republic by Venice. Corfu was
occupied on the 28th of June 1797, and Bonaparte believed
that by this cession the French fleet in the Mediterranean
would be able to close the Adriatic Sea.

During the months in which Italy was being thus recon-
structed, the Austrian plenipotentiary, Cobenzl, was skilfully
delaying the signature of a definitive treaty between France and
Treaty of Austria. In truth, the Austrians, like the English,
Campo- Thugut, like Pitt, hoped that the Clichian party
17th October would win the day. The successful coup (Fttat of
x 797- 1 8th of Fructidor destroyed his hopes, and on

17th of October 1797 the Treaty of Campo-Formio was
signed. The bases laid down by the Preliminaries of Leoben
were generally followed. The frontier of the Rhine for
France was solemnly recognised. The new arrangements in
Italy were also agreed to, and to Austria was ceded Venice
and all the territories of Venice in Istria and Dalmatia and
up to the Adige, in compensation for the loss of the Milanese.
The Emperor also engaged to use his influence at the Con-
gress of Rastadt to secure peace between France and the
Holy Roman Empire. The Treaty of Campo-Formio really

Capture of Mayence 1 93

struck a more severe blow at the Empire than at the House of
Austria. The cession of the Rhine frontier to France implied
the loss to the Empire of the electorates of Treves, Mayence,
and the Palatinate, while it only deprived Austria of her
mutinous and rebellious subjects in Belgium. A secret clause
was also added to the Treaty, by which the French Republic
promised to guarantee the whole of Bavaria to the House of
Austria, in return for the immediate evacuation of all the
fortresses which the Austrians occupied upon the Rhine.
Immediately upon receiving the news of the Treaty of
Campio-Formio the Directory equipped a special army under
the command of General Hatry for the capture of Mayence,
the only place on the left bank of the Rhine not in the
possession of France. Deprived of the assistance Capture of
of Austria, the troops of the Empire and of the JJ^"'^
Elector of Mayence could make but little resist- bcr 1797.
ance, and on 29th of December 1797 Mayence was once
more surrendered to the French Republic.

The Batavian Republic, which had been established in 1795
in Holland, was also considerably affected by the Holland,
revolution of 18th Fructidor. The Dutch Legis- The Batavian
lature had been influenced by every current of e P ublic#
feeling in France, and during the predominance of the Clichians
had made no real effort to support their French allies. After the
conclusion of the Convention of Leoben, and the consequent
cessation of hostilities in Germany, the Directory despatched
Hoche to Holland. He there busied himself with another
effort for his favourite scheme for the invasion of England.
For this purpose he relied upon the powerful Dutch fleet, which
was being blockaded by an English squadron under Admiral
Duncan in the Texel. During the mutiny at the Nore in the
summer of 1797 the position of the blockading English fleet
had been very critical, and on one occasion it is stated that
two English ships were left to watch fifteen Dutch. Directly
after the revolution of Fructidor, the Directors, who did not
feel certain of the support of Moreau, removed Hoche from

PERIOD VII. N

194 European History, 1797- 1799

Holland and placed him in command of the united Armies
of the Rhine-and-Moselle and the Sambre-and-Meuse under
the title of the Army of Germany. Hardly had he taken
up his command when the most distinguished rival of Bona-
parte died on the 18th of September 1797. Though deprived
of the active superintendence of Hoche, the government of*
the Batavian Republic, under the influence of the vigorous
war policy of the new Directory, ordered the Dutch fleet to
Battle of leave the Texel. It was met at sea by Admiral
£™Octob7r D ' Duncan off th « dunes or downs of Kampe
1797- (Camperdown), and entirely defeated after the

most hotly contested naval battle of the war. The naval
policy of the Directory had thus resulted in the destruction
of the Spanish fleet in the battle of Cape St Vincent and
of the Dutch fleet in the battle of Camperdown.

On the 5th of December 1797 General Bonaparte arrived
Bonaparte in Paris. The death of Hoche had left him

in Paris, without a rival, and the revolution of the 18th of
Fructidor had been so entirely the result of the assistance of
the army that its greatest general was practically the master
of the political situation. The Directors received him with
transports of enthusiasm and gave him a public reception, but,
nevertheless, they were overawed by the extent of his reputa-
tion and afraid that he might attempt to take an active part in
politics. He was appointed to the command of the Army of
the Interior, which was intended for the invasion of England,
Bonaparte, like Hoche, sincerely wished that such an invasion
should be effected, but he understood the extraordinary diffi-
culty inherent in any attempt to transport an army across the
Channel in the presence of a powerful fleet. He therefore
advised the Directory that it would be wiser not to attack
England directly, but to make an effort to overthrow her
power in Asia. It seemed to him more practicable to invade
India than to invade England. His imagination was stirred
by the conception of an expedition to the East, and the
Directory was only too glad to remove from France for a
time its most able and ambitious general.

Bonaparte in Egypt 195

On the 9th of May 1798 Bonaparte left Toulon at the
head of a picked force of his veterans of Italy, and Expedition
accompanied not only by his favourite generals, t0 E eypt- x 79»-
but also by some of the leading savants and men of letters of
France. On the 9th of June the fleet reached Malta, and on
the 1 2th the Knights of St. John of the Hospital, who had
held the island ever since the Middle Ages, surrendered it to
the French general. Leaving a garrison in Malta, Bonaparte
then proceeded to Egypt. He disembarked in front of
Alexandria on the 1st of July, and upon the 4th he occupied
that city. He then advanced on Cairo, and on the 21st of
July he defeated the Mamelukes at the Battle of the Pyramids,
and on the 24th he occupied Cairo. The English Battle of
fleet in the Mediterranean, under the command the Nile,
of Nelson, had been intended to stop the expedi- lst Au e U8t -
tion to Egypt, but it had been misdirected, and was unable to
prevent the disembarkation of the French forces. On the 1st of
August, however, Nelson appeared before Alexandria, and in
the battle of Aboukir Bay, generally known as the Battle o£
the Nile, he destroyed the French fleet. This victory entirely
cut off Bonaparte and his army from France. The English
held the Mediterranean, and for many months prevented the
despatch of either news or reinforcements. In November they
strengthened their position in the great south European sea
by the occupation of Minorca by an army under the Hon. Sir
Charles Stuart, and in 1800 the French garrison in Malta sur-
rendered to General Pigot and Captain Sir Alexander Ball.

Before Bonaparte left Paris the time had come round for
the election of a new Director. The lot fell upon Interna
Francois de Neufchiteau to retire, and his place Policy of
was filled by Treilhard, a former member of the the Direct0f y-
Constituent Assembly and of the Convention. Treilhard had
been himself one of the leading Thermidorians, and since the
close of the Convention he had been employed first as Minister
in Holland and then as one of the French plenipotentiaries at
the Congress of Rastadt. There is little doubt that Sieycs

196 European History, 1797- 1799

might have entered the Directory had he so wished, but he
preferred to act in a different capacity. Francois de Neuf-
ch&teau at once returned to his former office of Minister of
the Interior, and the only other alteration in the ministry was
the appointment of Admiral Bruix to be Minister of Marine.
The Directory, inspired by its victory on the 18th of Fructidor,
did not hesitate to infringe the terms of the Constitution of
the Year 111. The Royalists or Clichians had not dared
to appear at the elections to the Councils in 1798, and the
democrats had been able to elect whom they wished. But the
Directors did not intend to be subject to the democrats any
more than to the Clichians, and without the slightest show of
legality they quashed many of- the elections to the Councils
and gave the vacant seats to their own nominees. This dis-
regard of the law was also shown in other branches of the
internal policy of the Directory. The Directors, in spite of
the Constitution, interfered with the finances, and, by the
advice of Ramel, followed Cambon's example of declaring a
partial bankruptcy. This, however, had but little effect in
France, for, owing to the depreciation in the value of the
government paper money, very little interest was expected by
the creditors of the State. In purely internal administration
the weariness of the French people of political disturbances
enabled the agents of the Directory to maintain the public
peace without difficulty. The lack of capital in the country
was compensated by the fact that the government was the
only great employer of labour, and the spoils of the con-
quered countries enabled it to pay the workmen sufficiently.
It seems surprising that this bankrupt government should have
been acknowledged without opposition throughout France,
but the cause is to be found in the universal attention paid
to the course of foreign affairs.

The Peace of Campo-Formio had, as has been shown, left
France face to face with England, and it was to strike a blow
at the power of England that Bonaparte proceeded to Egypt.
For the same reason the Directory carried out the favourite

Sieyis at Berlin 197

scheme of Hoche, and despatched a force to Ireland under
General Humbert in August 1798, which was The Foreign
forced to surrender to Lord Cornwallis in Sep- Policy of the
tember. But though the powers of the Continent Dircctor y-
had been compelled to acknowledge the military superiority of
France, they were only seeking a loophole by which to enter
once more upon a general war. The departure of Bonaparte
seemed to offer them a good opportunity, and pretexts were
not wanting for the formation of a new coalition against
France. The English ministry understood this attitude of
the Continental powers, and their emissaries were busy in all
the Courts of Europe. The Directors knew of these efforts
of Pitt and did their best to counteract them. The keynote
of the French policy was, as it had always been, to make an
ally of Prussia. For this purpose Sieyks, who, though not in
office, was probably the most influential man in France,
obtained his nomination to a special embassy to Berlin. He
hoped by mixed measures of conciliation and of menace
to induce Frederick William m. of Prussia, who had suc-
ceeded his father in November 1797, to enter into an offensive
and defensive alliance. But that monarch, in spite of the
weakness of his personal character, had absolutely determined
to maintain his father's policy of strict neutrality, and neither
the arguments of Sieyfes nor those of Mr. Thomas Grenville,
the brother of the English Foreign Minister, could induce
him to swerve from it in either direction. The efforts of
England were crowned with more success at Vienna and
St. Petersburg. The Emperor Francis, and still more the
Austrian people, were profoundly disgusted by the triumphs of
the French, and flattered themselves that their defeats had been
due to the genius of Bonaparte more than to the valour of the
French soldiers. On the conclusion of the Treaty of Campo-
Formio, Bonaparte had, without consulting the Directory,
nominated General Bernadotte to be the French Ambassador
at Vienna. The Austrian people took this appointment as
an insult ; Bernadotte, though well received by the Emperor

198 European History, 1797- 1799

and his ministers, soon found that he was most unpopular in
Vienna, and on the 13th of April 1798 the Viennese mob
collected in front of the French Embassy, insulted the ambas-
sador, and tore down the insignia of the French Republic.
In spite of this insult the Directors did not at once declare
war against Austria, but it afforded a pretext for dwelling on
the inborn hatred of the Austrians for the French in their pro-
clamations to the French people. Since such was the dis-
position of the Austrian people, it need hardly be said that the
English envoy was heartily welcomed at Vienna. At St.
Petersburg the application of Pitt for armed help was favour-
ably received. The Emperor Paul, though already showing
signs of the brutal insanity which was to lead to his assassina-
tion, still preserved the prestige of being the heir of the great
Catherine. His ministers were those of Catherine ; his policy
was based on hers. But whereas Catherine had steadfastly re-
fused to go to war with France, Paul showed a decided in-
clination, which was fostered by his generals, to see whether
the Russian army would not be more successful than the
Prussian or the Austrian against the seemingly invincible
French republicans.

The French Directory, though recognising that it might have
The Helve- soon to contend again with the power of Austria,
tian Republic, and for the first time with that of Russia, neverthe-
Apni 1798. j esg rouse( j w ithout any reason fresh enemies upon
the French frontiers. Its greatest mistake at this period was
its interference with the affairs of Switzerland. For this inter-
ference there was no real cause, but the Directors could not
resist the temptation of inflicting their special form of republic
upon the Swiss. The organisation of most of the cantons of
Switzerland was essentially feudal and oligarchical. The
government of each canton and of each city was in the hands
of a very few families, and the people were in much the same
condition politically, socially, and economically as the people
of France before the Revolution. The Swiss peasants had
caught the contagion of revolution from France, and in the

The Helvetian Republic 199

beginning of 1798 the people of the Pays de Vaud rose in
insurrection against the authority of the Canton of Berne.
This rising was followed by populaf tumults in other cantons,
and the peasants everywhere destroyed the signs of the feudal
system and declared themselves in favour of 'Liberty —
Equality — Fraternity.' The popular leaders appealed to France
for help, and a powerful army under the command of General
Brune invaded Switzerland. The militia of the cantons was
speedily routed ; Brune occupied Berne and sent the national
treasury to Paris, and a freely-elected Constituent Assembly
was summoned. This assembly proclaimed an Helvetian
Republic, one and indivisible, with a Directory, two Councils,
and Ministers, in imitation of the French, the Cisalpine, and the
Batavian Republics, to take the place of the old Swiss federal
constitution. Great reforms were speedily accomplished ; on
the 8th of May 1798 internal customs-houses were abolished,
and on the 13th of May torture was forbidden in judicial
processes ; on the 3d of August marriages between persons
of different religions were declared legal ; and eventually all
feudal rights were suppressed. Great as were these reforms,
they were not entirely acceptable to the Swiss people. The
mountaineers of Uri, Schweitz and Unterwalden, the descend-
ants of the founders of the ancient Swiss liberties, objected to
be freed under the influence of French bayonets, and the cry
of national patriotism soon raised an army against the French
liberators of the peasants. The French troops had to
remain perpetually under arms, and the Helvetian Re-
public, in spite of the popular freedom which it secured,
was hated even by the peasants whom it had relieved*
The hatred for the French name was increased by the
arbitrary conduct, and it was asserted by the corrupt
behaviour, of Rapinat, the French commissioner, who was
a near relative of Reubell, the Director. The intervention
of the Directory had, therefore, in Switzerland, roused a people
in arms, even though it had been dictated by the best of
motives.

200 European History \ 1797-1799

When Bonaparte left Italy he had been succeeded in the
Italian command of the French troops which occupied the
affairs. frontiers of the Cisalpine Republic by General
Berthier. This general, desirous of emulating the successes of
Bonaparte, took the opportunity of the murder of the French
ambassador at Rome, General Duphot, to occupy the Eternal
City. The Pope, Pius vi., fled from Rome to the Carthusian
The Roman monaster y at P* sa > an( * tne Roman people declared
Republic. themselves to be once more the Roman Republic.
February 1798. Q onsu j s an( j Tribunes, as in ancient days, were

elected; the Directory, full of classical recollections, recognised
the Roman Republic with transports of enthusiasm; and General
Berthier took the opportunity to send large sums of money to
Paris. The King of Naples, or to speak more accurately, the
King of the Two Sicilies, regarded the new republic with any-
thing but favour. Encouraged by English and Austrian envoys,
and still more by the news of Nelson's victory at the Battle of
the Nile, he determined to attack Rome. He placed one of
the most distinguished of the Austrian generals, Mack, at the
head of his army, and, without declaring war, occupied Rome
on the 29th of November 1798. The French troops for the
moment had to retire. But Championnet, who had succeeded
Berthier, quickly concentrated his army, and on the 15th of
December he reoccupied Rome in force. Championnet then
took the offensive ; he invaded the Neapolitan territory, and
he quickly conquered all Ferdinand's dominions in Italy.
The King fled to Sicily, and in January 1799 the Parthenopean
The Parthe- Republic was solemnly installed at Naples. The
Republic. tw0 remaining independent states of Italy were
January 179$. also occupied by the French armies. The one of
these, Piedmont, was conquered without any declaration of
war or any pretext by General Joubert in November 1798,
arid King Charles Emmanuel iv. fled to Sardinia. The other,
Tuscany, in spite of the desire of the Grand Duke to remain
at peace with France, was the next victim, and on the 25th
of March 1799 the French troops occupied Florence.

Renewed War between Austria and France 201

The occupation of the whole of Italy and of Switzerland did
not increase the military strength of France ; on The Law of
the contrary, the proceedings of the Directory only Conscription,
aroused the most profound disgust and fear in ^ ept ' I79 ^'
Austria, Russia, and England. The Directors felt that a far
more terrible war than they had yet been engaged in was about
to break forth, and it may be assumed that, on the eve of hostili-
ties, they even regretted the absence of Bonaparte. Enormous
numbers of soldiers would be necessary in a new war. Trained
and experienced officers and non-commissioned officers existed,
but the difficulty was how to fill the ranks. It was no longer
possible to have recourse to the measures of the Convention,
to the levie en masse, and to the appeal for volunteers with the
cry that the country was in danger. The Republic had now
become a military power, and the question was how to recruit
its armies, not how to rouse the whole population. On the
19th of Fructidor, Year vi. (5th September 1798), the Councils
of the Ancients and of Five Hundred, on the application of
the Directory, passed the first Law of Conscription. By this
law all Frenchmen between the ages of twenty and twenty-five
with certain exceptions were declared to be subject to military
service. They were divided into five classes, and one or more
classes could be called out by the executive authority after
receiving the consent of the Legislature. This law is the
starting-point of the military levies which formed the army
of Napoleon, and the principle of conscription was thus laid
down many months before Bonaparte became First Consul.

Mention has been made of the riot at Vienna which caused
the departure of the French ambassador, Berna- T he Outbreak
dotte. He was not replaced by the Directory, of war. 1799.
and long negotiations took place on the subject of the com-
pensation due to the Republic for this insult. But neither
party was in earnest. Both the French Directory and the
Emperor Francis were preparing for the contest. The first
overt act of war took place at the commencement of 1799,
when the. Austrian troops, under the command of the

202 European History, 1797-1799

Archduke Charles, occupied the passes of the Grisons, and it
was in this quarter that before war was actually declared the
first engagements were fought. In Italy General Schemer was
attacked at Verona by the Austrian General Kray, and in
Germany General Jourdan fell back into the Black Forest.
In both of these quarters many skirmishes took place, and
eventually on the 25th of March 1799 the Archduke Charles
Battles of defeated Jourdan in a pitched battle at Stockach.

Ma C ^ano and A feW dayS ^^ ° n tllC ^ °* A P ril » Sc ^ rer was

35th March defeated at Magnano. Meanwhile the Congress of
and 5th April. Rastadt was still sitting, and Austria was nominally
at peace with France. The conclusion of a treaty between
France and the Empire, which was the subject of the delibera-
tions at Rastadt, was necessarily a difficult matter to negotiate,
for it involved nothing less than the entire reconstitution of the
Holy Roman Empire, a reconstitution which could only be
carried out by the secularisation of the bishoprics. Eventually,
in the month of April 1799, after the engagements of Stockach
and Magnano, the French plenipotentiaries at Rastadt under-
stood that it was hopeless to expect to conclude a treaty with
the Empire. They therefore asked for their passports to
France. These passports were refused. As they left Rastadt
the French plenipotentiaries were attacked by some Austrian
hussars ; two of them, Roberjot and Bonnier d'Alco, were
killed, and the other, Jean Debry, left for dead. This odious
violation of international law and the rights of ambassadors took
the place of a formal declaration of war, and roused not only
the Directory but the French people to the most strenuous
exertions. Meanwhile the Emperor Paul of Russia declared
war against France, and ordered three armies to be despatched
to the scenes of action.

The campaign of 1799 was fought out in three localities,
The campaign * n ^ °f wmc ^ the Russians played a most pro-

in Italy. minent part. In Italy a Russian army, under the

X799, command of one of the most famous generals in

Europe, Suvdrov, reinforced the Austrians after the battle of

The French driven from Italy 203

Magnano. Suv6rov forced the passage of the Adda at Cassano
on the 27th of April, and rapidly drove Moreau, who had
succeeded Scherer in command, across northern Italy. On the
28th of April Suvdrov entered Milan,and the Cisalpine Republic
at once expired. On the 27th of May he entered Turin, and
after leaving besieging armies before Mantua and Alessandria,
shut up the remnants of Moreau's army in Genoa. But the
army of Moreau was not the only French army in the Italian
Peninsula. Several powerful divisions, under the name of the
Army of Naples, were concentrated in Rome and Naples to
support the newly-formed Roman and Parthenopean Republics.
Macdonald, who had succeeded Championnet in the command
of this army, rapidly concentrated and threatened to take the
Austro- Russian army in flank. Suvdrov withdrew from Turin
and turned to his left to meet his new assailant. On the banks
of the Trebbia a three days' battle was fought from Battle of the
the 17th to the 19th of June. The issue of the battle Trebbia.
itself was doubtful, but Macdonald, finding himself I 7 th - I 9 th J une -
unsupported by Moreau from Genoa, was obliged to retreat into
Tuscany. Fearing to be cut off, he then forced his way along
the difficult passage between the mountains and the sea, and
joined Moreau, after collecting every French soldier from the
garrisons in the south of Italy. The retreat of the French
was followed by an outburst against the Italian republicans.

The Parthenopean Republic was at once overthrown, and
King Ferdinand of the Two Sicilies wreaked cruel vengeance
on his subjects. Pope Pius vi. had been removed from his
retreat near Florence to Valence, and the French Directors
had some idea of keeping him prisoner as a hostage in the
same way as Napoleon afterwards imprisoned his successor.
But the old Pope could not bear the sufferings of Death of
his imprisonment, and died at Valence on the 29th Pope Pius vi.
of August 1 799. Rome, deprived of the presence ^ Aug * X799<
of the Pope and the Cardinals, fell under the dominion of the
Roman nobles, who followed the example of the King of the
Two Sicilies in persecuting the republicans. Meanwhile the

204 European History, 1797- 1 799

French Directory appointed General Joubert, who was believed

to be the best of the former subordinates of Bonaparte, tcrtake

command at Genoa of the relics of the armies of Moreau and

Macdonald. With these soldiers he burst out of Genoa to

raise the siege of Alessandria, but on the 15 th of August he

Battle of was utter ty defeated by Suvdrov at Novi in a great

Novi. battle, in which Joubert himself was killed. In

15th August. sp j te Q f these d e f eats the Directory refused to

believe that Italy was lost. A new army was formed, and
placed under the command of Championnet, who, however,
was defeated at Genola on the 4th of November by the
Austrians, under Melas, and driven back into France.

While Suvdrov was conquering Italy and destroying the
The Campaign recollection of the victories of Bonaparte in that
Switzerland. countr y> Mass£na, who was in command of the
1799. French army in Switzerland, was engaged in a
most difficult task. The Archduke Charles, who also had
under his command a Russian army under Korsakov, forced
his way slowly into Switzerland, driving the French before
him, and in August 1799 left Korsakov in command at Zurich.
The Archduke was then ordered to take the bulk of his army
to the Rhine in order to invade France. Korsakov, abandoned
to his own resources, showed himself far inferior in military
ability to Suvdrov. Mass£na, with singular boldness, refused to
Battle of remam on tne defensive, and on the 26th of Sep-
Zurich. tember drove the Russians out of Zurich. His victory
26th sept wag WQn j ust m time, for Suvdrov, after defeating
Joubert at Novi, had determined, in spite of the terrible weather,
to cross the Alps. It was on the 24th of September, two days
before Mass&ia's victory at Zurich, that the main Russian
army arrived at the summit of the St. Gothard Pass. General
Lecourbe, one of the finest mountain generals of his day,
occupied the St. Gothard, and with a few battalions kept the
whole Russian army at bay. Suvdrov nevertheless persevered
and hoped to turn Mass^na's flank. But it was several weeks
before he could reach the village of Altdorf. Being unable to

The Campaign of 1799 in Holland 205

find boats to cross the lake, he had now to retreat, and when
he reached the Grisons his army was practically destroyed by
starvation and the stress of the weather. Masse'na, thus relieved
of his most formidable enemies, took possession of Constance,
and by threatening the flank of the Archduke Charles forced
the main Austrian army to fall back to the Danube.

The third campaign of 1799 was fought in Holland. In
this quarter it had been arranged that the English The Campaign
and Russians were to act in concert. On the 27th »» Holland,
of August the English fleet had successfully I799 '
reached the Dutch coast, and had captured the relics of the
Dutch fleet, defeated at Camperdown, in the Texel. After this
operation an English army, under the Duke of York, and a
Russian army, under General Hermann, disembarked at the
Helder. General Brune was hurriedly despatched to take
command of the few French troops in Holland, and co-
operated with the army of the Batavian Republic under General
Janssens. The campaign consisted of a succes- Battles of
sion of fierce but indecisive battles in the neigh- Bergen,
bourhood of Bergen. The English and Russians did not
act harmoniously together; the country was unsuited for
field operations ; and supplies were not adequately provided.
As a result of the operations, though he had not been really
defeated, the Duke of York signed the Convention of Alkmaar
on the 18th October, by which he agreed to surrender all
prisoners on being allowed to evacuate Holland.

The results of the campaigns of 1799 were decidedly
favourable to France. Though Italy was lost, and Results of the
more than one French army had been defeated, Campaigns,
the victories of Masse'na and of Brune more than compensated
for these disasters. Not only had France not been invaded,
but she had been able to retain her position in Switzerland
and in Holland, and to hold the whole of the right bank of
the Rhine. England, in spite of the Convention of Alkmaar,
could point to the victory of the Nile and the capture of
the Dutch fleet in the Texel as real successes, and Pitt and

206 European History, 1797- 1799

Grenville did not despair of ultimate victory. The King of
Prussia, who, when the affairs of France seemed to be desperate,
had begun to assume an attitude of opposition, and demanded
the evacuation of the Prussian provinces on the Rhine,
speedily repented of his indiscretion, and made excuses for
his behaviour. The Austrian ministers evinced no desire to
continue the war ; they resented the high-handed conduct of
Suvdrov, and showed themselves more afraid of their powerful
ally, Russia, than of their declared enemy, France. They
implored the English government to bring about the with-
drawal of the Russian troops, and the Emperor Paul was only
too glad to comply. The retreat of the Russians left Italy
practically in the hands of Austria. The Grand Duke
Ferdinand of Tuscany was restored to his dominions, but the
King of Sardinia was not recalled, and Piedmont remained in
the occupation of the Austrian troops. Genoa alone was held
by a French garrison, which was closely besieged by the
Austrians on the land side, and blockaded by the English
Mediterranean fleet. It was under the influence of Austria
and under the protection of Austrian troops that the Conclave
met at Venice in November 1799 to elect a new Pope.
The significant feature of the campaigns of 1799 was the
intervention of Russia. Mention has been made
of the abandonment of the policy of the great
Catherine by her successor. This change in the attitude of
Russia was due mainly to the influence of England, but partly
to the encouragement given by the French Directory to the
Poles. The restoration of Poland to its place among the
nations had long been a favourite idea among French
republicans. Kosciuszko had been enthusiastically welcomed
at Paris, and the first of the Polish legions which were to do
good service under Napoleon was raised by Dombrowski in
1 797. The Emperor Paul had met this attitude by welcoming
the pretender Louis xviii. to Russia, where he lent him the
palace of Mittau and gave him a considerable pension. He
also took into Russian pay the armed corps of imigres under

The Attitude of the Emperor Paul 207

the command of the Prince de Conde\ But fear of French
assistance to Poland would not alone have induced the
Emperor Paul to declare war. He was particularly offended
by the French occupation of the Ionian Islands and of Malta.
By the Treaty of Campo-Formio the Ionian Islands had been
ceded to France, and the Russians regarded this cession as an
indication that the Directory was going to interfere actively
in the affairs of the East. The bad impression created by the
occupation of the Ionian Islands had been increased by the
conquest of Malta and the expedition to Egypt Though
Russia quite intended to destroy the power of Turkey, she had
no idea of allowing any western nation to share the spoils. It
was for this reason that the Emperor Paul accepted the title
of Grand Master of the Knights of St. John, which the expelled
Knights of Malta offered to him, and that he occupied the
Ionian Islands with a Russian force in 1798. The foreign
policy of the Emperor was so far popular in Russia in that it
maintained the sole right of Russia to interfere in the East,
but it was unpopular in that it seemed by the despatch of the
armies under Suv6rov and Korsakov to bolster up the power
of Austria. Suv6rov and his officers returned to Russia with
a feeling of respect for their enemies, but with a feeling of
intense disgust at the behaviour of their allies. Suvdrov,
indeed, went so far as to accuse the Austrians of playing the
part of traitors, and the anger of Paul was raised to its height
by the capture of Ancona, which was delivered by a secret
compact to the Austrian general in spite of the assistance of
Russian troops. He was equally angry with England on
account of the failure of the expedition to Holland. Every
thing at the close of 1799 conduced to make the Empero
Paul seek for a pretext to make peace, if not an actual alh
ance, with the French Republic.

While these important campaigns were being fought out in
Europe, Bonaparte had not been idle in the East The Battle
of the Pyramids had made him master of Egypt, and though
cut off by the English fleet from communication with France,

208 European History, 1 797-1 7^

he remained master of the country. His internal admini-
Campai stration made him excessively popular among the
in Syria. Egyptians. He removed the Turks and Mamelukes
X799 * from office, and called on the Egyptians to govern
themselves. But the Turks did not intend to lose Egypt
without striking another blow, and a powerful army was sent
for its reconquest. Bonaparte determined to meet this army
halfway, and in February 1799 he advanced into Syria. He
speedily reduced Palestine and took Jaffa, and then laid siege
to the strong fortress of Acre. Assisted by the English sailors of
Sir Sidney Smith, the garrison of Acre made a gallant defence.
The Turkish army advancing to its relief was defeated by
Bonaparte at Mount Tabor on the 16th of April. In spite
of his victory, he had, nevertheless, to abandon the siege of
Acre, and on the 20th of May he commenced his retreat to
Egypt. He there found the position to be extremely critical.
The Mamelukes had reorganised their army and reoccupied
Cairo, and a Turkish army had been disembarked by the
English fleet at Aboukir. Meanwhile Desaix, whom he had left
in command in Egypt, had gone up the Nile for the conquest
of the interior. Bonaparte soon re-established his power ; he
defeated the Mamelukes at Cairo, and drove the Turkish army
into the sea. At this juncture he heard the news of the events
of the campaigns in Europe, and, what affected him more, of
the course of politics at Paris. He determined, therefore, to
return to France, and leaving Kteber in command in Egypt,
he set sail with a few personal friends. The ship on which he
embarked escaped the English cruisers, and he landed at
Fre'jus on the 9th of October 1799 after a perilous voyage of
forty-seven days.

The varying issues of the campaigns of 1799 had profoundly
Quarrel be- affected the situation of the Directors, and the dis-

Suncitelnd aSterS in Italv had turned the h °P eS DOth of the

the Directory, army and of the French people towards Bonaparte.
At the annual change in the composition of the Directory
and the Councils which took place in 1799 a considerable

Revolution of 30/A Prairial, Year VII. 209

alteration had been made. The new third of the Councils
consisted almost entirely of men who, without being either
Jacobins or Clichians, longed to see the establishment of a
strong government in order to secure peace. The Directory,
which had seemed so strong after the revolution of the 18th
of Fructidor, had been considerably weakened by the be-
haviour of the Directors themselves. The election of none
but civilians to the highest offices in the State was disliked by
the army, and the characters of the Directors themselves had
suffered. Reubell was the Director designed by lot to retire
in May 1799 ; he was perhaps the ablest and most experienced
of them all, but had been discredited by the bad conduct of
his relative, Rapinat, in Switzerland. Sieves was elected to
succeed Reubell. This choice, and the acceptance of Sieves,
testified to a new condition of affairs. The former abbe* might
have been a Director on at least two former occasions, in
1795 and 1798, and his acceptance at this juncture was very
significant. He had failed in his embassy to Berlin to induce
the new King of Prussia to become the active ally of France,
and had been convinced by his diplomatic experiences that the
government of France must become frankly military, since the
monarchical powers of Europe would not accept the possibility
of a peaceable French Republic. From an internal point of
view the acceptance of Sieyfes indicated an increase of power
for the Legislature, of which he was the idol.

The election of Sieyes was followed by a bloodless revolu-
tion. He maintained that the failure of the Constitution of
the Year in. was due to the usurpation of the functions of
the Legislature by the Directory, and, therefore, when the
Councils declared Treilhard and Merlin of Douai to have been
illegally chosen Directors, and called for the resignation of
Revelliere-L^peaux, they found a powerful ally in Sieyes. The
attacked Directors yielded without a struggle, and Coup d'etat of
on 30th Prairial, Year vn. (18th June 1799). they ^j"*** 1
were replaced by three personal friends of Sieyes, 1799).
Gohier, Roger Ducos, and General Moulin. Barras was thus

PERIOD VII. o

210 European History \ 1797-1799

the only member left of the original Directory. The Councils,
not satisfied with this victory, began to usurp the executive
functions of the Directory, and a general change of ministr>
took place. The new ministers were Reinhard, Robert Lindet,
Cambac&fes, Quinette, Bernadotte, replaced on 14th Sep-
tember by Dubois-Cranc£, Fouch6, and Bourdon de Vatry,
who succeeded Talleyrand and his colleagues as Ministers of
Foreign Affairs, the Finances, Justice, the Interior, War, Police,
and the Marine respectively. It is worthy of note that four
of the new ministers were formerly leading members of the
Convention. But the administration of the Councils was not
more effective than that of the Directory, and the news of
the disembarkation of Bonaparte at Frdjus was received with
a feeling of general satisfaction throughout France.

Bonaparte reached Paris on the 16th of October, and his
Revolution of assistance was sought by men of all parties. He
(9th November allied himself with none, but there can be little
1799) doubt that he took the advice mainly of Talley-

rand, Fouch£, and Sieyfes. Nevertheless he did not repulse
the leaders of the Councils, and to show their attachment for
him the Council of Five Hundred, on the 22d of October
1799, elected his brother Lucien Bonaparte to be their pre-
sident, and the whole Legislature gave him a grand banquet
on 6th November. The first stage of the revolution of
Brumaire was a decree by which the Council of Ancients, or
rather certain of its members, who had been initiated into the
project of a coup d'ttaty taking advantage of a clause in the
Constitution applicable to circumstances of popular agitation,
resolved in the early morning of the 18th Brumaire, Year vin.
(9th November 1 799), that the two Councils should leave Paris
and meet at Saint-Cloud ; and the execution of this decree was
intrusted to General Bonaparte. In the palace of Saint-Cloud
it was easy to surround the legislators by a body of troops
faithful to Bonaparte, since the command of the troops in
Paris was in the hands of one of his friends, General Lefebvre,
who was discontented at not having been elected a Director

\

Revolution of 1 SlA Brumaire 211

instead of Moulin. Sieyes and Roger Ducos, who were in the
plot, at once declared their resignations ; Barras was induced
to acquiesce ; and the other two Directors were guarded as
prisoners in the palace of the Luxembourg by General Moreau.
On the following morning, the 19th of Brumaire, Bonaparte
entered the Councils, escorted by soldiers; the Ancients
listened to him quietly; but the Five Hundred were in a
tumult ; a proposal was made to declare the general and his
supporters hors la loi or outlaws ; and after a stormy scene the
deputies were driven from the hall by the grenadiers. In
the evening a few deputies, who were in the secret of the
general's plans, met and decreed the suppression of the
Directory and the creation of a provisional government, con-
sisting of three Consuls. The three men chosen for this office
were Bonaparte, Sieves, and Roger Ducos. Commissions were
appointed to revise the Constitution and to draw up with the
Consuls new fundamental laws for the Republic. By this
revolution Bonaparte practically became ruler of France, for
Sieyes had no influence with the army, and Roger Ducos no
influence with anybody. It was a military revolution like
that of the 18th Fructidor; it was a bloodless revolution like
that of the 18th Fructidor; but it differed in that, instead of
establishing the power of five men, it established the power of
one. And that one man was the idol of the army, and generally
acknowledged to be the greatest general of France. The
preponderance of Bonaparte was quickly recognised by his
colleagues. 'Who shall preside?' said Sieyes at the first
meeting of the provisional Consuls on 20th Brumaire. * Do
you not see that the general is in the chair?' replied Roger
Ducos. And Sieyes, who was the chief epigram maker as
well as the constitution-monger of the Revolution, is said to
have summed up the situation with the remark to his friends
on the same evening : ' Messieurs, nous avons un maitre ; il
sait tout, il peut tout, il veut tout.'

CHAPTER VII

1 799-1804

Constitution of the Year viii.— The Consulate— The Council of State— The
Tribunate— The Legislative Body— The Senate— Internal Policy ^of the
Consulate— General Reconciliation — The Code Civil — Ministers of the
Consulate — Foreign Policy of the Consulate — Russia — Prussia — The Pope
—Campaign of Marengo — Campaign of Hohenlinden— Winter Campaign
of Moreau and Macdonald— The Treaty of Luneville— Arrangements in
Italy — Policy and Murder of the Emperor Paul of Russia — The Neutral
League of the North— Battle of Copenhagen— War between Spain and
Portugal— Treaty of Badajoz— Campaign of 1801 in Egypt — Peace of
Amiens between England and France— Reconstitution of Germany —
Secularisation of the German ecclesiastical dominions — Reconstitution of
Switzerland— Concordat between the Pope and Bonaparte — Internal
Organisation of France under the Consulate — The new Departments —
Annexation of Piedmont — The Prefectures— System of National Educa-
tion—Constitutional Changes in France— Bonaparte First Consul for
life— Recommencement of War between England and France — Causes-
Position of Affairs on the Continent — Plot of Pichegru and Cadoudal—
Execution of the Due d'Enghien — Bonaparte becomes Emperor of the
French —Francis 11. resigns the title of Holy Roman Emperor for that of
Emperor of Austria.

The revolution of the 18th of Brumaire had placed supreme
The constitu- P ow e r in the hands of Bonaparte ; that power was
tion of the speedily legalised and defined in the Constitution
Year viii. of ^ Year V m. The chief political problem was
once more how to regulate the relation between the legislative
and executive authorities. The Constitution of 1791, and still
more that of 1793, had entirely subordinated the executive to
the legislative authority; the Constitution of the Year in.
(1795) h a( * endeavoured to co-ordinate them; the Constitu-
tion of the Year viii. (1799) entirely subordinated the legisla-
tive to the executive. It fell once more to Sieyes, one of the
212

T/ie Consulate 213

principal authors of the Constitutions of 1791 and 1795, as
Second Provisional Consul, to define the new arrangements.
His attempt at co-ordinating the two powers in the State in
1795 had failed inks operation: as was inevitable, the two
authorities declined to preserve their legal relations to each
other. On the 18th of Fructidor, Year v. (4th September
1797), the executive in the form of the Directory had usurped
and partially destroyed the power of the Legislature, and on
the 30th of Prairial, Year vn/(i8th of June 1799) the Legisla-
ture had acted in the same way towards the executive. By
the Constitution of the Year vin., therefore, the executive
power was frankly acknowledged to be supreme. In its details
it was entirely the work of Sieyfes, though his main idea — the
appointment of a Grand Elector who should nominate to fill
all offices, but should exercise no power— was rejected by
Bonaparte. The new Constitution was soon ready; it was
submitted to the primary assemblies of the people on the
14th December 1799, and was accepted by them by 3,011,107
votes against 1567, and was officially proclaimed on the 24th
of December.

The keystone of the new Constitution was the Consulate.
There were to be three Consuls nominated for The
ten years, but these officials were not to be equal Consulat «-
in authority, as had been the case with the Directors. On the
contrary, the First Consul was to be perpetual president
and perpetual representative of the governing triumvirate.
All administrative power was placed in his hands, and the
Second and Third Consuls were little more than his chief
assistants. The Consuls acting together nominated the
Ministers, and also the Council of State, which was intended
to be at the same time an administrative tribunal of appeal,
and the originating source in matters of legislation.

In the work of legislation the Council of State was supple-
mented by the Tribunate and the Legislative The
Body. All laws prepared by the Council of State Ugtoiatuw.
were first submitted to the Tribunate, which was composed

214 European History, 1799-1804

of one hundred members. The Tribunate could neither
reject nor amend a law, but decided whether to support or
oppose the project before the Legislative Body. The Legis-
lative Body consisted of three hundred deputies chosen by
certain electoral assemblies formed by a complicated scheme
out of the taxpayers of the departments. By this scheme, after
three series of elections, what was termed a ' National List '
was drawn up. From this national list the Senate chose the
members both of the Legislative Body and the Tribunate.
The Legislative Body alone voted the taxes. In legislative
matters it played the part of a national jury, listening to the
arguments for or against brought forward by the Tribunate on
every project prepared by the Council of State, and deciding
in every case without discussion. The Legislative Body alone
could give a project of the Council of State the character of a
law. The Senate was composed of eighty members nominated
for life by the Consuls. Its duties were to choose the members
of the Tribunate and Legislative Body from the National List,
and to decide whether any law or measure of the government
was contrary to the Constitution. If it decided that such law
or measure was unconstitutional it had the authority to annul it.
The Consulate was composed of Bonaparte as First Consul,
internal w * tn Cambac^res and Le Brun, both famous
Policy of the jurists, as his associates. Their policy was one
Consulate. ^ genera i reconciliation. The individuals de-
ported after the revolution of the 18th of Fructidor were
allowed to return to France if they had not, like Pichegru,
become declared royalists. They were even taken into
favour ; while Carnot was appointed Minister of War, Portalis
and Barb£-Marbois were nominated to the Council of State.
The lists of emigration were closed ; no longer could persons
be declared to have emigrated on mere suspicion, and the First
Consul, as an administrative measure, annulled the decrees
excluding relations of SmtgrSs and former nobles from fill-
ing executive offices. More than 150,000 bnigr'es were
also allowed to return, mostly priests, who were no longer

Internal Reforms in France 215

regarded as rebels, and who, whether they had taken the oath to
observe the Civil Constitution of the Clergy or not, were allowed
to resume their sacred functions on simply promising to obey
the new Constitution of the State. The Consulate did even
more than this for the cause of religion ; many churches which
had been appropriated for civil purposes were restored to their
original uses. Brigandage was sternly put down, and Bona-
parte, at last, pacified La Vendue by negotiating a treaty of
amnesty with the remaining Vend^an leaders at Montlugon,
on the 17th of January 1800. A special effort was made to
put the finances in order, and Gaudin, who held office as
Minister of the Finances throughout the Consulate and the
Empire, first proved his extraordinary powers. His financial
reforms may be roughly summed up by the mention of his
two most important measures. The decrees of the Directory
in favour of forced loans from the rich, which had been arbi-
trarily and unfairly carried out, were abrogated and replaced
by a general income-tax of twenty-five per cent. This esta-
blished some justice in the collection, which partly compen-
sated for the heaviness of the tax. The second measure was
the appointment of receivers-general of taxes in every depart-
ment. These men had to give heavy security, and were allowed
a fair measure of profit in the form of a percentage on what they
collected. They were strictly supervised, and the scandalous
dilapidations which had signalised the period of the Directory
were made impossible for the future. Further, in order to
secure the support of the capitalists, the Bank of France was
founded under the guarantee of the State. Finally, the First
Consul decided to carry into effect the projects of the legal
reformers of the Constituent Assembly and the Convention.
Their labours had made possible the formation of a uniform
code of law for France. Bonaparte appointed a Commission,
consisting of Tronchet, Portalis, and Bigot de The Code
Preameneu, to examine the labours of their, pre- Na P° 16on -
decessors, and with their help to draw up the admirable civil
code, which was afterwards known as the Code Napoleon.

216 European History, 1799- 1804

In no respect was the administrative ability of the Consuls

better manifested than in the selection they made of their

The ministers. It has already been noticed that Gaudin,

Ministry. the greatest financier of France, was appointed
Minister of the Finances. Talleyrand and Fouche' once more
took possession of the portfolios of Foreign Affairs and of
Police, which they held for many years. Their first Minister of
the Marine, Forfait, did not remain long in office, but his
successor, Decrfcs, held that post from 1801 till 1814. The
same may be said with regard to the Ministry of Justice.
Abrial, the first occupant of this post, gave way to Regnier in
1802, but he likewise remained in office till 18 14. The
Ministries of War and of the Interior were more difficult to
fill ; Carnot soon resaited the tone of Bonaparte, and was
succeeded by Berthier, afterwards Prince of Neufchatel, who
had been Chief of the Staff to Bonaparte in Italy. La Place,
the great astronomer, had been appointed Minister of the
Interior by the Provisional Government in November 1799.
He did not show himself very efficient, and was succeeded by
Lucien Bonaparte, the First Consul's ablest brother, in the
following month. He too failed to carry out the wishes of
the Consuls, and was succeeded in 1800 by one of the most
distinguished administrators of the period, Chaptal.

Of foreign affairs Bonaparte, as First Consul, assumed the
entire management ; in internal matters he laid down the main
The External principles indeed, but he allowed his colleagues
Policy of the some share in the government. He found France
once more at war, as she had been before the Treaty
of Campo-Formio, with Austria and England. But another
redoubtable enemy had been added in Russia. Fortunately
for France, for reasons which have already been indicated, the
Emperor Paul was profoundly dissatisfied with his allies.
From an unreasoning hatred for France, the Russian Emperor
had now altered his sentiments to one of profound admiration
for the person of the First Consul. Bonaparte was soon
notified of this disposition at the Court of St. Petersburg. He

Foreign Policy of Bonaparte 217

sent his most intimate friend, Duroc, on a special mission to
Russia, and the idea was already suggested that Russia and
France ought to be the arbiters of Europe. He offered to
recognise Paul not only as Grand Master of the Knights of
Malta, but as the sovereign of that island, and promised in
every way to forward Russian interests. . In return, Paul, with
his usual exaggeration, declared Bonaparte to be his dearest
friend, surrounded himself with his portraits, drank publicly to
his health, and ordered Louis xviii. to leave Mittau. The
Russian ambassador in Paris, Kolichev, on behalf of his
master, proposed that Bonaparte should take the title of King
of France, and make the crown hereditary in his family. Next
in importance to the commencement of good relations with
Russia, was the First Consul's effort to make the King of
Prussia his declared ally. For this purpose he sent Duroc also
to Berlin. But Frederick William 111. was a different type of
monarch from the Emperor Paul ; he could not so readily alter
his policy. Personally, he too admired the First Consul, and
regarded him as the restorer of order and as a monarch in
embryo ; but, in spite of his admiration, he refused to comply
with the wishes of Bonaparte, as he had rejected the proposi-
tions of the Directory, and insisted on the maintenance of his
consistent attitude of strict neutrality. The last point to be
noticed in the foreign policy of Bonaparte was his attitude
towards the Pope. He not only allowed the body of Pope
Pius vi. to be removed from Valence to be buried at Rome,
but he recognised the new Pope, Pius vii., although he had
been elected at Venice under Austrian influence : he even
offered to restore him to his temporal dominion at Rome, and
promised to enter into negotiations with him with regard to the
re-establishment of the Catholic Church in France.

With the two great enemies of France, Austria and England,
the First Consul had no desire to treat. Though The Campaign
unable to strike at England, owing to the weak- Ma ° e f ngo#
ness of the French navy, he could yet attack the 1800.
Austrians in two quarters. Two powerful armies were prepared,

218 European History, 1799- 1804

the one the Army of the Danube, which was placed under the
command of Moreau, and the other the Army of the Interior,
soon to become famous as the Second Army of Italy. Of all the
conquests in Italy made by the French in 1796 and 1797, only
Genoa remained in their possession. Mass^na, fresh from his
victories in Switzerland, had taken command of the besieged
army. His defence is one of the most famous in history,
and does no less honour to the general than his victory at
Zurich. Bonaparte desired to relieve Genoa ; and he resolved
not to advance along the coast, as he had done in 1796, but
by crossing the Alps, and descending upon Piedmont, to cut
off the Austrian army occupying that province.

In the month of May Bonaparte crossed the Great Saint
Bernard Pass at the head of 40,000 men, and fell at once on
the Austrian flank. He was too late to relieve Genoa, which
surrendered on the 4th of June, when but few of the soldiers
were still able to stand, but he was in time to close the
retreat of the Austrians upon Lombardy. On the 9th June
1800 General Lannes defeated the Austrian advanced guard
at Montebello, and Bonaparte then barred the road from
Alessandria to Piacenza. General Melas, though not yet joined
by the troops which had taken Genoa, had a larger army than
Bonaparte ; on June 14 he forced his way out of Alessandria,
and drove back the French columns which occupied the
village of Marengo. The battle was practically lost by the
French, when Desaix, who had been detached to the left with
6000 men, fell upon the Austrian flank. Desaix was killed,
but the vigour of his attack practically cut the Austrian
army in two. The dragoons of Kellermann completed the
victory, and General Melas signed the Convention of Ales-
sandria, by which he surrendered Genoa, Piedmont, and
the Milanese to the French, and promised to withdraw
the Austrian garrisons from all cities to the west of the
Mincio. Bonaparte then attended a Te Deum sung in
honour of his victory in the cathedral of Milan, and
returned to Paris, leaving the Army of Grisons, under

Treaty of Luntville 219

the command of General Macdonald, to follow up the
Austrians.

While Bonaparte was winning the battle of Marengo, and
reconquering Italy by a single blow, Moreau was again face to
face with his old opponent, the Archduke Charles, campaign of
The French advance was very slow. Fierce Honeniinden.
battles were fought at Engen, Mceskirchen, and Biberach in
May 1800, and by the close of the summer Moreau had his
headquarters at Augsburg, and his advanced guard at Munich.
The slowness of Moreau's progress dissatisfied the First
Consul, as did the want of success of the Archduke Charles
dissatisfy the court of Vienna. Augereau was sent with 20,000
men to the assistance of Moreau, who was ordered, in spite
of the severity of the winter, to continue his advance ; and the
Archduke John was appointed to succeed his brother, and
ordered to take the offensive. The crowning event of this
winter campaign was the great victory of Hohenlinden, which
was won by Moreau on the 3d of December 1800. The
Austrians lost the whole of their baggage and artillery and
12,000 prisoners.

The First Consul from Paris ordered Moreau and Mac-
donald to advance into the home districts of the House of
Austria. Moreau accordingly pushed along the TheWinter
Inn, the Salz, the Traun, and the Ens, driving the campaign
disorganised and discouraged Austrians before ofl8o °-
him until he was within twenty leagues of Vienna. Macdonald,
at the same time, crossed the Spliigen Pass in spite of the
avalanches, and penetrated into the Tyrol, thus turning the
Austrian forces on the Mincio and the Adige. On arriving at
Trent, Macdonald turned to the right and was joined by
Brune, who had occupied the territory of Venice, and the
united French army marched upon Vienna. Under these
circumstances, with Italy lost, and Vienna threatened from
two quarters, the Emperor Francis sued for peace, which was
concluded at LuneVille on the 9th of February 1801.

The Treaty of LuneVille was more important from its

220 European History \ 1799- 1804

destruction of the old Holy Roman Empire than as the treaty
*u * . r of peace between France and Austria. From the

The Treaty of r . . .

Luneviiie. latter point of view the Emperor Francis once
Feb. 9, 1801. morej as m tlie Treaty of Campo-Formio, recog-
nised the Rhine as the limit of France. In Italy the Cisalpine
Republic was once more constituted with the Adige as its
frontier, Modena was to be compensated with the Breisgau,
and Venice was again left to the House of Austria. Tuscany
was taken from its Austrian Grand Duke, and erected into a
kingdom of Etruria in favour of the Prince of Parma, a relative
of the King of Spain, and Piedmont was annexed to France ;
but the King of the Two Sicilies was allowed to retain his
dominions, and the Pope was restored to all his possessions
except the Legations of Bologna and Ferrara. The Cisalpine
Republic was reorganised, and granted a Constitution on the
model of that of the Year viii., in which Bonaparte was
appointed First Consul. The Ligurian Republic was main-
tained, with the alteration that its Doge was nominated by
France instead of being elected. The result of the new
arrangements in Northern Italy was that both France and
Austria had a foothold by their occupation of Piedmont and
Venice, with the Cisalpine Republic as a buffer between them.
The principle of secularising the German bishoprics was also
again recognised in the Treaty of Luneviiie, and the actual
manner in which it should be carried out was referred to
a special commission, whose conclusions were not adopted
till 1803. The principal result of the treaty in Austria was the
retirement of the minister Thugut, who was succeeded as State
Chancellor by Count Louis Cobenzl, the diplomatist, who had
negotiated the treaties both of Campo-Formio and of LuneVille.
The admiration of the Emperor Paul for Bonaparte in-
Murder of creased daily, and it was the Russian Czar, not
the Emperor the French First Consul, who proposed an in-
33d March vasion of India across Asia, in order to strike
x8oi. a bi ow at the English power in the East. Indeed,

the English had taken the place of the French in the mind of

Murder of the Emperor Paul 221

Paul, who, not satisfied with forming once again the Neutral
League of the North, determined to send his best troops
against them. The Emperor's proposition was that one
expedition should consist of 35,000 Frenchmen and 35,000
Russians, under the command of Mass^na. This column was
to go down the Danube, and then up the Don to a point
whence it would be but a short march to the Volga. It was
then to proceed down the Volga to Astrakhan, thence across
the Caspian Sea to Astrabad, and then to march by Herat
and Kandahar to the Punjab. Another column was to move
by Khiva and Bokhara, and to invade India by the north of
Afghanistan. These grandiose plans were not entirely accepted
by Bonaparte, and the death of the Emperor prevented an
attempt being made to see if they were practicable. The
madness of Paul had steadily increased during his short reign.
His nobility disapproved heartily of his war policy, both
against France and later against England ; his adoption of the
Neutral League and its policy had done much to ruin the
wealthy nobles of Northern Russia by forbidding the exporta-
tion of Russian commodities on English ships. To the dis-
content of the nobility, of the politicians, and of the capitalists
must be added the fears of the courtiers. Even the heir to
the throne, his eldest son Alexander, perceived that the rule
of the maniac could not be borne much longer. It is hardly
necessary to particularise all the causes of his unpopularity ; it
is enough to say that his behaviour was that of a madman.
Certain courtiers, of whom the leaders were Count Pahlen, a
Livonian nobleman ; Benningsen, a Hanoverian general ; Plato
Zubov, the last favourite of the Empress Catherine, and his
brother Nicholas, and the Prince Jachvill, determined to put
an end to the tyranny of the Czar. In the night of the 23d
of March 1801 he was attacked by these conspirators and
ordered to sign an act of abdication ; he refused ; the lamp
went out, and the Emperor was struck down and strangled by
an unknown hand among his assailants.

When Bonaparte first entered office he recognised that

222 European History, 1 799- 1 804

England was a more formidable, because a less approachable,
The Neutral enemy than Austria. Knowing that the French

North* ° f thC navv was una ^ e t0 meet tne English-, he hoped to
1800-x. counterbalance the maritime preponderance of

England by a league against her commerce. Owing to the
long period of war, nothing was to be gained by solemn
decrees forbidding the importation of goods into France, it
was necessary to strike through the neutral nations. The
three great commercial seats of English trade were the Levant,
the Baltic, and Portugal. The failure of the expedition to
Egypt proved that it was impossible to destroy the English
trade in the Levant, and Bonaparte therefore resolved to
strike in the other two directions. Acting mainly through the
Emperor Paul, the Armed Neutrality of the North, or the
Neutral League of 1780, was re-established between the Baltic
powers of Russia, Prussia, Sweden, and Denmark. The real
intention of Paul and of Bonaparte was to exclude English
commerce entirely from the Baltic ; but for the second time
the Baltic powers nominally made themselves the guarantors
of the rights of neutrals. They protested against the right
assumed by England to search neutral ships, and to confiscate
as contraband of war all the goods of belligerent powers found
in them, and also against the prohibition against neutral ships
trading between different enemies' ports. The Emperor
Paul, like the Empress Catherine twenty years before, made
himself the patron of the Neutral League.

The English government naturally refused to accede to the
demands of the Neutral League, and when the Baltic was
f closed to them an English fleet was ordered to
Copenhagen, force the blockade. This fleet was placed under
ad April 1801. tne comman d f Sir Hyde Parker, with Nelson as
second in command. On the 30th of March 1801 the fleet
sailed down the Sound, in spite of the Danish batteries at
Elsinore, and on the 2d of April Copenhagen was bombarded
and a large part of the Danish fleet destroyed. This victory,
and still more the death of the Emperor Paul, caused the

S'

Treaty of Badajoz 223

dissolution of the Neutral League of the North, and Bonaparte
had to adjourn for some years his schemes for the annihilation
of English commerce.

In the Iberian peninsula the designs of Bonaparte against
English trade were more successful. Spain still remained the
ally of France in spite of the sufferings that alliance Spain and
had brought upon her, but Portugal had hitherto Portugal,
continued the faithful friend of England. Through x8o °" 1 -
Portugal English goods entered Spain and the south of France,
and Bonaparte resolved to put an end to the neutrality of
Portugal. For this purpose, in the year 1800, he despatched his
ablest brother, Lucien Bonaparte, as ambassador to Madrid,
with orders to negotiate with the Prince Regent of Portugal.
The terms offered were that the Portuguese ports were to be
closed to English trade, that special commercial advantages
were to be given to French merchants, that French Guiana
was to be extended to the river Amazon, and that a portion of
Portuguese territory was to be ceded to Spain until Trinidad
and Minorca were recovered by the latter power. The Prince
Regent of Portugal rejected these hard terms ; Spain declared
war in the beginning of 1801, and 22,000 veteran French
soldiers, under the command of General Leclerc, Bonaparte's
brother-in-law, were sent to the assistance of Spain. The
campaign was a very short one. The French troops never
came into action ; but the Portuguese were twice defeated in
pitched battles, and lost some of their fortresses. The Prince
Regent sued for peace, and a treaty was signed between Spain
and Portugal at Badajoz on the 6th of June 1801. Treaty of
By this treaty the city and district of Olivenza Bad *J°*-
were ceded to Spain, and, by a subsequent arrangement, the
limits of French Guiana were extended to the river Amazon.
Bonaparte was much disgusted with these treaties, and espe-
cially with the continued refusal of Portugal to close her
ports to English commerce, and it was many months before
he consented to ratify them. England refused to recognise
Portugal as an enemy ; but an English force occupied the

224 European History \ 1799- 1804

island of Madeira, and the East India Company's troops
garrisoned Goa.

When Bonaparte left Egypt he was unable, owing to the
stringency of the blockade maintained by the English fleet,

Cam ai n t0 ta ^ e m0re t ^ ian a ^ eW com P amons with him,

in Egypt. Kle'ber, who, as has been said, succeeded him in
1800-x. t ^ e command of the French army, soon found
himself confronted by a powerful Turkish and Mameluke
army. This army he defeated at the battle of Heliopolis on
the 20th of March 1800, after which success Egypt again sub-
mitted to French rule. On the 14th of June 1800, the very
day on which his former comrade Desaix met a soldier's
death at the battle of Marengo, Kle'ber was assassinated by a
Muhammadan fanatic in Cairo. Menou, the new French
general in Egpyt, was in every way Kteber's inferior, and con-
centrated the French troops in the two cities of Cairo and
Alexandria. Isolated entirely from the mother country, and
unable to receive reinforcements or ammunition, the English
government regarded the French in Egypt as an easy prey.
On the 19th of March 1801 a powerful English army disem-
barked at Aboukir, under the command of Sir Ralph
Abercromby, and defeated the French before Alexandria two
days later in a pitched battle, in which Abercromby was
killed. Siege was then laid to Alexandria and Cairo, and both
cities surrendered to the English general, Lord Hutchinson,
before the arrival of a division from India, which, under the
command of Sir David Baird, had sailed up the Red Sea,
marched across the Soudan desert, and descended the Nile to
Cairo in boats. As a result of these operations, a convention
was signed between the French and English generals in Egypt
on the 2d of September 1801, by which the French garrisons
evacuated all remaining posts, and were conveyed to France
in English ships.

Though neither Bonaparte nor the leaders of English politi-
cal opinion believed it possible for a permanent peace to be
agreed to in the interests of their respective countries, the

The Peace of Amiens 225

outcry of both the English and the French people against the
prolonged war made it necessary for their rulers The Peace
to conclude some kind of a truce. Pitt had °* t £ ^arch
in 1 80 1 gone out of office, and his successor i*».
Addington, afterwards Lord Sidmouth, declared in favour of
a peace policy. The treaty, which is known as the Peace of
Amiens, was really nothing more than a truce. Only a very
general agreement was come to, and many essential points
were left undecided. Both nations needed a rest, and neither
government looked upon the Peace of Amiens as affording a
permanent solution of their differences. Many loopholes were
left, which were certain to afford pretexts for renewing the war
to both contracting powers, and of these the most notable
was the question of the possession of Malta.

Far more important than the temporary Peace of Amiens
was the reconstitution of Germany, which was finally accepted
by the Diet at Ratisbon on the 25th of February The Recon .
1803. The Holy Roman Empire which had stitutionof
lasted so many centuries ceased to exist The German y-
ancient division of the Empire into circles was abolished, and
the three colleges which formed the Diet were profoundly
affected. Instead of the eight electors, three ecclesiastical and
five lay, that formerly existed, ten electors, one ecclesiastical
and nine lay, were created. The Archbishops of Cologne
and Treves, whose states being on the left bank of the
Rhine were absorbed into France, lost their electoral dignity.
The Archbishop-Elector of Mayence was retained as Arch-
Chancellor of the Empire, and he received as his dominions
the Bishopric of Ratisbon, the Principality of Aschaffenburg,
and the County of Wetzlar. The nine lay electors were the
five princes who had formerly enjoyed the dignity, namely,
the Electors of Bohemia, Brandenburg, Saxony, Bavaria, and
Hanover, and four new Electors, the Margrave of Baden, the
Duke of Wurtemburg, the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, and
the Grand Duke Ferdinand, brother of the Emperor, and
former Grand Duke of Tuscany, who was appointed Elector

PERIOD VII. p

226 European History, 1799- 1804

of Salzburg. By this new arrangement, and by the abolition
of two-thirds of the ecclesiastical electorate, the majority in
the College of Electors passed from the Catholics to the
Protestants. In the College of Princes there was the same
result, for by the secularisation of the Catholic bishoprics the
majority passed to the Protestant rulers. More sweeping still
was the alteration in the third College — that of the Free
Cities. Instead of fifty-two constituent members of this
College only six were retained, and their maintenance was
due to the intervention of France. These six cities were
Augsburg, Bremen, Frankfort-on-the-Main, Hamburg, Liibeck,
and Nuremberg. By these changes the constitution of the
Empire was entirely altered ; but still more notable was the
change in the position of the various princes in Germany,
for the tendency of the secularisation of the ecclesiastical
states was to diminish the number of ruling princes and to
increase the extent of their dominions.

The great war with France had shown the weakness of the
Empire as an organisation, and had also proved the advantages
to the inhabitants of the existence of large and powerful states,
secular- ** was ' tnere ^ ore > tne already existing kingdoms
isations in which received the greatest addition of territory
Germany. under the new arrangements. Nominally, the
secularised bishoprics were intended to compensate those
German princes whose territories on the left bank of the
Rhine had been ceded to France ; practically, the powerful
states only were increased. Austria, whose new possession of
Venice in place of the Milanese had been reaffirmed by the
Treaty of Lun£ville, only acquired in Germany the Bishoprics
of Brixen and Trent, but two Austrian princes received inde-
pendent states, namely, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Fer-
dinand, who, as has been said, was given the Archbishopric of
Salzburg, with the title of Elector, and the Duke of Modena,
who received the Breisgau. Nevertheless, the power of
Austria was greatly weakened, for under the old arrangement
the ecclesiastical electors and the Catholic bishops had always

Reconstitution of Germany 227

been partisans of Austria. Prussia was the country which
profited the most, though she had suffered the least in the war
against France. In exchange for part of the Duchy of Cleves,
the Duchy of Guelders, and the County of Moers, Prussia re-
ceived the large and wealthy Bishoprics of Hildesheim, Pader-
born, Erfurt, and part of Miinster, together with a number
of abbeys, of which the largest were Herford, Quedlinburg,
Elten, Essen, and Werden, and several free cities. Hanover
received the Bishopric of Osnabriick, to which the King
of England, as Elector of Hanover, had previously possessed
the alternate nomination. Bavaria was made into a powerful
and concentrated state. In exchange for the Palatinate, the
Duchy of Deux-Ponts (Zwei-Briicken), the Principalities of
Juliers, Simmern and Lautern, she received the Bishoprics of
Wiirtzburg, Bamberg, Augsburg, Freisingen, and part of Passau,
together with a large number of abbeys and free cities. Baden
received the portion of the Bishoprics of Spires, Strasbourg, and
Basle, situated on the right bank of the Rhine, the Bishopric
of Constance, the cities of Heidelberg and Mannheim, and
many abbeys and free cities. Finally, the Duchy of Wiirtem-
burg, in exchange for the Principality of Montb&iard, received
abbeys and free towns, which increased its population by a
hundred thousand inhabitants. It is not necessary to describe
the various accessions granted to the Princes of Hesse-Cassel,
Hesse-Darmstadt, Nassau, and the rest ; but, it may be noted
that the Prince of Orange, the former Stadtholder of Holland,
received the Bishopric of Fulda. These changes remodelled
Germany, and in the result were most prejudicial to France;
for instead of there existing a series of buffers in the shape of
small and weak states, France was brought almost directly
into contact with Prussia and Austria.

At the same time that the ancient federal Holy Roman
Empire was reconstituted, the ancient federal _. _.

•^ , ,. *~ . * i ,., • . TheRecon-

Repubhc of Switzerland was likewise reorganised, stitution of
The reasons which had induced the Directory to Switzerland,
intervene in Swiss affairs still existed ; the revolutionary party

228 European History \ 1799- 1804

which opposed the federal idea, and desired to form a united
Switzerland, remained in direct opposition to the supporters
of the former government of the cantons. It was essentially
the question of government which divided the two parties,
and there was no suggestion of restoring the feudal system,
or the privileges of certain towns and certain cantons over
others. The breath of the French Revolution had swept away
political inequalities as completely in Switzerland as in France.
Soon after the Treaty of Amiens, Bonaparte withdrew the
French troops from the new Helvetic Republic. Civil war,
as he expected, recommenced, and the Helvetic Government
was driven from Berne by the federalists. Bonaparte there-
fore despatched an army to restore order, and summoned
the leading Swiss statesmen to Paris. To them he pro-
pounded a new scheme of federal government, which was
accepted, and the Act of Mediation, which was promulgated
on the 19th of February 1803, established the new Constitu-
tion, and recognised the First Consul as Mediator. By the
Act of Mediation Switzerland was divided into nineteen can-
tons, each of which had its own local government and
special laws and taxes. The thirteen old cantons were main-
tained; six of them were democratic — Appenzell, Glarus,
Schwyz, Unterwalden, Uri, and Zug ; seven were oligarchical
— Basle, Berne, Friburg, Lucerne, Schaffhausen, Soleure,
and Zurich. The six new cantons added by Bonaparte com-
prised five territories which had formerly been subject ; the
Pays de Vaud and Aargau were made independent of Berne ;
Thurgau was separated from Schaffhausen, and Ticino from
Uri and Unterwalden, and the canton of Saint-Gall was formed
out of certain districts formerly belonging to Appenzell,
Glarus, and Schwyz ; finally, the Grisons, which had hitherto
been an independent mountain republic, was declared a can-
ton of Switzerland. Geneva had some years before been added
to France as the Department of the Leman, and the Valais
was now declared independent — a preliminary step to its ulti-
mate annexation by France. The Federal Diet was to consist

The Concordat 229

of twenty-five deputies, two from the six largest cantons,
Aargau, Berne, the Grisons, Saint-Gall, the Pays de Vaud,
and Zurich, and one from each of the others. The Diet was
to meet every year in the capital of a different canton, and
the Landamman of that canton was for that year the President
of the Confederation. The Federal Act once more declared
the entire abolition of feudalism, and of all privileges of birth,
etc., and forbade for the future all internal customs-duties.
Bonaparte proclaimed that he would not allow the interfer-
ence of any other power in Switzerland, and took the title of
Mediator of the Confederation of Switzerland.

It has already been stated that Bonaparte desired to stand
well with the Catholic Church, and had recognised the ad-
vantages of a state religion. One of his most The Con-
important measures during the Consulate was to cordat - l8ox -*-
put an end to the schism which had lasted since the promul-
gation of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy in 1790, with
the assistance of the Pope, Pius vn. All the bishops elected
under the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, and most of those
who had emigrated, sooner than take the oath of allegiance to
it, resigned, and the leaders of both sections were nominated
and instituted to different dioceses. A new circumscription of
sees was agreed to, and France was divided into fifty bishoprics
and ten archbishoprics. It was agreed by the Concordat,
which was signed between the Pope and the First Consul on
the 15th of July 1801, and solemnly proclaimed on the 18th
of April 1802, after being sanctioned by the Legislative Body,
that the First Consul should nominate all bishops, and the
Pope should institute. The government of the Consulate
recognised the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman religion as that
of the majority of the French people, and ordained that its
public worship should be carried on freely so long as the
police regulations were observed. All ecclesiastics were to
swear fidelity to the government, which promised to pay a
suitable salary to all bishops and cure's. In return, the Pope
promised that neither he nor his successors would lay any

230 European History, 1799- 1804

claim to the ecclesiastical estates which had been alienated,
and that all such property should be held the indisputable
possession of its purchaser.

The recognition of the frontier of the Rhine by the Treaty
of Lun^ville and the Diet of Ratisbon largely increased the

internal territory of France. The First Consul proceeded
Organisation. t0 or g an i se the additions on the bases laid down
by the Constituent Assembly, Convention, and Directory.
Belgium was divided into nine departments. The Rhenish
territories, including the Palatinate, the Diocese of Treves, etc.,
were divided into four departments, of which the headquarters
were Aix-la-Chapelle, Coblentz, Mayence, and Treves. Further
south, the Department of the Mont-Terrible, which had been
formed by the Convention out of the Republic of Mulhouse
and the District of Porentruy, was merged into the Depart-
ment of the Haut-Rhin, and the Principality of Montbeliard
was united to the Department of the Doubs. The Republic
of Geneva, as has been said, formed the Department of the
Leman. Savoy was constituted as the Department of Mont-
Blanc, and the County of Nice that of the Alpes-Maritimes.
These were the recognised limits of France in 1801, and were
defensible on geographical grounds ; but, on the nth of Sep-
tember 1802, Bonaparte went further, and declared the union
of Piedmont with France. Instead of being amalgamated
with the Cisalpine Republic, Piedmont was divided into six
departments, and the island of Elba was detached from
Tuscany and declared, like Corsica, to be a French island.

The Pre- At the head of each department a Preset was ap-

fecturea. pointed, to take the place of the national agents
maintained by the Directory. At the head of each subdivision,
now called an arrondissement instead of a district, was placed
a Sous-PreYet, also nominated by the supreme executive, and
at the head of each commune was the Maire, who was also
nominated and not elected. PreTets, Sous-Pr6fets, and Maires
were assisted by nominated councils in administrative matters,
and appeals from their decisions lay to the Council of State.

Bonaparte Consul for Life 231

Just as Bonaparte had built up the new Code of Law on
the bases laid by the Legislative Committee of the Convention,
so, too, he made use of the labours of its Com-

. Education.

mittee of Public Instruction to establish a scheme
of national education. In every commune which could afford
the expense, he maintained the primary school established
by the Convention ; but he feared to burden the National
Treasury with the expense of schools in the poorer communes,
and preferred to leave their establishment to local endeavour.
In secondary education, he suppressed the central schools of
the Convention, and replaced them by twenty-nine lycees,
specially intended for the education of the middle classes.
For higher education, he founded ten schools of law and six
of medicine; he improved the Polytechnic School, and
started a school of mechanics, which became later the famous
6cole des Arts et Metiers. The key-stone of the whole edu-
cational system, the foundation of the University, was, how-
ever, not laid till some years later.

The great administrative reforms of Bonaparte made him as
popular among all classes of the population as his victories
had made him in the army. Not only in France, Constitu .
but throughout Europe, he was looked upon as tionai
the restorer of order and good government. This Chan K es -
sentiment appeared most vividly at the time when a plot
against his life was discovered on the 24th of September 1800.
This plot, which is known as the Conspiracy of the Infernal
Machine, is said to have been the work of the Jacobin party ;
the explosion took place in the Rue Sainte-Nicaise, too late to
do him any harm, but it was used as a pretext to exile the
most vigorous republicans. So great was his popularity,
that rumours were already heard of making him monarch.
The first step in this direction was taken in 1802, when
the Council of State proposed that the primary assemblies
should be summoned to decide whether Bonaparte should
not be made First Consul for life. In May 1802 this proposal
was laid before the people, and was carried by more than

232 European History^ 1 799- 1 804

3,500,000 votes to 8000. Some slight changes were made at
the same time, of which the most important were that the First
Consul was enabled to nominate his successor, that the lists
of candidates for public functions were replaced by electoral
colleges appointed for life, and that the Senate was given the
right to dissolve the Tribunate and the Legislative Body.

The First Consul clearly understood that the Peace of
Amiens was not likely to last, and that war would soon break
Bonaparte's out a g am w ^ England. He knew that England
Colonial derived much of her influence from her navy and
Policy. ner co i on j es . he therefore spared no efforts to

restore the French navy, and to make France once more a
colonial power. His first essays in this direction were to obtain
Louisiana from Spain in exchange for the kingdom of Etruria,
formed in Italy for Prince Louis of Parma, and the extension
of the limits of French Guiana to the Amazon extorted from
Portugal. But his main project was to restore the French
power in the West Indies. Guadeloupe and Martinique and
the French Antilles had been restored to France by the
Treaty of Amiens, and the First Consul resolved to make
them the starting-point for the reconquest of San Domingo.
This island had, as a result of the policy of Sonthonax and
Polverel, the proconsuls of the Convention, been entirely lost
to France ; the planters and other whites had fled ; and the
revolted slaves and mulattoes were masters of the island.
Toussaint Louverture, the leader of the negroes, refused to
hold any communications with Bonaparte, and the First
Consul therefore, as soon as the Peace of Amiens had opened
the sea, sent an expedition of 20,000 men against him, com-
manded by his brother-in-law, General Leclerc. The island
was reconquered by May 1802 ; but the victorious army was
practically destroyed by yellow fever. Toussaint Louverture
was taken prisoner and sent to France : but nevertheless, as
soon as war with England again broke out, and the arrival
of reinforcements was prevented by English cruisers, the
negroes rose afresh under new leaders and destroyed the

War between England and France 233

remnant of the. garrison. It may be added that the French
Antilles were recaptured by the English in 1809 and 1810.

It has been said that the Treaty of Amiens was practically
only a truce, and that many points of interest to the two
nations were left undecided. Of these the most Recom-
important regarded Malta. The English ministry ^"ww
positively refused to surrender this island to the between
Knights of Saint John, under the protectorate of 5S££ d and
the Emperor Alexander, which would leave it at 18th May 1803.
the mercy of France. Bonaparte demanded the evacuation of
Malta with much insistance as one of the conditions of the
Treaty of Amiens; but the English government in reply
pointed to the annexation of Elba, Parma and Piacenza, and
Piedmont, and the interference in Switzerland, as also being
breaches of the treaty. The First Consul was also very exas-
perated at the personal attacks made on him in the irrespon-
sible English press. He failed to understand that by the
English law the government could not prevent the publication
of libels against him, and regarded their refusal to punish the
libellers as personal insults to himself. The French ambassa-
dor in London prosecuted Peltier, the chief libeller, before
the Court of King's Bench. He was brilliantly defended by
Sir J. Mackintosh, and only ordered to pay a small fine. A
public subscription was raised to pay his fine and costs, and
the First Consul regarded this as adding a further insult to
the injuries he had received. In truth, both governments felt
that war was inevitable, and in May 1803 tne nipture was
complete. The English navy began to seize the French
trading vessels, and the First Consul, as a reprisal, arrested all
the English travellers he could find in France, and ordered
Mortier to occupy Hanover.

The First Consul entered upon a fresh war with England
with a light heart, for he believed that she would Position of
be unable to obtain any allies. Austria was ex- Foreign
hausted by the terrible wars she had undergone, Affair8 "
and the State Chancellor, Cobenzl, held that she needed time

234 European History, 1799- 1804

to recuperate. Prussia persisted in her attitude of strict
neutrality; Haugwitz was dismissed from the Secretaryship of
State for Foreign Affairs as being too French in his sympathies,
after the occupation of Hanover, and was succeeded by
Hardenberg, the maker of the Treaty of Basle. Spain was
Bonaparte's faithful and hopeful ally ; and Russia, the most
formidable of the continental powers, inclined to his side.
The attitude of the Emperor Alexander at this period was of
the greatest importance. Educated by a Swiss publicist who
sincerely loved France, La Harpe, the Emperor of Russia
was inclined to admire the results of the French Revolution
and the French people. His sentiments for the person of
Bonaparte were nearly as full of enthusiastic admiration as
those of his father, the Emperor Paul. He made the French
ambassadors at St. Petersburg, Duroc and Caulaincourt, his
personal friends, and wrote letters to Bonaparte expressing
his feelings. But the Emperor's relatives, especially his
mother, with his ministers and his courtiers, were opposed to
France and in favour of a close alliance with England, or at
the very least of the maintenance of strict neutrality. England
practically commanded the Russian trade, and war with Eng-
land meant the loss of the only market for Russian raw material,
the consequent impoverishment of the Russian people, and
the ruin of the Russian capitalists. Nevertheless the Emperor
Alexander was an autocrat, and Bonaparte counted upon his
friendship even though he could not secure his alliance.

On the outbreak of war the numerous French exiles in
The Plot of England offered their services to the English
Pichegruand Government. It is significant of the change
CadoudaL wri ich had come over the state of affairs that,
instead of endeavouring to raise a counter-revolution, they
proposed to attack the person of the First Consul. The leaders
of the new plot were Pichegru, now a declared royalist and
partisan of the Bourbons, and Georges Cadoudal, the celebrated
Chouan leader. Both had the audacity to go to Paris and to
enter into relations with General Moreau. Moreau, though

Execution of the Due d'Enghien 235

he resented the lofty position of Bonaparte and refused to
serve him, would be no party to an assassination, more
especially an assassination which would restore the Bourbons,
and Cadoudal and Pichegru had to act with the assistance of
certain French noblemen and some former Chouans. A plot
was formed to murder the First Consul on the road from
Malmaison to Paris, but it was discovered by the French
police, and Bonaparte in. terror ordered the gates of Paris to
be closed as in the most terrible days of the Revolution, and
proclaimed the pain of death against all who sheltered the
conspirators. After some daring adventures the leaders were
seized; Georges Cadoudal was executed; Pichegru was
strangled in prison ; and Moreau, who was condemned to two
years' imprisonment, was allowed to go into exile in the
United States. The French noblemen implicated were treated
with more leniency, and the lives of their two chiefs, Armand
de Polignac and Charles de Riviere, were spared.

The discovery of this plot against his life, which was un-
doubtedly fostered by the Bourbon princes, made Execution of
the First Consul determined to wreak his vengeance * e Duc .
against that unfortunate family. Being unable to aiauSarch
seize the persons of the pretender, Louis xvm., l8 °4-
and his brother, the Comte d'Artois, who resided in England,
he carried off a young Bourbon prince, the eldest son of the
Prince de Cond6, who was quite innocent of the conspiracy
of Pichegru. The Duc d'Enghien was at this time living at
Ettenheim in the Grand Duchy of Baden. He was arrested
there by French soldiers, contrary to all international law, and
taken to Vincennes. He was at once tried by a military com-
mission as an Emigre who had borne arms against France, and
was condemned to death. The sentence was immediately
carried out in spite of the demands of the young prince for
an interview with the First Consul. This execution was a
great political mistake. Bonaparte expected that it would
terrify the Bourbon princes, but it reacted to his own prejudice.
The Court of Saint-Petersburg went into mourning ; the King

236 European History, 1799- 1804

of Prussia, who had at last almost resolved to make an alliance
with France, began to negotiate with Russia ; the royal family
of Austria looked upon the execution as a pendant to that of
Marie Antoinette ; and the English Government made use of
the horror caused by it to endeavour to form a fresh coalition
against France.

Directly after this tragedy, which proved that Bonaparte was
Bonaparte practically an absolute monarch, he decided to take
becomes U p 0n himself the rank of Emperor of the French.

Emperor of *

the French. The Senate offered this title to the First Consul
18th May 1804. at Saint-Cloud on the 18th of May 1804, and the
people ratified it by a majority of more than 3,500,000 votes.
By the senatus consultum which made him Emperor the office
was made hereditary to his direct descendants. As he had no
children he was given the power to adopt, a power which it was
undoubtedly expected would be used in favour of his stepson,
Eugfene de Beauharnais. A few months after the Corsican
soldier of fortune was declared Emperor of the French, the
last Holy Roman Emperor, Francis 11., resolved to rid himself
of what was now but an empty title. The new Constitution
of the Holy Roman Empire had destroyed the imperial author-
ity by depriving it of the votes of the ecclesiastical members
in the Diet, and increasing or consolidating the dominions of
the principal German states. Francis 11. acknowledged the
new order of things. On the nth of August 1804, he erected
Francis ii. the Austrian dominions into an hereditary empire^
Emperor of an( * on tne ? tn of December following, five days
Austria. after the coronation of Bonaparte as the Emperor

Napoleon by the Pope at Paris, the last Holy Roman Emperor
proclaimed himself Emperor of Austria under the title of
Francis 1. This then was the result of fifteen years of revolu-
tion, the disappearance of the ancient figurehead of Europe,
and the creation of a new Empire founded on the power of
the sword.

CHAPTER VIII
1804-1808

Napoleon, Emperor of the French— His Coronation as Emperor and as King
of Italy — The Imperial Court— The Grand Dignitaries, Marshals, and
Imperial Household— Institutions of the Empire— Ministers and Govern-
ment—The Camp at Boulogne— Pitt's last coalition — Campaign of 1805 —
Capitulation of Ulm— Battles of Austerlitz and Caldiero— Battle of
Trafalgar — Treaty of Pressburg— Death of Pitt— Prussia declares War-
Campaign of Jena— Campaign of Eylau— Campaign of Friedland — Inter-
view and Peace of Tilsit — The Continental Blockade — Capture of the
Danish Fleet by England — French Invasion and Conquest of Portugal —
State of Sweden— The Rearrangement of Europe — Louis Bonaparte King
of Holland — Italy—Joseph Bonaparte King of Naples— Battle of Maida
— Rearrangement of Germany— Bavaria — Wurtemburg — Baden — Jerome
Bonaparte King of Westphalia — Murat Grand Duke of Berg — Saxony —
Smaller States of Germany— Mediatisation of Petty Princes— Confedera-
tion of the Rhine— Poland — The Grand Duchy of Warsaw — Conference
of Erfurt.

Napoleon's elevation to the rank of Emperor of the French
only legalised in a more striking fashion the
possession of power which he had long held. c mpre *
It did not make his authority any greater, for he had been
practically the absolute monarch of France ever since 1799,
but it gave promise of permanency, and that was what the
French people most needed after the series of successive
governments which had run their course since 1789. It is a
mistake to regard Napoleon as having been made supreme
ruler of France by the army alone; the legalisation of his
power was even more enthusiastically received by the peace-
ful part of the population. The few ardent republicans who
were left had been terrified out of resistance by the wholesale

237

238 European History, 1804- 1808

deportation of the principal Jacobins after the affair of the
Infernal Machine. The adherents of the Bourbons were
equally discouraged by the severe punishment dealt out to
Pichegru and Georges Cadoudal. Every section of both the
military and civil communities was ready to hail Napoleon as
Emperor. But in the institution of the Empire he appealed to
more than men's interests, he appealed to their imaginations.
This he did in two ways. He created a Court, with all the
magnificent apparatus of the great officers of the household,
stately ceremonies and ancient customs, which gave to the
people of Paris the spectacle of royal pomp which they had
long regretted. On the other hand, he called to his assistance
the most powerful engine for influencing the imagination of
men, namely, religion. He determined to be consecrated
with a ceremony which should exceed in splendour all the
coronation ceremonies of the Bourbons. He summoned the
Pope to France, and instead of being crowned at Rheims by the
Archbishop and Primate, he received his crown at Paris from
the hands of the Holy Father himself. At the very moment of
his coronation he showed a pride of bearing at least equal to that
of any of his predecessors upon the throne of France. After
the Pope had anointed him, girded the sword of empire about
him, and given him the sceptre, he prepared to place the crown
upon the head of the new Caesar. But Napoleon gently took
the crown from the hands of Pius vn., and after replacing it
on the altar, raised it and crowned himself. The presence of
the Pope in Paris for this great ceremony following upon the
Concordat, caused Napoleon to be looked upon as the restorer
of the Catholic religion, and greatly strengthened his position.
Not satisfied with the crown of France, he accepted that of
Italy also on the 20th of May 1805, and'proceeded to Milan,
where he placed upon his head the Iron Crown of the old
Lombard Kings. He at once declared his intention of not
personally administering his Italian kingdom, and appointed
his stepson, Eugene de Beauharnais, to be Viceroy of Italy.
It has been said that Napoleon created a new Court, which

The Court of Napoleon 239

was intended to efface the recollection of the magnificence
of the old Court of Versailles. At the head of The imperial
this Court he created a hierarchy of Grand Digni- Court -
taries of the Empire, who were designed to form a Council
of Regency in case of necessity. The chief of them was the
Grand Elector, whose duty was to convoke the Senate, the
Legislative Body, and the Electoral Colleges,— this post was
conferred on the Emperor's elder brother, Joseph Bonaparte.
Next ranked the Arch-Chancellor of the Empire, who was
the chief of the judicial body, — this post was conferred on
Cambacfres, the former Second Consul. Third came the
Arch-Chancellor of State, whose business it was to receive
foreign ambassadors and ratify treaties — this post was con-
ferred upon Eugene de Beauharnais. Next came the Arch-
Treasurer of the Empire, which post was first filled by Le Brun,
the former Third Consul, and the remaining Grand Dignitaries
were the Constable of the Empire, Louis Bonaparte, the
Grand Admiral, Marshal Murat, and the Grand Judge, Regnier.
In the same way as the Grand Dignitaries were at the head
of the civil administration of the Empire, Napoleon created
Marshals of France to be the representatives of the army.
The first marshals were eighteen in number, and included all
the most famous generals of the revolutionary period except
Pichegru and Moreau, whose fate has been related. It was
indispensable for the rank of Marshal of France to have
commanded an army in the field, or at least a detached corps,
and the office was surrounded with so many privileges as to
make it the object of ambition to every colonel of a French
regiment. The third hierarchy consisted of the great officers
of the Emperor's household, who comprised a Grand Marshal,
Duroc ; a Grand Almoner, his uncle, Joseph Fesch, whom he
had induced the Pope to make a cardinal ; a Grand Chamber-
lain, Talleyrand ; a Grand Huntsman, Marshal Berthier; and
a Grand Equerry, Caulaincourt; and most of the first occupants
of these offices were personal friends and former comrades in
arms of the Emperor.

240 European History, 1804- 1808

The Senate remained under the Constitution of the Empire,
as under that of the Consulate, the most important and digni-
institutions ** ec * P ou '^ ca l body. It was extended by the addition
ofthe of the Grand Dignitaries, of the members of the

Empire. Emperor's family, and of those whom he specially

wished to reward ; its seats were conferred for life ; but it did
little but congratulate the Emperor on all his proceedings.
The Tribunate was reduced to fifty members, and the Legis-
lative Body was allowed to discuss laws, but only in closed
committees. These institutions, carefully devised though they
were to maintain a semblance of free discussion, were really
reduced to impotence by the autocratic power of the Emperor.
The Council of State became more and more the real key-
stone of the administration of France. It was the one institu-
tion of the Consulate which developed under the Empire.
But it did not develop collectively, but rather as a convenient
administrative centre and a court of appeal for administrators
in every branch of the government. Though the ministries
were maintained, they were, as the government became more
bureaucratic in its form, and more concentrated into the
hand of Napoleon, infinitely subdivided, and the head of each
ka • . «.— subdivision had a seat in the Council of State.

Administra-
tive System of By this arrangement the Emperor was able to
the Empire. j^ep a c h ec k on m \g m i n i s ters, and to prevent the
administration from being thrown out of gear by the death or
retirement of a single man. Nevertheless, the ministries, as in
all highly organised states, were of vast importance, and
Napoleon was fortunate in the men he placed at their head.
It is worthy of note that three of the ministers who had served
Napoleon's mm during the Consulate remained in office
Ministers. throughout the Empire, namely, Gaudin, after-
wards created Duke of Gaeta, Minister of Finance, who had
several assistants in the Council of State, of whom the most
notable were Defermon, a former deputy in the Constituent
Assembly and the Convention, and Louis; Decres, also
created a duke, Minister of the Marine ; and Regnier, Duke

The Camp at Boulogne 241

of Massa and Grand Judge, Minister of Justice. At the War
Office, the Emperor retained his chief of the staff, Marshal
Berthier, until 1807, when he was succeeded by General
Clarke, Duke of Feltre ; and the various sections were pre-
sided over by able administrators, of whom the best were
perhaps Lacu£e de Cessac and Daru. At the Foreign Office,
Talleyrand remained supreme until after the Treaty of Tilsit,
in 1807, when he was replaced by Champagny, Duke of
Cadore, who in his turn gave way to Maret, Duke of Bassano.
At the Ministry of the Interior a change was made at the be-
ginning of the Empire by the retirement of Chaptal, who had
held that post with singular distinction throughout the Con-
sulate, and the appointment of Champagny. But this depart-
ment was overshadowed by the existence of the Ministry of
General Police. Napoleon abolished this office in 1803, in
the hope, doubtless, of dispensing with the services of Fouch£ ;
but that astute minister was a necessity, and in 1804 he was
again appointed to his old office, which he held until 18 10.

In the midst of the fUes which accompanied his accept-
ance of the Empire, Napoleon did not forget that he was en-
gaged in war with England. He declared that as he had
crossed the Alps, so, too, he could cross the T he Camp at
Channel. For this purpose he collected a flo- Boulogne,
tilla of flat-bottomed boats at Boulogne, and encamped
picked soldiers from the Armies of the Rhine and of Italy
upon the coast. But he felt that it would be impossible for
his flotilla to cross the Channel while the English fleets were
masters of the sea. He therefore determined to unite the
two French fleets, which were concentrated at Toulon and
Brest, and summoned his allies, the Dutch and the Spaniards,
to prepare fleets also. He kept 120,000 veterans continually
at work practising embarkation and disembarkation, and it was
commonly believed, not only in Europe, but in England itself,
that the invasion would he carried into effect. The army was
equipped in a very thorough fashion, and carefully organised
as the Grand Army under the most experienced generals in

PERIOD vii Q

242 European History, 1804- 1808

France, and it became one of the most efficient fighting
machines ever known in the history of the world, its discipline
being perfect and its enthusiasm unbounded.

While making these preparations for the invasion of Eng-
land, Napoleon struck at other more accessible branches of the
British power. In 1803 he occupied Hanover, the hereditary
dominion of George in., in spite of its being covered by the
Prussian line of demarcation. In 1804 he sent a division
into the kingdom of Naples, in order to close the Neapolitan
ports to English trade ; and once more he threatened Portu-
gal He ajsp endeavoured to stir up a maritime foe to the
English, and sold to the United States the province of Louisiana,
which he had annexed from Spain, in the hope of obtaining
their alliance. It was only necessary for Napoleon to be master
of the Channel for a few hours, and to have a fine day, for his
project of invading England to succeed. According to his
instructions, Admiral Villeneuve left Toulon in March 1805,
eluded Nelson, joined the Spanish fleet, and made his way to
the West Indies, where he expected to meet the fleet from
Brest. But the Brest fleet could not break through the
blockade ; Villeneuve had to return, and, after an action with
an English squadron under Sir Robert Calderon 22nd July, he
put into Ferrol. At Napoleon's command, the admiral set out
vuieneuve's for Brest on nth August, but meeting with bad

Failure. we ather, he lost heart and sailed away to Cadiz.
Thus foiled in his great scheme for bringing up an overpowering
French fleet to cover his invading army, Napoleon dared not
leave the harbour of Boulogne.

While threatened by the Boulogne flotilla, the English

Government did all in its power to raise enemies on the

Continent against Napoleon. Prussia, as usual, insisted on

Pitt's New ner neutrality; but Russia and Austria were not un-

Qoaiition. willing to try their strength once more with France.

* The Emperor Alexander of Russia was personally

inclined to admire Napoleon, but he was induced by his

Court, his family, and his ministry, who pointed out to him

Outbreak of War 243

the importance of remaining on good terms with England, to
sign an alliance with Pitt ; he was further profoundly irritated
by the violent scene which Napoleon, as First Consul, had had
with his ambassador, Count Morkov, and was horrified at the
execution of the Due d'Enghien. The Emperor Francis of
Austria was even more willing to fight Napoleon. He had
spent the period of peace since the Treaty of Lun^ville in re-
organising his army, and believed that he would be more suc-
cessful now that he was freed from the incubus of his position
as Holy Roman Emperor. The State Chancellor, Cobenzl,
was also keenly in favour of war, for he was a sincere believer
in the might of Russia, and had imbibed a desire to please
the Court of St Petersburg, at which he had long held the
post of Austrian ambassador. To induce these powerful allies
to attack in force, Pitt, who was once more Prime Minister,
did not grudge the wealth of England. Large subsidies were
offered both to Russia and Austria, which supplied the means
for commencing the campaign; and strenuous efforts were
made to win the assistance of Prussia.

In the second line, Pitt counted on the assistance of
Sweden and Naples. Napoleon's promptitude in invading the
latter country destroyed any chance of its effecting a diversion
in Italy, and Gustavus iv. of Sweden, though, like his father,
a violent enemy of France, was unable to bring any active
assistance, while Prussia remained neutral. A pretext for war
was found in the annexation of Lucca and Genoa to the French
Empire, and the Austrians and Russians resolved outbreak
to strike at once. General Mack, with a power- of war.
ful Austrian force, invaded Bavaria before the declaration
of war, and, by the occupation of Ulm, he believed he had
secured the valley of the Danube. Meanwhile the principal
Austrian army of 120,000 men, under the Archduke Charles,
invaded Italy, and a powerful force of Russians kept close
to the Prussian frontier, in the hope of inducing Prussia to
declare war against France.

Napoleon, despairing of success in his projected invasion of

244 European History, 1804- 1808

England, resolved to turn promptly upon England's principal
Campaign ally, and directed the Grand Army to break up
ofxsos. f rom Boulogne and enter Germany. Mack re-
garded it as certain that the French, as in the campaigns of
Moreau, would advance through the Black Forest. Napoleon
encouraged his illusion by showing him a few French troops
in that quarter. Meanwhile, the Grand Army advanced in
two portions through Wiirtemburg and Franconia, and, on
reaching the Danube, after violating the Prussian neutrality
by marching through Anspach, cut off Mack's retreat on
Vienna. The Austrian general made an effort to break
through the French army, but he was defeated by Ney at
Elchingen, and surrendered on the 20th of October 1805 with
Surrender 33>°°° men ' The capitulation of Ulm did more
of uim. than deprive Austria of a serviceable army, — it left

aoth Oct. 1805. p en t h e roa d to Vienna. Napoleon rapidly fol-
lowed up his success. He marched past a united Russian
and Austrian army, which was quartered in Moravia, to influ-
ence Prussia, occupied Vienna, crossed the Danube, and
Battle of eventually faced the army of the two emperors at
Austeriiu. Austerlitz. On the 2d of December 1805, the
2d Dec. 1805. ann i versar y f his coronation, the Grand Army
utterly defeated the Austrians and Russians. The allies lost
15,000 men killed and wounded, 20,000 prisoners, and 189
guns ; and the Emperor Francis found himself defenceless,
for his only other army, that in Italy, had been defeated at
Caldiero by Eugene de Beauharnais and Massena on the 30th
of October. While the rapid campaign of Austerlitz, — perhaps
Battle of *k e roost glorious of Napoleon's military career, —
Trafalgar, was taking place, he lost the navy which he had
aist Oct. 1805. prepared with so much care, and which had been
intended to cover his invasion of England. The French
admiral, Villeneuve, left Cadiz at the head of the united French
and Spanish fleet, consisting of thirty-three ships of the line
and Ave frigates. He had not gone far when he was met by
Nelson at the head of the English squadron of twenty-seven

The Treaty of Pressburg 245

ships off Cape Trafalgar. The victory of Trafalgar, which was
won on the 21st of October, was as complete as that of
Austerlitz. The French and Spanish fleet was as entirely
destroyed as the Austrian and Russian army. The allies at
Trafalgar lost 7000 men in killed and wounded, and the Eng-
lish only 3000, among whom, however, was Nelson himself.

The result of the battle of Austerlitz was the Treaty of
Pressburg, which was signed by Austria and France on the
26th of December 1805. The Russians had only Trcatyof
lost one army, and their territory had not been in- Pressburg.
vaded, so that they were still enabled to remain a6th Dec * x8 ° 5 '
in arms. But Austria was completely crushed. By the
Treaty of Pressburg, Venice, Istria, and Dalmatia were ceded
to the Kingdom of Italy ; but Napoleon kept the two latter
provinces under his direct rule, and gave the command of
them to General Marmont. The Tyrol and part of Swabia were
ceded to Bavaria, and the Elector of that State took the title
of King. The same title was conferred on the Duke of Wtir-
temburg ; the Duke of Baden became a Grand Duke ; many
small German principalities were suppressed, and, on 12th of
July 1806, the Confederation of the Rhine was formed under
the protectorate of the French Emperor. England could not
blame Austria for making a separate treaty with France, for
she herself had been saved from invasion by the departure of
the Grand Army from Boulogne, not less than by the victory
of Trafalgar. The news of Austerlitz was followed on the
23d of January 1806 by the death of Pitt, and the new English
ministry of Fox and Grenville, now that the fear of invasion
was over, desired to enter into negotiations with Napoleon.

The overthrow of Austria was followed by the overthrow of
Prussia. Frederick William in. had prided himself overthrow
on the manner in which, in spite of many tempta- of Prussia,
tions, he had maintained his attitude of strict neutrality.
Neither the offers of the Directory or of Napoleon, nor the
subsidies lavishly promised by England, had been able to
disturb his determination. The Prussian ministry proudly

246 European History, 1804- 1808

pointed to the fact that, while the rest of Europe had been
torn by disastrous wars, Prussia had remained at peace ever
since the Treaty of Basle in 1795. She had profited by her
peace policy as much as France and Austria by their war
policy. The rearrangement of Germany in 1 803 had converted
Prussia from a collection of scattered states into a united
kingdom. She had even, up to the year 1803, maintained the
freedom of the whole of the north of Germany from the terrible
French invaders by the observation of the line of demarcation
settled in 1795. The northern states of Germany looked to
Prussia as their leader, and since the destruction of the Holy
Roman Empire the Prussian policy had been completely
victorious over the Austrian. The maintenance of the line
of demarcation was the favourite scheme of the Prussian King,
and as long as it was observed, nothing short of invasion
would have disturbed his neutrality. But the occupation of
Hanover in 1803, as one of the measures taken by Napoleon
against England, had infringed the line of demarcation, and
from that moment Frederick William 111. inclined towards war.
In this warlike attitude he was encouraged by Russia
and England, and still more by his own army. The Prussian
army, the creation of Frederick the Great, represented in more
than an ordinary fashion the Prussian nation. Relying on the
recollections of the Seven Years' War, and confident in the
proverbial discipline of their soldiers, the Prussian generals
believed that they would be able to defeat the conquerors of
the rest of Europe. With the utmost ardour the young
Prussian noblemen shouted for war ; they resented the long
peace, and applauded the new attitude of the king. He
was stimulated likewise by the hatred for France, which was
openly encouraged by his beautiful Queen Louisa, and he
met with opposition only from a few of his more experienced
ministers, and from the old Duke of Brunswick, who well
knew the excellence of the French troops. Undecided and
hesitating, Frederick William refused to join the coalition of
Austria and Russia in 1805, when his assistance would have

Overthrow of Prussia 247

been of the greatest service. He signed, indeed, the Treaty
of Potsdam on 3d November 1805, undertaking to mediate,
and to join the coalition with 180,000 men if Napoleon
refused the terms he offered. But the proposed intervention
came to nothing. Haugwitz, the Prussian minister, awaited
at Napoleon's headquarters the result of the battle of Auster-
litz, and on December 15 he signed the Treaty of Schon-
brunn, by which Prussia ceded Cleves to France and Anspach
to Bavaria, and received provisional possession of Hanover.
Two months later, on February 15, Prussia was compelled
by a supplementary treaty to definitely accept Hanover from
Napoleon, an arrangement which was tantamount to declar-
ing war with England.

The long neutrality of Frederick William in. was thus
broken, and, as it soon appeared, in vain. For Napoleon
almost immediately offered to restore Hanover to England,
with which country he was induced to enter into negotiations
for peace by the accession of Fox to office. At this news
Frederick William mobilised his troops and prepared for war
with France. In October 1806 he ordered the victor of
Austerlitz to at once retire behind the Rhine, and slowly con-
centrated his army in Thuringia without waiting for the succour
promised by the Russians. The Prussian officers applauded
their king's conduct, for they desired to have the glory of defeat-
ing the French entirely to themselves. On the 14th of October
1806 the two corps of the Prussian army, which campaign
were advancing along the river Saale, were defeated <>f Jena,
by Napoleon himself at Jena, and by Marshal ct,x "
Davout at Auerstadt. The triumph was as complete as that of
Austerlitz ; and on the 25th the French army entered Berlin.

It was now necessary for the Grand Army to attack the
Russians. Napoleon, after occupying nearly the campaign
whole of Prussia and laying siege to Dantzic, Eyiau.
entered Poland. He was. received with an enthusiastic
welcome by the Poles, whose independence he hinted at
restoring. Polish troops had long served in his armies,

248 European History, 1804- 1808

and the sympathy of the French people for the oppressed
Poles was known throughout Poland. On the 15 th of De-
cember 1806 Napoleon occupied Warsaw and sent his army
into winter quarters upon the Russian frontier. The Russian
general, Benningsen, one of the murderers of the Emperor Paul,
conceived the idea of surprising part of the French army in its
winter quarters. He drove back the division of Bernadotte ;
but when he reached the neighbourhood of Konigsberg he
found that Napoleon had received information of his move-
ment and had collected the bulk of his army. It was now
Napoleon's turn to pursue the Russians. At the head of
60,000 men he found 80,000 Russians intrenched in the village
of Eylau, and attacked them during a snowstorm on the 8th of
February 1 807. The battle was long disputed. The Russians
had to retire, but it was estimated that the loss of both armies
was about the same, namely, 35,000 men. This loss was far
more severe to the French than to the Russians, for the French
soldiers slain at Eylau were veterans of the Grand Army, and
their place could only be taken by raw conscripts.

The result of the battle of Eylau was to allow the French
Battle of army to remain undisturbed in its winter quarters.
Friediand. In the Russian camp, meanwhile, important
14th June 1807. diplomatic negotiations had been going on.
Frederick William cemented his friendship with the Emperor
Alexander, and appointed the most able of his servants,
Hardenberg, to be State Chancellor in the place of Haugwitz.
Prussia could indeed give but little real help, for her army was
destroyed, and her country almost entirely in the hands of the
French ; but Alexander, nevertheless, consented in April 1807
to sign the Treaty of Barten stein with Frederick William, by
which they formed an offensive and defensive alliance. But
the hopes of the diplomatists, founded on the drawn battle of
Eylau, were soon to be frustrated by the military successes of
Napoleon. On the 24th of May 1807 Dantzic, which had
withstood a desperate siege, surrendered to General Lefebvre,
and the besieging troops were able to join the main army.

The Interview at Tilsit 249

The summer campaign of 1807 was very short. Benningsen,
accompanied by the Emperor Alexander in person, advanced
to attack the French army on the 14th of June. The Russians
foolishly crossed the Alle at Friedland, and with the river at
their back were completely defeated with a loss of 25,000
men. The victory of Friedland was decisive; it did not
destroy the Russian Empire, as the victories of Austerlitz and
Jena had destroyed the Austrian Empire and the Prussian
Kingdom ; it did not extinguish the fighting power of Russia ;
it did not diminish the morale of the Russian army, which
proudly boasted that it had made a better stand against the
French than either the Austrians or the Prussians. It was not
positively necessary for the very existence of his monarchy
that the Emperor Alexander should treat with Napoleon,
but his successive defeats justified him before his Court and
his ministers in demanding peace. He could reply to their
arguments in favour of an English alliance for Russia that he
had loyally tried to carry out the terms of that alliance, but
that under the circumstances he could maintain it no longer.
He had always wished for peace with France and the friend-
ship of Napoleon ; he now considered himself free to follow
his personal inclinations.

On the 25th of June 1807 the Emperor of the French and
the Czar of Russia had their famous interview at i nterv i ew a t
Tilsit on a raft moored in the middle of the Tilsit, 25th
river Niemen. The personal magnetism o fJ unei80 7-
Napoleon and his glory as a great conqueror powerfully
impressed the vivid imagination of Alexander, who had always
felt the warmest admiration for him. During this interview
Napoleon spread before the eyes of the Emperor of Russia
his favourite conception of the re-establishment of the old
Empires of the East and of the West They were to be faithful
allies. France was to be the supreme power over the Latin
races and in the centre of Europe ; Russia was to represent the
Greek Empire and to expand into Asia. These grandiose
views charmed the Emperor Alexander, who believed that in

250 European History \ 1804- 1808

adopting them he was following out the policy of Peter the
Great and of the Empress Catherine. The .one enemy to be
feared and to be crushed according to Napoleon was England.
And Alexander, in spite of the loss which his subjects would
suffer, promised to enter into Napoleon's policy for the exclu-
sion of England's commerce from the Continent, and to
accept the doctrine of the Continental Blockade. But, at the
same time, Alexander did not dare to go so far as to promise
to declare war against England, in spite of the pressure put
upon him by Napoleon. The first interview at Tilsit was
followed by others, and eventually by the Peace of Tilsit.
Peace of Tilsit, By this treaty Russia ceded the Ionian Islands
7th July 1807. an( j the mouths of the river Cattaro in the south
of Dalmatia, which had been occupied by the Russians since
1799, t0 France. Napoleon, on his part, promised that he
would not restore the independence of Poland, and advised
Alexander to obtain compensation for the growth of the
power of France from Sweden and from Turkey. In pursu-
ance of this policy a division of the French army invaded
Swedish Pomerania and took Stralsund, while the Russians
occupied Finland. Alexander was pressed by Napoleon to
invade Turkey, and was promised the assistance of France in
obtaining the cession of the Danubian principalities. The
Emperor of Russia made loyal efforts to obtain a favourable
peace for his ally, the King of Prussia. But Napoleon, though
willing to humour Alexander, and desirous of making Russia
his firm ally, did not hesitate to show his contempt for
Frederick William 111. He thought for a time of entirely
extinguishing Prussia, but on the representations of Alexander
he contented himself by taking possession of the Rhenish and
Westphalian provinces of Prussia, and forming them with the
principality of Hesse-Cassei into the kingdom of Westphalia.
He also included Prussian Poland in his new Grand Duchy
of Warsaw.

The Peace of Tilsit left Napoleon face to face with only
one enemy, and that was England. The destruction of the

The Continental Blockade 251

French fleet at Trafalgar and the diminution of the strength
of the Grand Army from the losses suffered The Contincn-
at Austerlitz, Jena, and Eylau, proved to the *** Blockade -
Emperor of the French that he had better abandon his pro-
ject of invading England. But if he could not cross the
Channel in force or meet the English fleets at sea, he believed
he could ruin England by excluding her from the markets of
the Continent. The English ministry, in pursuance of its
reading of international law, had closed all neutral seaborne
commerce from the mouth of the Elbe to the extremity of the
French coast. Napoleon answered this measure by his Berlin
Decree, which was issued in that city on the 21st of Novem-
ber 1806, and declared the British Islands to be in a state
of blockade. All English merchandise was to be confiscated,
as well as all ships which had touched either at a British port
or at a port in the British Colonies. He followed up this
measure by the Milan Decree of the 17th of December 1807,
by which he declared that any ship of any country which had
touched at a British port was liable to be seized and treated
as prize. The entry of Russia into the scheme of the Conti-
nental Blockade would, Napoleon hoped, entirely ruin the
English trade. But, in reality, it did nothing of the sort
English commerce was as active and enterprising as ever, and
the risks it encountered in running the Continental Blockade
only increased the profits of the English merchants. The real
sufferers were the inhabitants of the Continent, who had to pay
enhanced prices for such articles of prime necessity as sugar.
Napoleon's expectation that the carrying trade of the world
would desert England and fall into the hands of France and
her allies was not fulfilled, because the English war fleets
remained complete masters of the sea, and effectually pre-
vented the rise of any other commercial power. The result
of the Continental Blockade was therefore the impoverish-
ment of the allies of France and their consequent hatred of
Napoleon, while it increased rather than diminished the
commercial prosperity of England.

252 European History, 1804- 1808

The English ministers were not afraid of Napoleon's Conti-
Bombardment nental Blockade. But his occupation of Northern
hagen! Cn " Germany made them fear that his next step would
Sept. 1807. be to seize the Danish fleet as the Directory had
in former days appropriated the Dutch fleet. Secret stipula-
tions were indeed made at Tilsit, by virtue of which the
Danish fleet was to be seized by France. Information of
this scheme was given to the English ministers, and a secret
expedition was planned to prevent its being carried into effect
Denmark was a neutral nation, and had given no pretext for
war to either France or England. But Denmark was a weak
nation and unable to defend itself. Under these circum-
stances the English struck first A powerful expedition
anchored before Copenhagen in September 1807 ; the city
was bombarded; the small Danish army was defeated at
Kioge by a division under the command of Sir Arthur
Wellesley; and the whole Danish fleet was appropriated or
destroyed by England. By this rapid blow one of Napoleon's
most cherished schemes came to nought, and his hope of
getting another serviceable navy effectually extinguished.

The two most faithful allies of England were the small
French in- kingdoms of Portugal and Sweden. The Russians

Portugal were left t0 deal with the tetter; Napoleon re-
1807. solved to attack the former himself. The French

Emperor, like the Directory before him, insisted on regarding
Portugal as an outlying province of England, and, indeed,
there was some ground for this view, as owing to the Methuen
Treaty the relations between the two countries were very
close. Yet the Prince Regent of Portugal in 1806 had
declined to declare himself the open ally of England, and
insisted on the maintenance of his position of neutrality.
Nevertheless, Napoleon resolved to ruin Portugal because the
Prince Regent declined to become a party to the Continental
Blockade. He at first resolved to act with Spain as he had
done in 1801, and on the 29th of October 1807 the Treaty
of Fontainebleau was signed, by which it was agreed that

French Conquest of Portugal 253

the combined armies of France and Spain should conquer
Portugal. The little kingdom was then to be divided into
three parts ; the northern provinces were to be given to the
King of Etruria in exchange for his dominions in Italy which
Napoleon desired to annex ; the southern districts were to be
formed into an independent kingdom for Godoy, the Prince
of the Peace, the lover of the Queen of Spain, and the most
powerful man in that kingdom ; and the central portion was
to be temporarily held by France. In pursuance of this
secret treaty a French army under General Junot marched
rapidly across the Peninsula, and on the news that it was
close to Lisbon, the Prince Regent, with his mother, the mad
queen, Maria 1., and his two sons sailed for Brazil with an
English squadron. Hardly had the Regent left the Tagus
when Junot entered Lisbon on the 20th of November 1807.
The French were favourably received in Portugal. The
Portuguese resented the departure of the Prince Regent ;
democratic principles had made considerable progress; and
no idea was entertained that there was a secret design to
dismember the kingdom. Junot had little difficulty in occu-
pying almost the whole of Portugal; he sent the picked troops
of the Portuguese army under the name of the Portuguese
Legion to join the Grand Army in Germany ; and he promised
a Constitution to the country. On the 1st of February 1808
he issued a proclamation that the House of Braganza had
ceased to reign, and after the fortresses had been surrendered
he proceeded to administer Portugal as a conquered country.
Gustavus iv. of Sweden, who had taken the power into his
own hands from his uncle the Regent Duke of
Sudermania and had married the sister-in-law of we cn *
the Emperor Alexander of Russia, in 1797, had inherited the
hatred for France, which had been, after 1789, one of the
guiding principles of his father, Gustavus in. He had been
the ready ally of England in all the coalitions against both the
French Directory and Napoleon, and after the rupture of the
Peace of Amiens in 1803, he became the key-stone of the

254 European History, 1804- 1808

Anglo-Russian alliance. In 1805 he promised to place him-
self at the head of an English, Russian, and Swedish army
which was to invade Hanover, and occupy Holland ; but he
failed to set sail on the appointed day, and caused the expedi-
tion to lead to no result. Nevertheless, he remained faithful
to England, and at the time of the Treaty of Tilsit refused to.
abandon the English alliance. As has been already said,
Swedish Pomerania was occupied by a division of the Grand
Army, under Marshal Brune, and Sweden never recovered the
ancient conquest of Gustavus Adolphus. In 1808, on the
obstinate refusal of the Swedish King to accede to the Conti-
nental Blockade, the Emperor Alexander, as had been agreed
at Tilsit, invaded Finland. England was ready to assist
Sweden, and a powerful army, under Sir John Moore, was
sent to Stockholm. At this crisis the King showed signs of
insanity. The English expedition retired, and at the begin-
ning of 1809 Gustavus iv. was dethroned.

After he had made himself Emperor, and still more after
The Re- *" s victories over Austria and Prussia and his
arrangement alliance with Russia, Napoleon began to assure
of Europe. ^fe power on the Continent by establishing vassal
kings in the neighbourhood of France. Just as the French
Directory had surrounded the French Republic with smaller
republics governed after its own model, so Napoleon sur-
rounded his frontiers with subject kingdoms. The Batavian,
the Cisalpine, and the Parthenopean Republics were suc-
ceeded by the kingdoms of Holland and of Naples and the
h 11 d vice-royalty of Italy. The form of the Batavian
Republic had altered with every change in the Con-
stitution of France. From a democratic Republic in the time
of the Convention it had become a Directory and a Consulate,
and in 1805, after the French Empire had been established,
it received a new Constitution. By this arrangement Count
Schimmelpenninck, a distinguished Dutch statesman, was
appointed Grand Pensionary for life, but in June 1806 he was
induced to resign, and Louis Bonaparte, the favourite brother

Holland and Italy 255

of the French Emperor, was made King of Holland. The
Dutch people had no objection to these changes. The intro-
duction of the French system of administration consolidated
the country from a group of federal states into a united
nation. Its trade prospered, though it lost its fleet at Cam-
perdown in 1797, and in the Texel in 1799, and it became
more wealthy than ever, in spite of the conquest of all its
colonies by England, by the close communication established
with Paris and the abolition of the vexatious transit-duties
in Belgium. Louis Bonaparte, the first King of Holland,
showed himself a sagacious monarch. He caused the Civil
Code to be introduced into his dominions in the place of the
old cumbrous system of Dutch law. He encouraged litera-
ture and art, and he moved the capital from the Hague
to Amsterdam. But the introduction of the Continental
Blockade caused profound discontent. The Dutch mer-
chants were ruined by its rigorous application; riots took
place in many districts; and since Napoleon found the
Continental Blockade was being evaded he caused French
troops to enter Holland and occupy the mouths of the rivers.
Louis Bonaparte protested against this conduct, and in 1810
he resigned the crown which his brother had given him.

It has been said that when Napoleon made himself Em-
peror he likewise assumed the title of King of Italy,
and that he did not undertake the government,
but conferred it upon his step-son, Eugene de Beauharnais, as
Viceroy. The original Kingdom of Italy only comprehended
the dominions of the Cisalpine Republic, — that is to say,
Lombardy, the Duchies of Modena and Parma, and the former
Papal Legations of Bologna and Ferrara. By the Treaty
of Pressburg in 1806 the Kingdom of Italy was increased by
the addition of Venice and of the former Venetian territories
on the mainland. Genoa, Lucca, Piedmont, and Tuscany,
were, however, directly administered by France,
and the city of Rome and the Carapagna was
added to the French Empire in the year 18 10. In the south

256 European History \ 1804- 1808

of the Italian peninsula Naples was erected into an inde-
pendent kingdom, which was intended to include
the island of Sicily. This kingdom was conferred
upon the elder brother of Napoleon, Joseph Bonaparte, on
the 30th of March 1806. Joseph, like King Louis of Holland,
tried to act as a good king. He formed an able ministry, con-
sisting almost entirely of Neapolitans, and containing but two
Frenchmen, — Miot de Melito, Minister of War, and Saliceti,
Minister of Police. He introduced good laws, and made
efforts to put down the brigandage which ravaged the southern
districts of his kingdom. The island of Sicily meanwhile re-
sisted all the attempts of the French. It acknowledged the
rule of Ferdinand, King of the Two Sicilies, who had retired
to Palermo, and it was garrisoned by an English army. This
army kept Joseph in perpetual embarrassment. The English
encouraged the brigands of Calabria, and in the summer of
1806 they made a descent upon the mainland, and on the 3d
of July the English general, Sir John Stuart, defeated the
French general Reynier at Maida. This victory, however,
was followed by the capitulation of Gaeta on the 18th of
July, after which event the French army in Calabria was
strengthened to such an extent that the English were unable
to do more than defend Sicily. The internal administration
of Joseph Bonaparte deserves every praise ; he abolished
feudalism; he endeavoured to introduce honesty and up-
rightness in the collection of the taxes; he declared the
equality of all citizens before the law ; and by the suppres-
sion of many monasteries he improved the finances of the
country and largely increased the number of peasant pro-
111 ria " prietors. Lastly, must be noticed the Illyrian
provinces of Dalmatia and Istria, which had
been ceded by the Treaty of Pressburg. They were directly
administered by General Marmont, who reported to Napoleon
himself and not to the Viceroy of Italy. After the Treaty
of Tilsit they were augmented by the Ionian Islands, and
Napoleon kept a powerful army in this quarter to threaten

Germany 257

the Turks. It is probable, indeed, that he dreamt of restoring
the independence of Greece, and his Illyrian army was well
placed for carrying out such a project.

In his re-arrangement of the states of Germany and of the
balance of power in Central Europe, Napoleon, Napoleon's
like the Directory, followed out the traditional aon?* * 8 *"
policy of Richelieu and Mazarin. He held it Germany,
to be an advantage for France that there should be a number
of small German states between the Rhine and the hereditary
dominions of the House of Austria, but he considered that the
very small size of the states maintained by the Treaty of West-
phalia in 1648 made them inadequate buffers. He, therefore,
enlarged the Western German states and endeavoured to unite
their interests with those of France. The reconstitution of
Germany after the Peace of LuneVille in 1803 destroyed the
old Holy Roman Empire. Napoleon worked on the same lines,
and his measures have had almost the same permanence as
the arrangements of 1803. The changes took place gradually
in accordance with the Treaties of Pressburg and of Tilsit, but
their final results may be considered as a whole.

Maximilian Joseph, the Elector of Bavaria, had, by heredi-
tary right, united the Electorates of the Palatinate
and of Bavaria with the Duchy of Deux-Ponts. Bavana -
He had been educated at the Court of Versailles, but never-
theless he approved of the doctrines of the French Revolu-
tion and became one of the earliest allies of Napoleon. The
arrangements after the Treaty of Lune'ville, which had deprived
him of the Palatinate and of the Duchy of Deux-Ponts, had
given him a powerful and concentrated state. By the Treaty
of Pressburg he received in addition the Tyrol and the cities
of Nuremberg and Ratisbon with the title of King. In 1809
he further received the Principality of Salzburg, which made
his kingdom one of the most powerful in Germany. Possess-
ing the whole of the upper valley of the Danube, and the
valleys of its affluents, Bavaria formed a strong frontier state
against Austria, and to the north marched with the kingdom

PERIOD VII. R

258 European History, 1804- 1808

of Saxony. King Maximilian Joseph felt that he owed his
power to the French Emperor, and to seal the friendship he
gave his daughter, the Princess Augusta, in marriage to
Napoleon's step-son, the Viceroy Eugene de Beauhamais.
On the western frontier of Bavaria, in order to
check that state if it became too powerful,
Napoleon erected the smaller kingdom of Wiirtemberg.
Frederick, Duke of Wiirtemberg, like Maximilian Joseph of
Bavaria, had shown himself ready to recognise the authority
of the French Republic and of Napoleon. He had received
considerable additions to his territories with the title of
Elector in 1803, and after the Treaty of Pressburg he
received the whole of Austrian Suabia except the Breisgau
and Ortenau with the title of King. He, too, like the first
King of Bavaria, entered into a personal alliance with
Napoleon, and gave his daughter, the Princess Catherine,
in marriage to Jerome Bonaparte, King of Westphalia. The
third south German state which deserves notice
is Baden, whose Duke, Charles Frederick, was
made an Elector in 1803, and in 1805 received the title of
Grand Duke with the greater part of Ortenau and the Breisgau
from Austrian Suabia. He, too, formed a family alliance
with Napoleon by the marriage of his heir to Stephanie de
Beauharnais, Napoleon's step-daughter. The kingdom of
Westphalia. Westphalia, which was formed by Napoleon for
his brother Jerome after the Treaty of Tilsit,
was an entirely new creation, not an enlargement of a former
German state like Bavaria and Wiirtemberg. It consisted of
the Electorate of Hesse-Cassel, the Prussian territories on the
left of the Elbe, including the bishoprics of Paderborn and
Hildesheim, the Old Mark of Brandenburg, etc., the Duchy
of Brunswick, a portion of Hanover, and other scattered
districts. It thus contained the greater part of the valleys of
the Ems, the Weser, and the Oder, but it did not reach the sea,
and its only important fortress was Magdeburg. Jerome, who
was appointed its first king, was not such a capable monarch

Germany 259

as his brothers Joseph and Louis, but he formed an able
ministry, of which the most conspicuous members were
Simeon, the famous French jurist, as Minister of Justice,
and the historian, Johann Miiller as Minister of Public
Instruction. The Westphalian people did not amalgamate
so thoroughly as Napoleon had expected ; but this was not
the fault of Jerome's ministry, which abolished feudalism,
introduced the Civil Code, and regularised the administration.
The Grand Duchy of Berg, which he granted to Grand Duchy
his brother-in-law Murat in 1806, was another ofBer *
creation of Napoleon. It was formed out of the Duchy of
Berg ceded by Bavaria, the County of the Mark and the
Bishopric of Miinster, detached from Prussia, and of the
Duchy of Nassau. It formed a compact little state of a
million inhabitants, commanding part of the course of the
Rhine, with its capital at Diisseldorf. The key-stone
of Napoleon's policy in Eastern Germany was
Saxony. The Elector of that state had taken
part with the Prussians in the campaign of Jena, but Napoleon
nevertheless calculated that the ruler of Saxony, placed as he
was between Prussia and Austria, must naturally be an ally of
France. He, therefore, in spite of his behaviour in 1806,
gave the Elector of Saxony the title of King and the Circle
of Lower Lusatia. After the Treaty of Tilsit Napoleon did
yet more for the King of Saxony, whom he created likewise
Grand Duke of Warsaw. Of the smaller states Smaller
of Germany maintained by Napoleon, the most states,
important was Hesse-Darmstadt which separated the kingdom
of Westphalia from the Grand Duchy of Berg. As a faithful
ally of Napoleon, tlie Landgrave Louis x. received some
accessions of territory with the title of Grand Duke. The
fourth Grand Duchy after Baden, Berg, and Hesse-Darmstadt,
was the Grand Duchy of Frankfort. This was conferred upon
the Archbishop, Charles de Dalberg. This prelate had been
coadjutor to the Archbishop Elector of Mayence in the time
of the Revolution. He had succeeded to the Archbishopric

260 European History, 1804- 1808

in 1802, and in 1803, on the re-organisation of Germany, was
the only ecclesiastical elector retained. He was then given
the Bishopric of Ratisbon, and when that was transferred to
Bavaria, was granted instead the Principalities of Fulda and
Hanau and the territory of Aschaffenburg. The last Grand
Duchy was that of Wiirtzburg, which was conferred on the
Archduke Ferdinand, the former Grand Duke of Tuscany, in
exchange for the Principality of Salzburg given to Bavaria in
1809. These territorial changes were supplemented by a
wholesale destruction of the very small states. The Knights
of the Empire lost their sovereign rights ; all the petty dukes
and princes whose territory was enclosed in fhe larger states
which have been mentioned, were also mediatised, that is to
say, while retaining their rights as lords and their titles, they
lost their immediate sovereignty and became a sort of privi-
leged aristocracy. This measure, which supplemented the
arrangements of 1803, finally destroyed the ancient system of
Germany. The little courts with but few exceptions dis-
appeared, and Germany became a collection of powerful
states instead of a congeries of feudal principalities.

Napoleon endeavoured to concentrate the power of the
Confederation German princes as a whole by the formation of
of the Rhine. tne Confederation of the Rhine, of which he was
officially recognised as Protector. The original Confedera-
tion of the Rhine established in July 1805, consisted of only
fifteen princes, but after Tilsit it comprised thirty-two. The
Arch-Chancellor of the new confederation was Charles de
Dalberg, the Grand Duke of Frankfort, the only ecclesiastic
who was acknowledged as a member. It comprised in all
the four kingdoms of Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Westphalia, and
Saxony, the five grand-duchies and twenty-three principalities.
Its policy was conducted by a Diet sitting at Frankfort com-
posed of two colleges, — the College of Kings and the College
of Princes. The Confederation of the Rhine, which was
mainly situated between the Rhine and the Elbe, contained
a population of twenty million Germans, and was bound by

Napoleon's Polish Policy 261

treaty to contribute a hundred and fifty thousand soldiers to
the armies of Napoleon.

In no respect did Napoleon prove how thoroughly his
idea of re-establishing the ancient Empires of j
the East and the West had taken possession of
his imagination than in his treatment of Poland. In order to
please the Emperor Alexander he did not insist upon re-
establishing Polish independence. Not only did he neither
dare nor wish to deprive Russia of her Polish provinces,
but at Tilsit he even ceded to Alexander the two Polish circles
of Salkief and Tloczow. But though he dared not establish a
powerful independent Poland for fear of offending Russia, he
nevertheless formed, in 1807, a small Polish state under the
name of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw. By this half measure he
failed to satisfy the Poles, who had looked to him to be the re-
storer of Polish independence, and at the same time offended
the Emperor Alexander, who disliked the creation of a Polish
state of any size or under any form. The Grand Grand Duchy
Duchy of Warsaw eventually contained the whole of Warsaw,
of Prussian and the greater part of Austrian Poland, and was
placed under the rule of the King of Saxony as Grand Duke
of Warsaw, just as in former days the Electors of Saxony had
been Kings of Poland. In this half-and-half policy with
regard to Poland was to be found the greatest peril to the
newly-formed alliance between Alexander and Napoleon.

For more than a year the alliance between Russia and
France, between Alexander and Napoleon, remained the most
important fact of European polity ; but causes of dissension
soon arose. On the one hand, Alexander resented the exist-
ence of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, and felt that his sub-
jects had cause to grumble at the sufferings they endured
owing to the Continental Blockade ; on the other, there were
not wanting signs that Napoleon's power had reached its height,
and was now about to decline. The first symptoms of this
decline were his quarrel with the Pope and his intervention in
the affairs of Spain. The first blows struck at his military

262 European History, 1804- 1808

superiority were the defeat of the French troops in Portugal
by Sir Arthur Wellesley at Vimeiro and the capitulation of
General Dupont to the Spaniards. The Treaty of Tilsit
marked the true zenith of Napoleon's power ; but in spite of the
misfortunes he suffered in 1808, and his wanton intervention in
Conference t ^ ie affairs of Spain, he still seemed the greatest
at Erfurt. monarch in Europe. Feeling his prestige some-
Sept. 180& w ^ at affect^ an( i fearing the effect upon the mind
of his imaginative ally, Napoleon, trusting in the magnetism of
his presence and his conversation, had recourse to a personal in-
terview with Alexander at Erfurt in September 1808. There the
two masters of Europe discussed the state of affairs ; Napoleon
soothed Alexander's discontent, and again promised him the
Danubian provinces. But the full confidence which had been
established at Tilsit was not restored at Erfurt. Alexander, in
spite of his admiration for the person of Napoleon, felt dis-
trustful of his policy, and Napoleon deceived himself when he
thought he had regained his ascendency over the mind of the
Russian Emperor. The interviews between the two Emperors
formed the important political side of the Congress of Erfurt ;
but the features which dazzled Europe were the grand fites,
the pit full of kings which listened to Talma, the great French
actor, and the obsequiousness of the high-born German princes
to one who, a few years before but a general of the French
Republic, was now master of Europe.

CHAPTER IX
1808-1812

Napoleon's two reverses between the Treaty of Tilsit and the Congress of
Erfurt— England sends an army to Portugal— Campaign of Vimeiro and
Convention of Cintra— The Revolution in Spain— Joseph Bonaparte
King of Spain— Victory of Medina del Rio Seco and Capitulation of
Baylen— Napoleon in Spain— Sir John Moore's advance — Battle of
Cbrunna— The Resurrection of Austria— Ministry of Stadion— Campaign
of Wagram — Treaty of Vienna — Campaign of 1809 in the Peninsula-
Battle of Talavera— Expedition to Walcheren— Napoleon and the Pope
— Annexation of Rome— Revolution in Sweden— Revolution in Turkey —
Treaty of Bucharest— Greatest Extension of Napoleon's dominions —
Internal Organisation of his Empire — The new Nobility — Internal
reforms — Law — Finance — Education — Extension of these reforms
through Europe — Disappearance of Serfdom — Religious Toleration —
Reorganisation of Prussia — Reforms of Stein and Scharnhorst— Revival
of German National feeling — Marriage of Napoleon to the Archduchess
Marie Louise— Birth of the King of Rome— Steady opposition of Eng-
land to Napoleon — Policies of Canning and Castlereagh — Campaigns of
18 10 and 181 1 in the Peninsula— Signs of the decline of Napoleon's power
between 1808 and 1812.

The Treaty of Tilsit marked the greatest height of Napoleon's
power in Europe; at the Congress of Erfurt he seemed, indeed,
to be as powerful as at Tilsit ; but during the interval he had
experienced two serious mishaps. The first of which was
caused by the fact that England, which had hitherto fought
the French upon the sea, and had met with only slight success
in purely military expeditions, began in 1808 a serious effort
to break the tradition of the invincibility of the French army.
The last important campaign upon the Continent in which
an English army had taken part, was in 1793-1795. Since
that time many English expeditions had been despatched to .

264 European History, 1 808-1 81 2

carry out isolated plans ; some of these expeditions had been
crowned with success, such as Abercromby's and Hutchinson's
reconquest of Egypt in 1801, and Stuart's brilliant little cam-
paign of Maida in 1806; others had been egregious failures,
notably the Duke of York's campaign in Holland in 1799,
and Lord Cathcart's landing in Hanover in 1805. Confident
in their naval superiority, the English Ministers, ever since
1795, had paid more attention to the military occupation of
islands than to the despatch of armies to the mainland.
Acting on this policy, the English had conquered the French
West Indies in 1793 an d *795> and again proceeded in 1809
to reoccupy those which had been restored to France at the
Peace of Amiens. When Spain declared herself the ally of
France, England occupied her chief West Indian possession,
the Island of Trinidad ; when the subjection of Holland to
France became manifest, England conquered the Cape of
Good Hope in 1797, and again after the Treaty of Amiens, in
1805. Nor did the English ministers neglect the more distant
possessions of her various enemies. Ceylon and Java were
taken from the Dutch in 1796 and 1807 respectively; the
Mauritius was conquered from France in 1809, and an un-
successful attempt was made to conquer Spanish South
America, Monte Video and Buenos Ayres, in 1806. But
England did not confine her policy of attacking islands to
distant seas ; she also established herself firmly in the Medi-
terranean. In 1797 Minorca was taken, in 1801 Malta, and
eventually in 1805 an English army, as has been said, gar-
risoned Sicily. The policy of Fox was identical with that of
Pitt, and favoured small, detached expeditions ; some of these
were failures, like the expedition to South America in 1806,
and that to Egypt in 1808, but others attained their end.
Now, however, a new policy began to make way. Instead of
isolated expeditions and the occupation of islands which
could be defended by the English fleets, it was resolved once
more, as in 1793, to disembark a powerful English army on
the Continent, and to try military conclusions with the French.

Campaign of Vimeiro 265

In order that England should act effectively on the Con-
tinent, it was necessary that her army should have campaign of
a friendly base of operations. The failure of the vimeiro, 180&
expedition to Bergen in 1799, an d of many similar expedi-
tions, proved that it was impossible to expect complete success
when the disembarking army had to fight from the moment of
its landing, and had to secure its communications with the
sea. An opportunity was afforded for obtaining such a base
of operations as was necessary, by an insurrection breaking
out in Portugal against the French invaders. It has been said
that General Junot occupied the whole of Portugal without
much difficulty, except the northern and southern provinces,
which were held by Spanish armies. Junot partitioned out
the country into military governments under French generals,
whose oppressive behaviour exasperated the people. After
the outbreak of the revolution against the French in Spain,
the Spanish forces in Portugal retired, and Oporto at once
declared itself independent of France, and elected a Junta of
Government, headed by the Bishop. Isolated risings took
place all over the country. Many French officers and soldiers
were murdered, and the insurgents were punished with the
most rigorous cruelty. The Junta of Oporto was, however,
unable to make head against Junot, for the best regular troops
of the Portuguese army had been despatched to join the
Grand Army in Germany. The Junta had therefore to depend
upon undisciplined militia, and feeling the impossibility of com-
bating the French regular troops in the field, applied for help
to England. This gave the English ministers their oppor-
tunity. A force which had been collected at Cork, under
the command of Lieutenant-General Sir Arthur Wellesley,
for an expedition to South America, was ordered instead to
proceed to Portugal. He was joined by some other troops,
and disembarked at the mouth of the Mondego river. He
marched southwards towards Lisbon, and defeated a French
division at Roriga on the 17 th of August 1808. After receiving
further reinforcements, he was attacked by Junot at Vimeiro

266 European History, 1 808-1 812

on the 2 1 st of August, and won a decisive victory. On the
field of battle Wellesley was superseded by Sir Harry Burrard,
and he in his turn by Sir Hew Dalrymple. Instead of follow-
Convention * n S U P ^ v i ctorv > tne latter general concluded the
of Cintra.3oth Convention of Cintra, by which Junot agreed to
August 1803. evacuate Portugal. From a military point of view
this was a poor sequel to the victory of Vimeiro; from a political
point of view it was a signal success. Portugal was freed from
the French as speedily as she had been conquered by them,
and England thus secured a friendly base of operations. The
three generals were all recalled, and Sir John Moore took
command of the English army. A Council of Regency was
established, and an English officer, General Beresford, was
sent to organise a Portuguese army, partly under the command
of English officers, and wholly paid by the English Government.
The loss of Portugal was the first serious reverse which
The Napoleon had met with from a trained and dis-

Rcvoiution ciplined army. But at the same time he was
m Spain, 1808. ma( j e t0 f ee j fae difficulty of overcoming even an
unorganised national rising, with the very best of troops. It
has been mentioned that the King of Spain and the Queen's
favourite, Godoy, were partners to the Treaty of Fontainebleau,
which arranged for the dismemberment of Portugal. Spain
had been the consistent ally of France ever since the Treaty
of Basle in 1795, an d in the cause of France had lost not
only the islands of Minorca and Trinidad, but two gallant
fleets in the naval battles of Cape St. Vincent and Trafalgar.
Nevertheless, Napoleon deliberately determined to dethrone
his faithful ally Charles iv. It is said that after the expulsion
of the Bourbons from Naples, Godoy had made overtures for
joining the coalition against France, but after the victory of
Jena the Court of Madrid, if it had ever thought of opposing
the will of Napoleon, became more obsequious than ever.
Court intrigues gave the French Emperor the opportunity he
desired for interfering with the affairs of Spain. The heir to
the throne, Ferdinand, Prince of the Asturias, hated his

The Capitulation of Baylen 267

mother's lover, Godoy, and for sharing in a plot against the
favourite was thrown into prison. He appealed for help to
Napoleon, and Charles iv., his father, on his side also appealed
to the French emperor. Napoleon began to move his troops
across the Pyrenees, and a French army under the command
of Murat approached Madrid. The King of Spain was
rumoured to be about to follow the example of the Prince
Regent of Portugal, and to leave the country. The popula-
tion of Madrid rose in insurrection and maltreated Godoy,
who fell into their hands. Charles iv. then abdicated in
favour of his son, who proceeded to France to obtain the
support of Napoleon. Charles iv. and his Queen followed
Ferdinand, and when the Spanish royal family was assembled
at Bayonne, Charles iv. was induced to cede the crown of
Spain to Napoleon, who conferred it on his brother Joseph
Bonaparte, King of Naples, on the 6th of June Joseph Bona-
1808. But it was one thing to proclaim Joseph K*ngofSpain.
King of Spain and the Indies; it was another to 6th June 1808.
place him in power. The patriotism of the Spanish people
was stirred to its depths, and the Spaniards declined to accept
a new monarch supported by French troops. In every
quarter insurrections broke out and juntos were formed.
Appeals were made to England for help, and money, arms,
ammunition and English officers were disembarked at all the
chief ports of Spain. In the month of May the mob of
Madrid drove out the French soldiers of Murat, who had to
retire behind the Ebro. But mobs and undisciplined militia
can never stand against regular troops. Marshal Bessieres
defeated the best Spanish army under the command of General
Cuesta at Medina del Rio Seco on the 14th of July 1808,
and on the 20th of July Joseph entered Madrid. Before his
arrival at his new capital, flying columns had been sent in
every direction, and one of these on its way to Cadiz capitulation
met with a serious disaster. This was the famous of Bayien.
Capitulation of Baylen. The French division of aothJulyx8 ° 8,
General Dupont was surrounded at that place and forced to

268 European History, 1 808-1812

capitulate. By the terms of the Capitulation, Dupont engaged
that not only the soldiers under his immediate command, but
also that two fresh divisions which were coming up should
surrender. The Capitulation of Baylen deprived Napoleon of
the services of 18,000 men, but the loss of prestige could not be
estimated by numbers. The Spanish insurgents were greatly
encouraged and rose in every quarter ; a guerilla warfare was
begun, which was in the end more fatal to the French army
than regular defeats, and Napoleon had for the first time to fight
a nation in arms. This was an exact reversal of the situation
of affairs in the wars of the French Revolution ; at that time
it was the French nation in arms which defeated the disciplined
soldiers of the Continental monarchs ; now it was the Spanish
nation in arms which counteracted the schemes of Napoleon.
It is almost impossible to estimate the losses experienced by
the French during the war in the Iberian Peninsula; the
defeats inflicted on them by the Anglo-Portuguese army ac-
counted for but a small* portion of this loss ; it was the har-
assing duty of maintaining garrisons in every town and almost
in every posting-house which exhausted the French army.
It need hardly be said that Napoleon was far from expect-
Napoicon * n g sucn disasters as the Capitulation of Baylen
in Spain. an <i the Convention of Cintra. He had been so
accustomed to victory that he could not understand the
change in his affairs. He looked upon these two events as
having only a temporary importance, and proceeded to the
Congress at Erfurt with a light heart. Though checked in
Spain, he was none the less the master in Germany, and the
monarchs of Central Europe did not know that he had reached
his zenith and was about to decline. The Emperor Alexander
alone seems to have had some suspicion of the truth, for he
entered into fresh relations with England by means of the
strong English party at his Court, which was headed by the
Empress-mother. As- soon as the Congress of Erfurt was
over, Napoleon proceeded to Spain in person, accompanied by
his Guard and his most experienced troops, and surrounded

Napoleon in Spain 269

by his most famous generals. After the Capitulation of
Baylen, Joseph Bonaparte had left Madrid, and with the bulk
of the French army had retreated behind the Ebro. He was
there joined by Napoleon, who had under his command no
less than 135,000 men. He rapidly advanced upon Madrid;
Marshal Soult defeated the Spanish Army of the Centre at
Burgos on the 10th of November ; Marshal Victor the Spanish
Army of the Left at Espinosa on the nth of November ; and
Marshal Lannes the Army of the Right at Tudela on the 3d
of November. In spite of the snow, the Emperor in person
forced the pass of the Somo Sierra, and on the 13th of
December received the capitulation of Madrid. The victories
of his lieutenants and his own rapid and successful advance
on the capital, convinced Napoleon that the difficulties of the
Spanish war had been exaggerated, and the result of this
impression was that he neglected in after years to strengthen
his armies in Spain sufficiently, and attributed all failures to
the incompetence of his generals, instead of to the obstinate
tenacity of his opponents.

After occupying Madrid, the Emperor next determined to
turn his strength against the English forces in the sirJohn
Peninsula. Sir John Moore, who was in com- Moore's
mand of the English army in Portugal, could not advance <
believe that the Spanish armies were too weak to face the
French ; but when he heard that Napoleon was at Madrid,
he resolved to make a diversion in order to prevent him from
conquering Andalusia, and to give time for the Junta of
Seville to organise the defence of that province. Leaving a
small division to protect Portugal under Sir John Cradock.
Moore, with the bulk of the English army, invaded north-
west Spain and advanced as far as Salamanca and Toro.
Napoleon, as Moore had expected, put off the invasion of
Andalusia and turned against the English. Moore having
thus effected his purpose, then fell back into Gaiicia. In the
midst of most terrible weather he effected one of the most
famous retreats in history, turning occasionally to face his

270 European History, 1808- 181 2

pursuers, and fighting several brilliant rear-guard actions.
Napoleon conducted the pursuit in person for some time, but
hearing that Austria was preparing for war, he handed over
b tti f ^ e comman d to Soult and suddenly returned to
corunna. France. Soult did not come up with the English
Jan. i6, 1809. armv until it had reached Corunna, and was wait-
ing there to embark. A battle was fought to protect the
embarkation of the English, in which Sir John Moore was
killed, and Soult, whose losses during the rapid pursuit had
been very great, turned southwards to occupy Oporto.
The Treaty of Pressburg had made a very painful impression,
Austria. not on ty upon the mind of Francis 1. of Austria,
1805-1809. but also on the Austrian people. The indignation
aroused by the cession of Dalmatia and the loss of Venice,
which had been given to the House of Austria as compensa-
tion for the Milanese, had exasperated the Austrian people.
But, on the other hand, the Hungarians were inclined, like the
Poles, to look to Napoleon as the possible restorer of their
national independence. The policy of the Emperor Francis
had been to treat the Hungarians, whom he had placed under
the rule of his brother, the Archduke Joseph, as semi-indepen-
dent, and to make as little change as possible in the Hun-
garian Constitution. He regarded his German provinces as
the really important portion of his dominions, and gave them
his undivided attention. After the Treaty of Pressburg, the
Emperor dismissed his chancellor and prime minister Cobenzl,
and replaced him by Count Philip Stadion. The new Chan-
cellor was a thorough German, though descended from a
Grisons family, and the main point of his policy was to rouse
the patriotism of the Germans as a nationality against the
French. In fact, from 1805 until the outbreak of war in 1809,
Stadion endeavoured to arouse the national spirit which after-
wards made Germany successful in the final war of liberation
against Napoleon. He circulated patriotic literature, and
formulated the idea of German unity, which he saw must take
the place of the extinct notion of the Holy Roman Empire.

Resurrection of Austria 271

He was successful in rousing the German popular feeling to
the greatest height in the German provinces of Austria ; but
the time was not yet ripe for the expression of a similar senti-
ment throughout the whole of Germany. The weight of the
Continental Blockade was not experienced in its fullest form
until after 1809. And the patriotic feeling which was to have
so full a development could not be stirred up in a moment.
But in the German territories of Austria Stadion was com-
pletely successful. The Emperor Francis himself was a
thorough German, and during the progress which he made
through his states in 1808, with his beautiful second wife, the
Empress Ludovica, a princess of Modena, roused the utmost
enthusiasm. Ever since the Peace of Pressburg the Archduke
Charles, as Commander-in-Chief, had been organising the
military power of Austria; regiments of volunteers were
formed in Vienna and all the large cities ; and the militia for
the first time were disciplined and trained for offensive war,
and not maintained merely for the preservation of the peace.
While the smaller princes of Germany were obsequiously
doing honour to Napoleon at Erfurt, the Emperor of Austria
was preparing for war. The successful insurrection of the
Spaniards, and the Capitulation of Baylen, encouraged Stadion
in his belief that if a national feeling could be roused against
the French domination, it would be as successful in Germany
as in Spain. The English Ministry encouraged the attitude of
the Austrian Emperor, and promised not only large subsidies
if an Austrian army would take the field, but also that a
powerful diversion should be made in the Netherlands by an
English army. Napoleon heard of this disposition of Austria
in 1808, but at first paid very little heed to it. During his
winter campaign in the Peninsula, however, it became obvious
that the Austrians were in a hurry to come to conclusions
with him, and he therefore hastened back from Spain to make
his preparations for this new war, instead of pursuing the
English to Corunna.
From both the political and the military point of view,

272 European History, 1 808-1 812

Napoleon was justified in believing in 1809 that he had little to
Campaign ^ ear ^ rom tne intervention of Austria. The South
ofwagram. German princes, like the Kings of Bavaria and
x8o9# Wiirtemberg, had been too much favoured by him

to desire to oppose him, and willingly sent their contingents to
serve in his ranks. From the population of his new creation,
the kingdom of Westphalia, he looked for assistance, not
opposition* and what remained of Prussia was occupied by
French armies. The Emperor Alexander of Russia, still under
the glamour of the interview at Erfurt, and the grand promises
for the division of the world repeated to him there, showed
no inclination to assist Austria. Indeed, the feeling of opposi-
tion between Austria and Russia, which had shown itself in
1799 and 1800, had been augmented by the unfortunate
campaign of Austerlitz. Each ally blamed the other for that
disaster ; the Austrian officers openly declared that they hated
a Russian more than a Frenchman, and the Russians recipro-
cated this feeling. Austria's only ally, therefore, was England.
From a military point of view, the Austrian army had not yet
been sufficiently reorganised, in spite of the efforts of Stadion
and the Archduke Charles, to make a successful resistance to
the French ; but, as the event of the campaign showed, it was
able to make a better stand than it had ever made before.

In April 1809 the Archduke Charles, amid the greatest
enthusiasm of the Austrian people, issued a manifesto to the
German race, and at the head of 170,000 men advanced into
Bavaria. At the same time another army, under the Arch-
duke John, invaded Italy. At that moment Napoleon had
only two corps-d'artnee in Southern Germany, one under the
command of Marshal Davout at Ratisbon, and the other
under Marshal Mass£na at Augsburg. The Archduke Charles
intended to get between the two marshals and defeat them
separately. But Napoleon arrived in person, with some of
the finest troops he had been employing in Spain, before the
Archduke could complete his operations. On the 20th of
April he defeated the Austrian left at Abensberg, and on the

The Battle of Aspern 273

2 2d he routed the Austrian right under the Archduke in
person at Eckmiihl. In the five days' fighting, which in-
cluded these battles, the Austrians lost 7000 men in killed
and wounded, and 23,000 prisoners. In the result it was the
Austrians, not the French, who were cut in two, and Napoleon
rapidly followed the Austrian left to Vienna. The capital
surrendered on the 12 th of May, and Napoleon then resolved
to cross the Danube and attack the main body of the Austrian
army under the Archduke Charles. He attempted B&ttic of
to pass the river at the point where is situated Aspern.
midway the island of Lobau. When the greater ££ a x n * 22nd
part of his army had reached the island he
pushed across to the other bank, and on the 21st and 22nd
of May stormed the villages of Aspern and Essling. But
on the evening of the second fight he found it necessary
to withdraw into the island of Lobau, for his bridges of
boats which connected the island with the right bank of
the river had been swept away, and his ammunition had
fallen short. The Tyrolese, too, had risen under Hofer, and
Napoleon's position was most critical. Nevertheless he deter-
mined not to retreat ; the island of Lobau became an en-
trenched camp ; stronger bridges were thrown from it to the
right bank of the Danube; and reinforcements were sum-
moned from diiferent quarters.

The most important of these reinforcements were sup-
plied by the French Army of Italy, which reached Napoleon
in the island of Lobau on the 2nd of July. This army
was commanded by the Viceroy of Italy, Eugene de Beau-
harnais, whose military adviser and principal subordinate was
General Macdonald. The Viceroy had, before Macdonald
reached him, been checked at Sacilio by the Archduke John,
but after Macdonald's arrival he pushed on rapidly. A de-
cisive victory, which prevented the Archduke John from
pursuing, was won over the Hungarians at Raab on the 14th
of June, after which Eugene de Beauharnais was enabled safely
to join the Emperor in the island of Lobau. With his army

PERIOD VII. s

274 European History \ 1 808-1? 12

thus increased, Napoleon crossed to the left bank of the
Danube on the morning of the 5th of July, at the head of
Battle of 180,000 men, many of whom were Westphalians,
wagram. Bavarians, and Italians. On the following day he
6th juiy 1809. completely defeated the Archduke Charles at the
battle of Wagram, at which the Austrians lost more than
30,000 men. Though defeated, the Austrian army was not
disgraced, and Napoleon himself said, when blamed for not
following up his victory, c If I had had my veterans of Auster-
litz I should have carried out a manoeuvre which, with my
present troops, I dare not execute.' Had the Archduke John
come up in time and placed himself under his brother's com-
mand, the battle might have had a diiferent result, and as it
was, the Austrian Emperor need not have considered himself
forced to conclude peace.

The Emperor Francis, however, did not dare to risk the
Treaty of farther event of war, and on the 14th of October
Vienna. 14th 1809 he signed the Treaty of Vienna. By this
October 1809. treaty Austr j a ce( j e d Trieste, Carniola, Istria,

and a large part of Croatia to Napoleon, who added them
to Dalmatia, which he had acquired at the Treaty of
Pressburg, and made out of them the Government of the
Illyrian Provinces. Francis also abandoned the Tyrolese, and
ceded the greater part of Salzburg to the King of Bavaria,
whose army, along with the Saxon contingent under Bernadotte,
had played a great part in winning the victory of Wagram. He
had to give up the whole of Western Galicia ; the greater part
of this province was added to the Grand-Duchy of Warsaw, but
certain districts were ceded to the Emperor Alexander, who in
reply to the demands of Napoleon had despatched an army to
act in that quarter against the Austrians. This action had still
further incensed the Emperor of Austria against the Emperor
of Russia, while it did not satisfy Napoleon, who complained
that the Russians had not acted with sufficient vigour, and
had been waiting to hear the result of the main campaign in
the neighbourhood of Vienna. In Austria itself the most

fThe Battle of Talavera 275

important result of the war was the retirement of Count
Philip Stadion, who was succeeded as Chancellor of State by
Count Metternich.

During the campaign of Wagram the French armies left in
Spain had been continuing their operations. Before the
actual outbreak of war with Austria, Saragossa had The Penin .
been captured on the 21st of February 1809, after suiarWar.
an obstinate siege, which proved to the French the x809 '
mettle of their new opponents. The most important opera-
tions had been carried out in three quarters of the Peninsula.
In Arragon and Catalonia, General Gouvion-Saint-Cyr acted
with considerable skill in a campaign of which the main
feature was the reduction of small fortresses, and his successor,
General Suchet, steadily pursued the same policy. Both of
these generals invariably defeated any Spanish army which met
them in the field. From Madrid King Joseph had acted in two
different directions. Marshal Moncey took Valencia ; Marshal
Victor defeated the Spanish army of the South, which was
under the command of Cuesta, at Medellin; and General
Sebastiani approached the frontiers of Andalusia. But in
Portugal the French had again to meet the English, who had
in the previous year defeated them at Vimeiro, and drawn
them away to Corunna. After the departure of Sir John
Moore's army, Marshal Soult had invaded Portugal from the
north and occupied Oporto. There is no doubt that if he
had acted boldly he might have captured Lisbon, which was
only guarded by a feeble division under Sir John Cradock.
But Soult wasted his time in intriguing, it is said, for the
throne of Portugal, until the English Ministry had time to re-
inforce Cradock, and to send Sir Arthur Wellesley to command
the army in Portugal. Wellesley speedily dislodged Soult from
Oporto, and drove his army in disorder back into Battle of
Galicia. He then, following the example of Moore, Talavera.
invaded Spain, in the expectation of saving Anda- a^J^y 180 *
lusia. He met the French army in Spain, under the command
of Marshal Victor, at Talavera. He repulsed the French

276 European History \ 1808- 18 1 2

attack on his position on the 28th of July, and had he been
efficiently assisted by the Spaniards under Cuesta he might
have won a great victory. As it was, his success prevented
the French from invading Portugal, but it was not sufficiently
decisive to save Andalusia. The French army was reorganised ;
the Spaniards were routed at the battle of Ocana, on the
1 2th of November, and the whole of the fertile province of
Andalusia, with the exception of Gibraltar and Cadiz, fell into
the hands of the French.

Unfortunately the English Ministers failed to understand im-
mediately the greatness of the opportunity given to them by
Expedition to Napoleon's behaviour in the Peninsula, and instead
waichcren. of concentrating all their military strength for the
l8 ° 9 ' support of Sir Arthur Wellesley, who was made

Viscount Wellington for his victory of Talavera, they despatched
one of the finest armies that ever left England on the Walcheren
Expedition. They had promised to assist the Emperor of
Austria by making a diversion in the north of Europe. The
object of this diversion was Antwerp, on which city Napoleon
was spending vast sums of money in the hope of making it
the commercial rival of London. This expedition, which was
placed under the command of the Earl of Chatham, the elder
brother of the younger Pitt, never reached Antwerp. It was
landed in the island of Walcheren, and took Flushing in
August 1809. It met no French army worthy of the name,
but was destroyed as a fighting machine by the pestilences
and fevers of the unhealthy island in which it was quartered.
The expedition took place too late to be of any service to
Austria, for the English army did not disembark until a month
after the battle of Wagram had been fought, and in the want
of energy with which it was conducted, it may almost be
classed with the disastrous expedition to Bergen in 1799. At
sea, however, the English fleet maintained its pre-eminence.
In this year Guadeloupe, Martinique, and the Mauritius were
conquered, and an attempt was made to burn the French fleet
in the Basque Roads by Lord Cochrane, which might have

Napoleon and the Pope 277

been completely successful if he had not been thwarted by
the admiral in command, Lord Gambier.

It has been said that one of the measures by which
Napoleon secured his ascendency over the minds of the
French people was the conclusion of the Concordat Napoleon and
by which the schism which had divided the French thc p °P e -
Church was closed. He had at the commencement of his tenure
of power treated the new Pope, Pius vn., with much respect,
and the Pope had in return made the Emperor's uncle, Fesch, a
Cardinal, and had come to Paris to crown him Emperor. But
troubles soon arose between Napoleon and Pius vn. The
Emperor proclaimed himself the successor of Charlemagne,
and wished to restrict the Pope entirely tjo spiritual affairs.
The terms of the Concordat were not thoroughly carried out.
The Pope would not give Napoleon the supreme authority
over the French bishops, which he desired, and His Holiness
looked on the transformation of the priesthood in France from
an independent body into salaried officials with extreme dis-
favour. On the Pope's return to Rome in 1805, he requested
that the French troops should evacuate the whole of the
former States of the Church. Napoleon did not comply with
this request, and not satisfied with ordaining the cession of the
Legations of Bologna and Ferrara to the Kingdom of Italy, he
occupied Ancona, and confiscated the principalities of Ponte
Corvo and Benevento, which he bestowed on Bernadotte and
Talleyrand. The declaration of the Continental Blockade
increased the dissatisfaction of the Pope, who declined to obey
it, as he also did a further order in 1806 to expel from Rome
all English, Russian, Swedish, and Sardinian subjects. After
some months of perpetual bickering Napoleon directed General
Miollis to occupy Rome on the 2nd of February 1808. Pius
vi 1., in the cause of peace, dismissed Cardinal Consalvi, his
Secretary of State, but he could not satisfy the demands of
the Emperor, and on the 17th of May 1809 the States of the
Church in Italy were declared united to the French Empire,
and Rome was officially decreed to be the Second City of that

278 European History, 1808-18 1 2

Empire. Exasperated by this open insult, Pius vii. excom-
municated the French Emperor. Napoleon, who was at that
time in his camp in the island of Lobau, ordered that the Pope
should be removed from Rome. He was arrested by General
Radet on the 6th of July, the day of the victory of Wagram,
and forcibly removed to Savona, near Genoa, where he was
kept as a State prisoner. Pius vn. in his exile consistently
protested against the usurpations of Napoleon, and refused
from this time to give canonical institution to the bishops
nominated by the Emperor. In 181 1 Napoleon attempted to
put ecclesiastical affairs in France on a new footing, and sum-
moned a national council or synod of bishops to meet at
Paris. But the Pope refused to negotiate with the synod, and
he was accordingly removed to Fontainebleau in 181 2. While
there Napoleon pretended that His Holiness agreed to a new and
revised Concordat which was promulgated as a law on the 13th
of February 18 13. Pius vii. always denied that he had given
his consent to the new arrangement, which would have
deprived him of his most valued prerogatives, and stated that
he had always regarded himself as a prisoner since his removal
from Rome. By his conduct towards the Pope Napoleon
committed a great mistake. He lost the support of the
faithful body of Catholics in France whom he had conciliated
in 1 80 1, and he gave a pretext for his enemies to declare him
the enemy of religion. The Caesarism which had infected
his imagination after his great victories in 1806 and 1807
appeared in his behaviour towards Pius vn. as well as in his
intervention with the affairs of Spain.

The year 1809, which witnessed the campaign of Wagram
and the overthrow of the Pope, was also signalised by a re-
The Revo- volution in Sweden, which was followed by very im-
lution in portant results. It has been said that Gustavus iv.
Sweden. 1809. remained faithful to the coalition against Napoleon
even after the Peace of Tilsit. By that peace it was arranged
that the Emperor of Russia should annex Finland. This was
carried out in 1808, after a very weak opposition on the part

Bernadotte, Prince Royal of Sweden 279

of the Swedes, and in the same year Swedish Pomerania was
occupied by the French. In spite of these losses the King of
Sweden declared war against Denmark, and then quarrelled
with the general of the English army sent to his assistance.
For this conduct, which seemed conclusive as to the loss of
sanity by the King, the Swedes resolved to dethrone him. At
the commencement of 1809 the Baron Adlersparre, the com-
mander-in-chief of the army sent to invade Norway, concluded
a secret armistice with the Danes, and marched on Stockholm.
On the 13th of March 1809 the King was arrested, and on
the 29th he was forced to sign a deed of abdication. This
act was ratified by the States of Sweden on the 10th of May,
and the King's uncle, the Duke of Sudermania, was elected
King as Charles xin. A new constitution of an aristocratic
type, restoring the power of the Swedish nobles which had been
severely curtailed by Gustavus 111., was promulgated, and on the
1 8th of January 1810 the States elected as heir to the throne,
since the new King had no sons, the Prince Christian of Hol-
stein-Augustenberg. This young prince died in May of the
same year, and the question then arose as to his successor.
There was no possible prince of the reigning family, and the
king was old and in bad health. It happened that in 1806 the
Swedish officers employed in Hanover had made the acquaint-
ance of Marshal Bernadotte, who commanded in that quarter,
and it was suggested that he should be elected as Prince Royal.
This choice was dictated by a hope that it would please the
French Emperor, for Bernadotte was not only one of his most
distinguished marshals, but was connected with his family, for
both he and Joseph Bonaparte had married daughters of
Monsieur Clary, a tradesman of Marseilles. Bernadotte
received the consent of Napoleon; on the 19th of October
18 10 he abjured Catholicism ; and on the 5th of November he
was elected Prince Royal by the Swedish Diet. He was at
once charged with the direction of foreign affairs and with the
reorganisation of the Swedish army, and he played an im-
portant part in the overthrow of the French Emperor.

280 European History \ 1 808-1 812

With Sweden and Poland, Turkey had for a long time been
considered as the third barrier against the advance of Russia.
Bonaparte, like earlier French statesmen, had
ur cy ' held this view, but after the Peace of Tilsit he
expressed himself as ready and willing to abandon all three
countries to the encroachments of Russia. The loss of Fin-
land and Pomerania had reduced Sweden to a minor state ;
the Grand-Duchy of Warsaw was a poor substitute for the
Kingdom of Poland, and it is now necessary to observe the effects
upon Turkey of her abandonment by France. The Sultan,
Selim hi., had been thrown into a close alliance with England
by Napoleon's occupation of Egypt when he was but a general
of the French Republic, and still more by his daring march
into Syria. When he became First Consul, Napoleon en-
deavoured to destroy the unfavourable opinion entertained of
him at Constantinople, and sent thither as his ambassador one
of the ablest of the French diplomatists, General Sebastiani,
who managed to ingratiate himself with the Porte. The English
monopoly of the commerce of the Levant was displeasing to
the Porte, and Pitt failed to induce the Sultan to enter into
the coalition against France in 1805. In 1807 an English
fleet under Sir John Duckworth was sent to compel the Sultan
to give up his friendship with the French. After forcing the
passage of the Dardanelles, it had to retire without achieving
its object, and suffered great loss while sailing down the
Straits. This behaviour of England threw the Turks entirely
on the side of France. French officers were employed to
reorganise the Turkish army, and a regular militia was
established. Sultan Selim was a monarch in advance of
his times, and endeavoured to introduce certain reforms, but
he roused against him both the Muhammadan Ulemas and the
Janissaries. The former disliked his civil reforms, the latter
his establishment of the militia. Selim was dethroned, and
replaced by Mustapha iv. on the 21st of July 1807. But
the reign of Mustapha was but of short duration. The
Pasha of Rustchuk marched to Constantinople, and when

. Russo-Turkish War, 1808-1812 281

he found that the Sultan Selim had been assassinated, he
dethroned Mustapha and placed his nephew, Mahmoud 11.,
on the throne of Turkey. The first event of the new
reign was a violent battle between the Janissaries and the
freshly organised militia in the streets of Constantinople,
after which Mahmoud executed his own brother and most of
his relations, and established himself firmly on the throne. The
new Sultan, who was a man of extraordinary vigour, was at
once attacked by the Russians, as had been arranged by the
the Treaty of Tilsit. Napoleon had pointed out to Alexander
that he could easily annex the Danubian principalities, and he
hoped that the Turks would afford enough occupation to the
Russian army to prevent it from interfering with his projects
in Europe. The Russian attack on Turkey was followed by
a treaty of peace between England and the Porte, in spite of
the efforts of the French diplomatists; but the English, as
usual, considered it enough to send subsidies in" money with-
out supplying troops. In 1809 the Turks were defeated at
Braila and Silistria, and by the close of 18 10 the Russian
army under the command of Prince Bagration occupied the
whole of Wallachia, Moldavia, and Bessarabia. In 1811 the
Russian general Kutuzov crossed the Danube, and occupied
both Silistria and Shumla, and the way was opened to Con-
stantinople. But, fortunately for the existence of the Turkish
power, Napoleon in 18 12 was preparing to invade Russia;
the efforts of the French diplomatists to induce the Sultan
Mahmoud to continue the war were fruitless ; the Porte said
that it had too often proved the worthlessness Treat of
of the French offers of help, and on the 28 th Bucharest,
of May 181 2 a treaty of peace was signed be- a8th May l8ia *
tween Russia and Turkey at Bucharest. By this treaty the
Turks ceded part of Bessarabia and Moldavia to Russia, and
acknowledged the Principality of Servia, but its chief importance
in European history is that it relieved the Emperor Alexander
from an important enemy at a moment of crisis, and allowed
him to turn all his strength against the French invaders.

282 European History, 1 808-1812

The period from 1809 to 181 2, that is, from the Peace of
Vienna to the invasion of Russia, witnessed the greatest
The Greatest extension of the dominions of Napoleon. But this
Extension of enormous increase of territory did not strengthen
Empire. France ; new difficulties appeared with each fresh
x8og-x8xa. advance; and although in 181 1 the boundaries
of the French power were far more distended than they were
in 1808, the Empire was not so strong. By his annexations
Napoleon abandoned the principle which he had formerly set
before himself. He had declared that the natural boundaries
of France were the Rhine and the Alps, and every annexation
beyond those natural limits was a distinct act of defiance to
Europe. From 1806 to 1808 his policy was to surround France
with a belt of subject kingdoms ; by his annexations from 1809
to 1 81 2 his borders touched those of the great Continental
powers. In the north Napoleon accepted the abdication of
his brother Louis, who had protested against the measures
taken for maintaining the Continental Blockade, and on the
9th of July 18 10 he declared Holland an integral part of the
Empire. Holland was divided into eight departments, and
lost its existence as an independent nation. Then in pursu-
ance of the Continental Blockade, Napoleon, on the 13th of
December 1810, annexed the districts in North Germany from
the borders of Holland to the mouth of the Weser. By this
step he united the whole coast-line from Friesland to Den-
mark, and hoped to close entirely the English trade with
North Germany. The districts annexed were the Duchy of
Oldenburg, the sea-coast of Hanover, the territories of the
Princes of Salm and Aremberg, and the free cities of
Bremen, Hamburg, and Lubeck. These districts were divided
into four departments, the Ems-Supeneur, the Lippe, the
Bouches-du-Weser, and the Bouches-de-rElbe, with their
capitals at Osnabriick, Miinster, Bremen, and Hamburg.
These annexations showed what persistent opposition Napo-
leon met in Germany to the Continental Blockade, when his
own brother Louis could not maintain it in Holland, and he

Extent of Napoleon's Empire 283

was afraid to trust the coast-line of Westphalia to his brother
Jerome. Turning further south, Napoleon in 18 10 annexed
the Valais, which he had declared independent of Switzerland,
under the name of the Department of the Simplon. In Italy
the most flagrant breach of the former French system was
committed. When the kingdom of Italy was formed in 1805,
the Emperor had kept Piedmont under his own control in
order to command both sides of the Alps, and in 1810 he
preferred to amalgamate the Ligurian Republic, Parma, the
Kingdom of Etruria, and the States of the Church with his
directly-governed departments in Piedmont, rather than to
unite them to the Kingdom of Italy. These districts were
divided into nine departments, and it is curious to notice
such cities as Rome, Genoa, Parma, Florence, Siena, and
Leghorn as capitals of French departments. In all, the
French Empire at its greatest consisted of one hundred and
thirty departments directly administered from Paris, excluding
from consideration the Illyrian provinces and the Ionian
Islands, which were not treated as departments. Mention
has already been made of the subject kingdoms, and it is
only to be noted here that Murat, the famous cavalry general
and brother-in-law of Napoleon, was made King of Naples
when Joseph Bonaparte was promoted to the throne of Spain,
and that the infant son of Louis Bonaparte, the former King
of Holland, received Murat's Grand-Duchy of Berg. Napoleon
also made his favourite sister, Elisa, Grand Duchess of Tus-
cany and Princess of Lucca and Piombino ; his second sister,
Pauline, Duchess of Guastalla; and his Chief of the Staff
and most trusted subordinate, Marshal Berthier, independent
Prince of Neufchatel.

The administration of this vast empire was purely bureau-
cratic. Napoleon endeavoured to establish a hierarchy of
civil officials, who should be as completely under Internal 0r _
his direct control as the officers of his army. He ganisation of
ruled the Empire like a general. Implicit obedience ^^p 1 "-
to orders was the only means to promotion in his civil, as

284 European History, 1808- 18 12

well as in his military, organisation. He delighted in insisting
on this comparison. The Legion of Honour was not a mili-
tary order, but was conferred with equal freedom on civil
officials, and in all matters the Emperor's will could be con-
sulted and was supreme. No subjects were too minute for
his supervision. He reorganised the ancient theatrical com-
pany of the Com£die Frangaise with the same attention to
detail as a matter of State administration. The development
of a bureaucracy dependent on absolutism was in curious
contrast to the Constitution of 1791, and the theories which
had prevailed at the beginning of the French Revolution.
Freedom of petition, freedom of the press, individual liberty,
representative institutions, and all the liberties won by the
French people were entirely abolished. The censorship of
the press was re-established, and carried out with more rigour
than it had been even under the Bourbon monarchy. All
manuscripts had to be revised before being sent to the printer,
and perfectly innocent allusions, which might be interpreted
into applying condemnation of the existing order of things,
brought upon their authors immediate imprisonment, and the
destruction of their books. Individual liberty ceased to exist;
for the Emperor exiled and imprisoned at his will. The secret
police, which had been organised by Fouch£, exercised a
minute inquisition into the most private affairs, and a crowd
of spies kept the Emperor informed of every current of
opinion in Paris and throughout the Empire. The arbitrari-
ness of his government was greatly due to his sensitiveness
to public opinion, and it is narrated that during his enforced
residence in the island of Lobau he was far more exercised in
mind by his spies' reports of the conversations on the subject
in the Faubourg St. Germain than by the movements of the
Austrians. Representative institutions had been practically
superseded by the Constitution of the Year vin., but the last
vestige of a power which could criticise the Emperor's will,
the Tribunate, was suppressed in 1808. The Senate became
merely a dignified body to congratulate the Emperor on his

Napoleon and his Family 285

victories, and the Legislative Body registered, without mur-
muring, all his decrees. It is a curious fact that, in 181 1,
Napoleon imitated the most arbitrary measure of the Com-
mittee of Public Safety, and, when the price of corn rose,
he fixed a maximum price for its sale in Paris.

Next to his own absolutism Napoleon believed in the prin-
ciple of heredity. He showed this primarily in the treatment
of his own family. He not only brought his mother to
Paris, and under the title of Madame Mfere en- The Hereditary
dowed her with a large income, but bestowed on Principle,
his brothers and sisters, in spite of the marked incapacity
of many of them, the most important posts. The kingdoms
given to Joseph, Louis, and Jerome Bonaparte were accom-
panied by the intimation that they were to rule subject to his
will, and he exercised an autocratic power over all the mem-
bers of his family. For instance, he insisted that Jerome
should divorce his wife, an American lady named Patterson,
because his own consent had not been obtained, and forced
him to marry a Wurtemberg princess. His own lack of
children greatly grieved him, and he made various arrangements
as to his successor. At one time it was thought he would
nominate his step-son, Eugfene de Beauharnais; at another
he selected an infant son of his brother Louis to be his heir,
and had him baptized by the Pope just after his own corona-
tion in 1805 ; and when the infant died, he issued a decree,
arranging the succession among his brothers and their
children in order of seniority. He created his brothers,
sisters, and step-children Princes of the Empire, and gave
them honorary seats in the Senate and Council of State, and
he insisted upon his wife Josephine surrounding herself with all
the pomp of a monarchical Court. The desire of creating a
Court which should outshine that of the Bourbons caused
Napoleon to bid high for the support of the ancient noble
families of France. By bestowing large incomes, rapid pro-
motion, and repeated favours he was able to get men and
women bearing the oldest names in France to accept office as

286 European History, 1 808-1 812

chamberlains and lords and ladies-in-waiting, while many scions
of former sovereign families in Germany and the Netherlands
did not hesitate to request admission to such Court offices.
But he did not trust solely to the old nobility to form the splen-
dour of his Court ; he always suspected that they were sneering
at him, and endeavoured to counterbalance them by creating
Napoleon's a new nobility. This new nobility was formed
Aristocracy. en tirely from the men who did him good ser-
vice, whether in military or civil departments. By the side
of his marshals, most of whom he created dukes, he ranked
his chief diplomatists and ministers, and the example was
followed into inferior ranks. Good service as the prkfet of
a department led to a barony as certainly as gallant service
in the field at the head of a regiment, and former members
of the Convention, who, as Deputies on Mission, had exerted
unlimited authority, were content to accept the title of
Chevalier of the Empire, the lowest in his new peerage.
The peerage of the Empire was strictly hereditary, though in
many instances the Emperor assumed the right exercised
by former kings of granting permission to adopt an heir. But
the new peerage was purely ornamental; it conferred no
political power whatever. Napoleon never dreamt of creating
a House of Lords ; he only conceived the notion of balancing
the influence of the old aristocracy by the creation of one
dependent entirely on himself. In his desire to maintain
the dignity of his new nobles, he granted many of them large
incomes and vast estates; his marshals were encouraged to
live in the most extravagant fashion by the repeated payment
of their debts ; and the grant of a peerage was in many cases
accompanied by what he called a dotation, which supplied an
income sufficient to maintain the dignity. Some of these
' dotations ' were of princely magnificence. They were largely
situated in Italy and Poland, and were intended to make the
new possessors independent barons, like the famous paladins
of Charlemagne. Among the most important of these
grants, after the Principality of Neufchatel, which was a semi-

Napoleon's Reforms 287

independent sovereignty, may be noted the Principalities of
Benevento, Ponte Corvo, Parma, Piacenza, and Gaeta, which
were conferred upon Talleyrand, Bernadotte, Cambac£res, Le
Brun, and Gaudin. By these means Napoleon hoped to keep
his subordinates faithful to him, while their influence on
opinion would rival that exercised by the old nobility.

But while wielding an undisputed absolutism, Napoleon
looked on his position in a spirit similar to that of the
benevolent despots of the eighteenth century. Internal
Though he would do nothing by the people, he Reforms,
was ready to do much for them. In the path Law '
of legal reform he followed up the measure taken by the
formation of the Civil Code. He had plenty of learned
jurists to carry out his instructions, and the Civil Code
was succeeded, in 1806, by the Codes of Civil and Criminal
Procedure, in 1808 by the Commercial Code, and finally by
the Penal Code. These great codes form an epoch in the
legal history of Europe, and have earned for Napoleon the
title of the modern Justinian, though they were only carried
out by his directions, and based on the principles laid down,
and the work done, by the Constituent Assembly and the
Convention. Their great advantage was their simplicity and
universality, which checked the tedious delays inherent in all
systems of common or uncodified law. In jurisdiction Napo-
leon also followed the example of the statesmen of the Revo-
lution. He encouraged rapidity in procedure and in the
execution of judgments, and he greatly extended the powers
of the commercial tribunals in which practical men
of business had a voice. In financial matters, as
in his legal reforms, Napoleon's great aim was to attain
simplicity, and he reduced the loss in the passage of taxes
from the taxpayer to the Treasury to a minimum. His crea-
tion of the Bank of France has been mentioned, and by its
side he established the Caisse d'Amortissement, which con-
sisted of the pecuniary guarantees of all the collectors of the
taxes merged into one fund. These guarantees formed an

288 European History, 1808-1812

important sum of money for immediate use as well as
a valuable security. Napoleon further managed to pay off
that portion of the debt left to him by the Republic, which
represented the sums due for the suppression of the old
courts of judicature, etc With regard to the ordinary debt,
he preserved Cambon's great creation of the Grand Livre,
which enabled every creditor to become a fund-holder, while
the Emperor knew the exact extent of the public debt. The
Emperor's first steps towards the formation of a
national system of education have been described,
but it was not until after the campaign of Wagram that the
system was completed. In 1806 he had organised the Im-
perial University, but it did not take its final form until 181 1.
This university was not a university in the English sense. It
consisted of the chief professors and teachers, and was in-
tended to include all the professors and teachers throughout
France. It was placed under the superintendence of a Grand
Master, a celebrated man of letters, Fontanes, and its duty
was to superintend the whole course of higher education. In
the Emperor's own words, he wished to create a teaching
profession organised like the judicial or the military profession,
of which all the professors scattered throughout the country
might feel themselves an integral part. In 1808 he granted
the university an income of 400,000 livres, in addition to the
fees, etc., and declared in favour of the irremovability of its
members. To recruit this new teaching profession, Napoleon
established the Normal School of Paris for the instruction of
those who desired to become professors or teachers.

These great reforms in law, in finance, and in education
Extension of ou ^ aste d Napoleon's reconstitution of Europe,
the system to Their effect spread far beyond the actual limits of
Germany. France. As a direct result of the French Revolu-
tion serfdom disappeared in Switzerland, in Belgium, and in
Northern Italy. Napoleon carried on the work further to the
east. In the Kingdom of Westphalia, and in all the states of
Germany which he created or enlarged, serfdom was entirely

Progress of Reform in Europe 289

abolished. The feudal system was suppressed wherever the
influence of the French extended. Maximilian Joseph, King
of Bavaria, and his minister, Montgelas, carried out the prin-
ciples of the French Revolution by abolishing the privileges of
the nobility and the clergy. In every direction the French
codes were either adopted or imitated ; the course of justice
was made simple and cheap ; education was organised ; and
the economical rules of the French administration introduced.
In more distant countries the same reforms were carried out.
By the constitution of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw the Polish
serfs, perhaps the most miserable of all serfs, were freed from
their .bondage, and absolute equality before the law decreed.
In Naples Joseph Bonaparte and Murat, and in Spain Joseph
Bonaparte by himself, carried out the same great reforms ;
and though the reaction after 181 5 tended to replace matters
on their former footing, it proved to be impossible to restore
the old evils in their entirety. Not less admirable was
Napoleon's vindication of the great principle of religious
toleration. In Catholic states such as Bavaria Protestants
received the priceless boon of religious liberty ; in Protestant
states like Saxony it was the Catholics who profited by the
broad-mindedness of the French Emperor; and in every
country the Jews were relieved from the degrading position
in which they had been kept. In military organisation the
reforms which had made the French army master of the
world were introduced by Napoleon. With the disappear-
ance of the petty German states disappeared also the feudal
armies. Conscription may, indeed, appear a heavy burden
on a state, but in Germany, at any rate, it created for the
first time national armies to take the place of the ill-disciplined
mercenaries who had hitherto been hired by the petty princes.
The most curious feature in the creation of a new Germany,
which was the result of Napoleon's reforms as ^

, - , . . . f . r The Organi-

much as of his victories, was the formation of new sation of
Prussia. In Germany proper, that is, in Germany Prussia -
between the Rhine and the Elbe, reforms were introduced

PERIOD VII. T

290 European History, 1808- 18 12

under French supervision, if not always by French agents.
In Prussia the reforms came on the initiative of a great
minister. The speedy overthrow of the famed Prussian
army in the campaign of Jena convinced Prussian statesmen
of the necessity for sweeping changes. By the Treaty of Tilsit
Prussia was shorn of all the acquisitions in Central Ger-
many which she had received as the price of her consistent
neutrality, and was thrust behind the Elbe. On the other
side she lost her Polish provinces. Even the small Prussia
thus left was occupied by French troops, and was forced to
pay a war contribution of a hundred and forty millions as well
as to maintain an army of 42,000 men for the service of
Napoleon. It would seem that Prussia was to be driven
back into the position of a second-rate state, but at this junc-
ture Frederick William in. summoned to his ministry two
remarkable men — the Freiherr vom Stein, a Knight of the
Holy Roman Empire and a native of Nassau, and Scharn-
horst, a Hanoverian officer. Neither of these men were
Prussians, but they were both enthusiastic Germans. They
believed that Prussia would yet form the key-stone on which
German emancipation from the power of Napoleon could be
reared. They understood that Prussia must be entirely re-
constituted, and that an old-fashioned Prussia could neither
combat Napoleon nor lead the new Germany which he had
created. Stein, therefore, as Minister of the Interior, adapted
the reforms of the French Revolution and of Napoleon to
Prussia. He established equality before the law by the
abolition of serfdom, he suppressed the territorial privileges
of the nobility, and he gave permission to the bourgeois
and the peasants to purchase land. He encouraged muni-
cipal life by introducing a system of election to municipal
offices, and, as far as he could, abolished the social privileges
of the nobility. Scharnhorst, as War Minister, reorganised the
Prussian army on the French model. He changed it from
an entity independent of the people into a national army.
Since Prussia was only permitted to maintain an army of

Revival of German Patriotism 291

42,000 men, he arranged that as many as possible should
obtain a military training by passing through the ranks for a
short period. He went further than Napoleon. He did not
adopt a system of conscription by which a portion of the
population designed by lot should enter the ranks, but in-
sisted that every citizen was bound to military service. Be-
tween 1807 and 1810, and the system was continued after his
retirement until 1813, Scharnhorst passed a large proportion
of the youth of Prussia through the ranks of the army, and
thus formed — what Napoleon so greatly needed at the crisis
of his career — an effective reserve. It is interesting to
observe that it was in the country most maltreated by Napo-
leon that the French reforms were most successfully initiated.
Napoleon perceived the danger, and in 1808 he insisted on
the dismissal of Stein, and in 1810 on that of Scharnhorst.

It is a curious sequel to the benefits conferred upon Ger-
many by Napoleon directly and by the influence The revival
of French principles that their result was to rouse of German
in Germany, for the first time for many centuries, {*£?***
a truly national feeling. This was caused chiefly
by the suppression of the Holy Roman Empire, and its being
replaced by states large enough to arouse national patriotism ;
but it was partly due also to a sense of national degradation
inspired by the presence of French armies, and to the fact
that the benefits conferred were the gift of a foreign sovereign
and not the result of national progress. A universal feeling
of opposition to the French grew up in the hearts of the
German people. The individualist doctrines, which found
favour in the eighteenth century and reached their highest
expression in philosophers and poets, such as Herder and
Goethe, gave way to a new national sentiment, inspired by a
new school of poets and political thinkers represented by
Korner and Arndt, by Jahn and Friedrich von Gentz. The
new spirit was mainly developed among the German youth.
Secret societies and clubs were formed to obtain by force the
freedom of Germany from the French, and the dissatisfied

292 European History \ 1 808-1 8 12

squIs forgot the benefits they had received individually in
their resentment at their being granted by France. Austria
under the administration of Count Philip Stadion, who was
largely inspired by Gentz, endeavoured, in 1809, to take
advantage of the revival of German national feeling. But
Austria was universally considered as a foreign power whose
military prowess was derived from Hungary, and the Emperor
Francis in taking the new title of Emperor of Austria gave
countenance to this idea. The House of Hapsburg was not
regarded as thoroughly German; it was looked on as a
foreign dynasty, whose dominions were mainly inhabited by
non-German races ; its loyalty to the Roman Catholic religion
caused it to be suspected by the Protestants ; it was blamed
for the disorganisation of past centuries ; and contemned for
its repeated defeats by the French and its selfish policy at the
time of the treaties of Campo-Formio and LuneVille.

Prussia, on the other hand, though, like Austria, it was not
a truly German state, seemed fitted by history and tradition
to embody the idea of German nationality. Even after the
defeat of Jena, Frederick the Great and his victory over the
French at Rossbach were recalled as distinctively German
glories, and the eyes of patriotic Germans were turned to the
diminished power of Prussia as the natural lever for the
creation of a free Germany. The administrative system of
Prussia and its strongly concentrated political theory of the
essential unity of the State, as opposed to the new French
idea of the omnipotence of the people, which was condemned
in German eyes as having led to the absolutism of an adven-
turer, had always exercised a peculiar fascination over the
best intellects of Germany. It was by means of statesmen of
foreign birth that Prussia was reorganised and prepared to
cope successfully with the power of Napoleon. Stein and
Hardenberg, Scharnhorst and Gneisenau, York and Lombard
were none of them native Prussians ; yet they were all in turn
attracted into the Prussian service, and were instrumental in
bringing about her resurrection as a German power. The

Second Marriage of Napoleon 293

war of 1809 first showed Napoleon that he was soon to have
a national feeling to deal with in Germany as well as in Spain.
While Napoleon was in the neighbourhood of Vienna a Prus-
sian lieutenant of the name of Katt attempted to seize Magde-
burg; a Prussian major named Schill pillaged the arsenal
and treasury of the Duke of Anhalt, who had often ex-
pressed his outspoken admiration for the French Emperor,
and invaded Saxony; and the fourth son of the Duke of
Brunswick, the heir to the duchy which had been absorbed
in the kingdom of Westphalia, raised his Black Legion, which
he termed the Army of Vengeance, and carried on a partisan
war. Even the person of Napoleon was not safe in Germany.
A lad named Staps was shot for imagining an attack on his
life at Schonbrunn in 1809, and many other conspiracies were
discovered by the French police. Napoleon despised this
ebullition of popular feeling in Germany, just as he did in
Spain, and the measures which he took against it, such as
arbitrary arrests, and the shooting of the bookseller Palm,
only exasperated the new national patriotism.

The Emperor, as has been said, was a great believer in the
hereditary idea, and his not having children to Marriage of
succeed him was more than a personal, it was a N ?P° leon .

_ . . _ . . \__ ' . _ with Mane

political subject of gnef to him. The campaign of Louise, and
Wagram had raised him to the height of his A P rill8xo -
power, and he wished to establish his dynasty on a firm foun-
dation. It was therefore for personal, for political, and for
European motives, that he resolved on his return from Vienna
in 1809 to divorce his wife, the Empress Josephine. It was
from no dislike for his wife, but from a stern conviction of
political necessity that he took this step. He insisted, that
Josephine should preserve her title of Empress, he granted
her Malmaison as her palace, with a large income, and he
continued his favours to his step-children, Eugene de
Beauharnais, and Hortense, the wife of his brother Louis
Bonaparte. On the 15th of December 1809 the divorce
was pronounced on the ground that the religious marriage,

294 European History \ 1808- 18 12

which had taken place on the day before his coronation as
Emperor, was not valid because of the absence of witnessses.
The Emperor's first intention was to wed a Russian grand-
duchess. He was still enamoured of his idea of dividing
the world with the Emperor Alexander, and considered that
a relationship with that monarch would best ensure his
power. But the Emperor Alexander was beginning to throw
off his infatuation for Napoleon. He now perceived, that in the
alliance he had made, he gave more than he got, and various
causes of discontent were sedulously fomented by his Court
and his family. It was further the custom of the Russian
Court for the mothers to have the chief choice in the dispos-
ing of their daughters' hands. Now the Empress-mother
was a princess of the House of Wtirtemburg, and had
imbibed a profound hatred for the French Emperor. She
persuaded her son to throw various delays in the path of the
Emperor's desires without actually rejecting his offer. Under
these circumstances, Napoleon abruptly changed his mind,
and at the suggestion, it is said, of Prince Schwartzenberg,
the Austrian ambassador at Paris, demanded the hand of an
Austrian archduchess. The Emperor Francis thought it
necessary to yield, and on the 2nd of April 18 10, the
marriage took place between the French Emperor and the
young Archduchess Marie Louise. The ceremony was of
the utmost magnificence, and a new Court was formed for
the new Empress, which contained many French nobles who
had refused to wait on Josephine. On the 20th of March
181 1, a son was born to the French Emperor who was
created in his cradle King of Rome, and this birth was
regarded by Napoleon as finally cementing his power, both
in France and in Europe.

During the period from the Treaty of Vienna in 1809 to

The Penin- the invasion of Russia in 181 2, Napoleon had but

suiarWar, one declared enemy. The English Ministers,

x8xo-i8xa. despite the overthrow of Austria* and Prussia, and

the alliance between France and Russia, persisted in opposing

A ttitude of England 295

France. Just as Pitt and Grenville could not believe in the
stability of the various French revolutionary governments,
and therefore maintained the impossibility of concluding
permanent peace with France, so their successors, Wellesley and
Castlereagh, also declined to believe in the stability of
Napoleon's Empire, and argued that no permanent peace
could be made with him. It is just possible, that while
Fox was in office in 1806, a peace might have been con-
cluded, but the succession of his victories had inspired
Napoleon with a belief in his own invincibility, and he had no
idea of negotiating on any basis but the complete recogni-
tion of his reconstitution of Europe. Finding it impossible
to break the naval power of England, he endeavoured to
ruin her commerce by the Continental Blockade, with the
result of increasing England's prosperity, and turning the
people of the Continent against him.

Two methods of carrying on the war were supported by
Castlereagh and Canning, who were Secretaries of State in
the Portland administration from 1807 to 1809. Canning
believed in rousing the national feeling of invaded states
against the universal conqueror, and for this purpose sent
large sums of money to Spain ; Castlereagh, on the other
hand, thought that as France could no longer meet England
at sea, England must meet France on the land. This was
the theory which lay at the bottom of the despatch of the
first Portuguese and of the Walcheren Expeditions, and in
spite of the failure of the latter, it has since been recognised
as a correct theory. The victory of Wellington at Talavera,
though it had but little actual result on the course of the
war in Spain, kept Portugal free from French invasion during
the year 1809. But it did more, it inspired the English govern-
ing class with the belief that they had at last discovered the
right way of fighting Napoleon, and that they had also found
a general. Lord Wellesley, the elder brother of Wellington,
who was Foreign Secretary from 1809 to 181 2, supported the
new system with all his might, and under his encouragement

296 European History, 1808-18 12

Wellington slowly formed the Anglo-Portuguese army by a
series of campaigns into a magnificent fighting machine,
which, though smaller in numbers than the Grand Army of
France, equalled it in discipline and military efficiency.

Napoleon, after his successes in 1808, despised the Spanish
levies and the English army. He therefore declined to go in
person to the Peninsula, and sent his greatest
o*i8io! i8rn marsna l> Massena, to drive the English out of
Portugal. A plan of campaign was formed, by
which Massena was to penetrate Portugal from the north-east,
while Soult was to advance from Andalusia in the south-east.
The two marshals were to meet at Lisbon. Fortunately for
Wellington, not only did Soult not agree with Massena, but
the latter marshal found it impossible to control his subor-
dinates, Ney, Junot, and Reynier. Massdna nevertheless
marched in the summer of 181 o, and Wellington had to fall
back before him. On September 27th, Massena was repulsed
in an attack upon the Anglo-Portuguese position at Busaco,
but the English general felt it necessary to retreat further, to
the lines which he had fortified in the neighbourhood of
Lisbon, which are known as the lines of Torres Vedras. As
Wellington retired, the Portuguese devastated their country,
and when Mass£na came to a halt in front of the lines of
Torres Vedras, he found it most difficult to maintain himself
on account of the scarcity of provisions. Soult did not come
to his help as he had expected, but only advanced as far as
the city of Badajoz, which he captured. Throughout the winter
of 1810-11, Massena remained in front of Wellington, but,
in spite of reinforcements, he was unable to attack the
Anglo-Portuguese lines, and in the spring of 181 1, had to
retreat into Spain.

Wellington then divided his army ; with one portion he

followed Massena, and laid siege to Almeida, the other he

Campaign despatched under Marshal Beresford to form the

pfi8n. s iege of Badajoz. In the south of Spain, the

only city which held for the Junta was Cadiz, which was

The Peninsular War 297

defended by an Anglo-Spanish army. Marshal Victor was in
charge of the besieging force, which was defeated at Barrosa
on the 5th of March 181 1. In spite of this diversion,
Wellington had to meet fresh advances by the main armies
of Soult and Masse*na. On the 5th of May 181 1, he repulsed
Massena at Fuentes de Onor after a hard-fought battle, which
Masse*na might have won had he been properly supported
by Marshal Bessieres. In the south, Soult was repulsed by
Beresford at the battle of Albuera on May 16th. After having
thus once more freed Portugal from French invasions, Well-
ington laid siege successively to Ciudad-Rodrigo and Badajoz.
Though these border fortresses remained in French hands,
the valour of the Anglo-Portuguese army surprised Napoleon,
who recalled Massdna in disgrace. But in the east of Spain
his generals met with some success. Suchet in 18 10 and
181 1 reduced Arragon and Valencia, took many fortresses,
and destroyed the Spanish army in that quarter, under the
command of General Blake, at the battle of Albufera.
Throughout central Spain, though no regular Spanish armies
took the field, the French were harassed by the Spanish
guerillas. These patriotic brigands destroyed the morale of
the French troops in Spain and sapped the strength of
Napoleon. All the benefits conferred by Joseph Bonaparte,
the abolition of feudalism and of the Inquisition, religious
tolerance and good laws, counted for nothing. The Spaniards
would receive no benefits from a French monarch imposed
on them by Napoleon, and it was in Spain that Napoleon
first felt the effect of a national opposition, which was at a
later date in Russia and in Germany to destroy his power.

The period from the Conference of Erfurt to the invasion of
Russia seemed to mark the height of Napoleon's power, but
during it are to be perceived the symptoms of the
changes which led to his fall. At Erfurt, Alex-
ander of Russia was still his firm ally. His power was
bounded by subject kingdoms, and divided by them from
the great states of Europe. In France he was still regarded

298 European History \ 1 808-1812

as the restorer of order and the supporter of religion. By
181 2 the situation had changed. The Emperor Alexander
was no longer his admirer and faithful ally. The vast exten-
sion of the Empire had weakened his power, and the French
people were beginning to discover how dearly they were pay-
ing in the sacrifice of their individual liberty for the glory of
one man. His wanton interference in Spain had raised a new
force against him in the shape of the resistance of a nation,
and had afforded the English an opportunity to meet him on
land. In Germany, too, a national spirit was rising, and
Prussia, which he had maltreated, was reorganised, and ready
to set itself at the head of Germany. But there was one
cause yet more significant which was developed during this
period — the character of his soldiers was altered. The
Grand Army, which had consisted of veterans trained in the
wars of the Revolution, had wasted away at Austerlitz and
Jena, Eylau and Friedland, and in the Spanish campaigns.
At Wagram he felt how different were the men under his com-
mand, and was forced to depend largely on foreign contin-
gents, of whose fidelity he could not be certain; and he
was to find in 181 2 that the conscripts of the Empire, though
full of military ardour and desirous of rivalling the fame of
their predecessors, had not the physical strength, the solidity,
and the experience of the veterans who had made him
Emperor of the French and Master of Europe.

CHAPTER X
1812-1814

Causes of Growing Disagreement between Alexander and Napoleon— Inter-
vention of Castlereagh and Bernadotte — The Attitude and Internal Policy
of Prussia — Invasion of Russia by Napoleon — Battle of Borodino— Retreat
of the French from Russia — Campaign of 1812 in the Peninsula— Battle
of Salamanca— Policy of Bernadotte — Prussia declares War— First Cam-
paign of 18 13 in Saxony — Armistice of Pies witz— Convention of Reichen-
bach— Congress of Prague — Austria declares War— Second Campaign of
18 13 in Saxony— Battle of Dresden — Treaty of Toplitz — Battle of Leipzig
—General Insurrection of Germany against Napoleon— Campaign of 1813
in the Peninsula— Battle of Vittoria— Wellington's Invasion of France —
Negotiations for Peace— Proposals of Frankfort — The Allies invade France
— Napoleon's first Defensive Campaign of 18 14— Other Movements against
Napoleon— Bernadotte — Holland — Battle of Orthez— Italy— Congress of
Chatillon — Attitude of France towards Napoleon — Treaty of Chaumont —
Napoleon's Second Defensive Campaign of 18 14 — Occupation of Paris by
the Allies — The Policy of Talleyrand — The Provisional Government-
Alexander's Speech to the French Senate— Napoleon declared to be no
longer Emperor— Abdication of Napoleon — Provisional Treaty of Paris-
Battle of Toulouse— Arrival of Louis xviii., and his Assumption of the
Throne of France— First Treaty of Paris.

The causes of the disagreement between Napoleon and the
Emperor Alexander dated back to the Treaty of Tilsit
At that time, though personally full of enthusiasm Gradual dis-
for the French conqueror, Alexander looked with agreement be-
suspicion on the formation of the Grand Duchy andcr and
of Warsaw as a possible first step towards the Napoleon,
restoration of Poland. Napoleon pointed out to him that he
could obtain compensation in the direction of Sweden and of
Turkey — a suggestion which led to the conquest of Finland
and eventually of Bessarabia. Though Alexander carried out
the projects proposed to him, he continued to resent the

299

300 European History, 1812-1814

creation of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, and still more the
maintenance of French troops in that quarter. At the Congress
of Erfurt Napoleon to some degree allayed the suspicions of
his ally, but on his return to Russia there can be no doubt that
Alexander looked upon himself as duped and badly treated.
The war of 1809 widened the breach. Napoleon complained
that the Russian troops promised for his assistance had not
acted with vigour, and Alexander regarded with open dis-
content the cession of part of Austrian Galicia to the Grand
Duchy of Warsaw. The dethronement of the Duke of Olden-
burg, who had married Alexander's favourite sister, the Grand
Duchess Catherine, and the absorption of his Duchy into the
French Empire, in 18 10, was another and more personal cause
of disagreement. The delay in granting a Russian grand
duchess to him in marriage was looked on by Napoleon as
a personal slight, and his interference in Spain appeared to
the Russian Emperor a sign that Napoleon could maltreat even
his most faithful ally. The carrying out of the Continental
Blockade embittered the situation. Napoleon complained
that the Russians did not adhere loyally to the arrangement
for the exclusion of English commerce. Alexander on his
side complained that his country was being ruined by the
blockade, while the French Emperor granted many licences
to Frenchmen to trade with England.

To these political reasons must be added the personal char-
acters of the two emperors. Napoleon, though he had spoken
at Tilsit of dividing Europe between France and Russia,
began, as his power increased, to devise schemes for secur-
ing the Empire of Europe for himself and the exclusion
of Russia from any share. Instead of restoring the Empires
of the East and West, Napoleon arrogated to himself the
position of ruler of Europe, and spoke of thrusting Russia
back into Asia. In these views he was encouraged by many
of those surrounding him. His marshals, finding no profits
to be got from Spain, looked forward to enriching themselves
in Russia. His statesmen, either from motives of their own

Policy of Castlereagh 301

or to please his personal wishes, declared that France could
not be safe until Russia was crushed. Alexander on his side
was surrounded by bitter enemies of Napoleon. His ministers
never wearied of emphasizing the ruin caused to Russia by
the Continental Blockade. The King of Prussia, whom he
had made his personal friend, pleaded for the complete
restoration of his dominions. His family, and especially his
mother, regarded Napoleon as the enemy of the human race;
English agents were perpetually inciting the Russians to de-
clare for commercial freedom ; and three of the most accom-
plished and most able statesmen in Europe constantly urged
him to war with France, namely, Stein, whom Napoleon had
ordered the King of Prussia to dismiss ; Pozzo di Borgo, a
Corsican, who had known Napoleon in his youth, and who
hated him as a personal enemy ; and Nesselrode, a skilled
diplomatist and an intimate friend of Metternich.

These various causes, both political and personal, might not
then have led to war had it not been for the direct intervention
of the English by means of the new Prince Royal of Sweden,
Bernadotte. Lord Castlereagh, in January 181 2, returned to
office. He advocated the carrying on of the war p ii C yof
against Napoleon, not only by reinforcing Well- Castlereagh.
ington in the Peninsula, but by subsidizing the monarchs of
the Continent. He therefore despatched three diplomatists
to the three chief courts of the Continent, to endeav-
our to form a fresh coalition against Napoleon. These were
his brother, Sir Charles Stewart, ambassador to Berlin, Lord
Aberdeen to Vienna, and Lord Cathcart to St. Petersburg.
Lord Cathcart was a distinguished military officer, and
strenuously urged Alexander to declare war, and he brought
with him several English officers to assist in reorganizing the
Russian army, of whom the best known is Sir Robert Wilson.
But it was rather through Sweden than directly that Castle-
reagh influenced the Emperor Alexander. Bernadotte, on
being elected Prince Royal, had applied to Sweden the
Continental Blockade against England, but he soon perceived

302 European History, 1812-1814

how ruinous that policy was to his new country, and inclined
to make some arrangement with England. Being unable
to break with Napoleon by himself, Bernadotte acted as
the intermediary between England and Russia, and in April
181 2 signed a secret treaty with Alexander at Abo, by which
Sweden renounced all claims on Finland on condition that
Russia should promise Norway in its stead. Both England
and Russia approved of this scheme. Frederick vi. of Den-
mark, who had succeeded his father, Christian vn., in 1808,
had, after the capture of the Danish fleet in 1807, formed a
most intimate alliance with Napoleon, and Alexander at Abo
held out to Bernadotte, not only a hope that he might have
the whole of Denmark as a result of successful war against
the French, but even an expectation that he might eventually
receive the throne of France as a reward for his services. Not
less important than the English intervention in Sweden was
the effect of English influence in Turkey ; for it was through
English mediation that the Treaty of Bucharest was signed
in May 181 2, which allowed the Emperor of Russia to concen-
trate all his military power against Napoleon.

Between France and Russia there remained, however,
Austria, Poland, and Prussia. Though Napoleon's direct do-
Prussia. main extended to Liibeck along the coast, he had
^Harien^ not venture ^ to annex Germany proper, which lies
berg. between the Elbe and the Rhine, or to accept the

title of German Emperor, in addition to that of the Emperor
of the French and King of Italy, as had been suggested by the
Prince Primate, Dalberg. Yet Germany proper, owing to his
creation of the Confederation of the Rhine and the Kingdom
of Westphalia, was so thoroughly under his influence that,
from a military point of view, it might be regarded as part of
his Empire. Austria, Poland, and Prussia were, however, more
independent, and his first effort, when he decided to attack
Russia, was to secure their active co-operation. The Emperor
Francis, since the campaign of Wagram, had abandoned the
idea of resistance. He teared and disliked the Russians;

Reforms in Prussia 303

Napoleon was his son-in-law, and he did not intend to oppose
his wishes. He therefore promised willingly enough that an
Austrian army should invade Russia to the south of the direct
French invasion. In the Grand Duchy of Warsaw the Poles
cared little for their Grand Duke, the King of Saxony ; they
looked to Napoleon for the restoration of their complete
independence, and delighted in the thought of striking a
blow at their old foes, the Russians. In Prussia the position
was more complicated. Reduced as the kingdom was, the
reforms of Stein and Scharnhorst had created a national feel-
ing, which could not as yet be utilised in attacks on the
French soldiers who occupied the Prussian fortresses. Stein
himself had been driven from Prussia by Napoleon's orders,
but a successor, Hardenberg, completed his work. It is
significant that when Hardenberg was reappointed State
Chancellor in 1810, he did not undertake the Foreign
Office, as he had done in 1806, but the ministries of the
Finance and the Interior. It was Hardenberg who in 1810
made the nobles subject to taxation, and brought Stein's pro-
mised Representative Assemblies into partial use; who, on
23rd January 181 1, suppressed the Teutonic Order, and made
its possessions part of the national domain ; and who, on nth
September 181 1, achieved the logical result of Stein's edict
abolishing serfdom by granting the peasants power to become
absolute proprietors of two-thirds of their holdings on sur-
rendering the other third to the lords in full recognition of
all feudal dues and servitudes.

Hardenberg's most ardent coadjutor was William von Hum-
boldt. As Stein and Hardenberg had done the work of
the French Revolution in Prussia by abolishing feudalism
and securing equality before the law, so William von Hum-
boldt established a national system of education in many
respects similar to Napoleon's creation in France, and
reformed the whole department of public instruction. At
the head of the system was founded the University of Berlin.
Prussia had deeply felt the. loss of the University of Halle

304 European History, 1812-1814

when that city was separated from Prussia by the Treaty of
Tilsit. Konigsberg, though made famous by Kant, was too
distant from the centre of the reduced kingdom to fill its
place, and the new national spirit was concentrated in the
new University of Berlin. Learned men came from all parts
of Germany. Savigny, Fichte, Wolf, Buttmann, Boeckh,
Schleiermacher, and Niebuhr all enrolled themselves as
professors; and Germany, not merely Prussia, found a
worthy representative in the world of thought.

In the resurrection of Prussia King Frederick William in.
merely acquiesced in the reforms of Stein and Hardenberg.
But his former leaning to neutrality had given place to a
desire for revenge on the French. In July 1 810 he lost his
patriotic wife, Queen Louise, and her death only exasperated
his feelings. Nevertheless, he refused to declare himself on the
side of Russia in 18 12. The Emperor Alexander announced
his policy of allowing the French to invade, and his intention
of thus drawing Napoleon far from his base, and Frederick
William felt that he was not strong enough to openly oppose
the French Emperor. He was even constrained by the occu-
pation of his fortresses to go further, and, on 24th February
181 2, he signed an offensive and defensive alliance with
Napoleon. By this treaty Prussia was not only to feed the
French armies passing through her dominions to invade
Russia, but to send an army of 30,000 men to act with
them. Alexander was not displeased by this behaviour. He
knew that Prussia could not help itself; he felt a sincere
friendship for the hapless king ; he understood that beneath
the surface, not only Prussia, but all Germany was boiling
with indignation against the French; and in 181 2, when war
was at hand, he summoned the inspirer of German national
feeling, the great Prussian minister, Stein, from his exile in
Austria to become his adviser and coadjutor in his German
policy.

Without any actual declaration of war, Russia entered into
negotiations with England, and Napoleon assembled a vast army

Napoleon Invades Russia 365

on the banks of the Vistula. In May 181 2 he entered Ger-
many to take the command, and at Dresden had interviews
with the King of Prussia and the Emperor of Thc Inva8ion
Austria. Of the 325,000 men with whom he of Russia,
crossed the river Nie'men and invaded Russia May x8ia *
only 155,000 were French; the remainder were foreign con-
tingents. He detached to his left Marshal Macdonald, with
the Prussian contingent and some Westphalians and Poles, to
attack Riga and advance on St. Petersburg, with the hope of
joining Bernadotte and the Swedes; he was supported on- his
right by the Austrian subsidiary force, and with the centre of his
army he advanced in person into Lithuania. That province
being occupied, Napoleon crossed the Dnieper, and on the
1 8th of August he took Smolensk, in spite of the efforts of a
Russian army of 80,000 men to cover the city. On his
extreme right the Austrian army, under Prince Schwartzen-
berg, was checked by the arrival of the Russian army, set free
by the Peace of Bucharest, The Russian generals, Barclay de
Tolly and Bagration, in the centre, steadily retreated.

This military policy soon reduced the efficiency and numbers
of the French army ; for it ^was drawn further from its base
into a barren country, m which it was harassed by peasants
and guerillas, and it was necessary to leave large divisions to
protect the communications. The Emperor Alexander had
approved of this policy, and as the Russian army retired
the people abandoned their villages, as the Portuguese had
done during the invasion of Massdna in 1810. But
the Russian soldiers grumbled at this politic retreat, and
the Emperor Alexander resolved to strike one blow for his
capital. Barclay de Tolly was replaced by Kutuzov, and the
Russian army suddenly halted on the banks of the Moskova.
On the 7th of September a most terrible battle Battleof
was fought there, which is known as the battle of Borodino.
Borodino. The Russians are said to have lost ^ Sept< x8ia *
50,000 men, including General Bagration, and it is certain
that the French lost more than 30,000. Nevertheless, the

PERIOD VII. u

306 European History \ 1 8 1 2- 1 8 1 4

French loss was proportionately the most ; for Napoleon was
far away from any reinforcements, whereas the Russians were
fighting in their fatherland. On the 14th of September the
French army occupied Moscow. On the 16th, either by acci-
dent or on purpose, fire broke out in the Russian capital. It
raged for three days and three nights, and more than three-
fifths of the city was utterly destroyed. The Emperor Alexander
then entered into negotiations with Napoleon, and, whether he
intended it or not, he kept the French Emperor from moving
until too late for his safety. It was not until the 15th of
October that Napoleon saw that negotiating was waste of time,
and started from Moscow. The winter was an early one. Snow
fell heavily. When Smolensk was reached, it was found that
all the provisions stored there had been destroyed. The re-
treating army, now in a state of disorganisation, was hunted
through the country, not only by the Russian soldiers, but by
the peasantry returning to their homes. Marshal Ney covered
the retreat, and won on this occasion his title of ' the bravest
of the brave.' Napoleon, on being informed that a con-
spiracy against him, headed by General Malet, had been dis-
covered in Paris, left the retreating army early in December.
After his departure the cold increased. The retreat became a
rout ; Murat, who succeeded to the command, could not keep
the army together ; and but very few of the 155,000 French-
men who had invaded Russia recrossed the river Nie*men.

While Napoleon was wrecking one army in Russia, Welling-
Campaign in ton was defeating another French army in Spain,
the Peninsula. Marmont, who had succeeded Mass£na, failed
x8xa * to prevent the fall of Ciudad Rodrigo in January,

or that of Badajoz in April, and after a long course of intricate
Battle of manoeuvres, gave Wellington the opportunity to

Salamanca. attack and defeat him at the battle of Salamanca,
aad July i8m. j u i y 2 2> x 8 1 2 . The victory was complete. Joseph
Bonaparte evacuated Madrid, and withdrawing all his troops
from Andalusia fell back behind the Ebro. Wellington occu-
pied Madrid on August 12, and then with his main army

The Policy of Bernadotte 307

advanced on Burgos. Burgos, however, resisted all his assaults.
The Anglo-Portuguese army had to retire once more into
Portugal, and Joseph Bonaparte for the last time returned to
his capital. While this campaign was being fought Lord
William Bentinck, who commanded the English garrison in
Sicily, was requested to send troops to the eastern coast of
Spain to effect a diversion. But the operations were badly
combined ; Sir John Murray was driven from before Tarragona ;
and at a subsequent date Lord William Bentinck himself failed
to make an impression on Suchet's army at Alicante. The
victory of Salamanca was a proof of the insecure foundation
on which the throne of Joseph Bonaparte rested. Owing to it
alone he had to leave Madrid, and evacuate the whole of
southern Spain ; the military policy of the English ministers
was justified; and though Salamanca cannot be compared
with the disasters in Russia, it yet had its effect in showing
the increasing weakness of the French military power.

The retreat of the French and their passage of the Ni&nen
enabled Prussia to throw off the mask of alliance Prussia dc-
with France. The Prussian contingent, amount- ^S^M^ch
ing to 18,000 men, had been placed under the 18x3.
command of Marshal Macdonald, and was occupied in the
siege of Riga. Napoleon had hoped that this detached army
upon his left would be joined by Bernadotte at the head of
the Swedes. But Bernadotte, as has been seen, had forgotten
his French nationality in accepting the position of heir to the
Swedish throne. His first idea was to make himself popular
in Sweden by securing the conquest of Norway to take the
place of Finland, and behind it lay the hope of possibly suc-
ceeding Napoleon himself. In his original communications
with the Emperor Alexander, he had demanded the assistance
of a Russian army for the conquest of Norway as the price of
his adhesion to the coalition against Napoleon. When
Alexander would not make a definite promise, Bernadotte
applied to his former sovereign in June 181 2, and promised
to assist in the French invasion of Russia, if Napoleon would

308 European History, 1812-1814

guarantee to him the possession of Norway. But the French
Emperor would make no compact with his former marshal,
and hoped that he would lend his assistance to the occupation
of St. Petersburg in return for vague promises. Bernadotte
therefore remained neutral, and Macdonald, without the
expected help from Sweden, could get no further than Riga*
The retreat of the main French army from Moscow made it
necessary for Macdonald likewise to fall back, and in the
course of his retreat the Prussian contingent, under the com-
mand of General York, deserted, and that general signed the
Convention of Tauroggen, on 30th December 181 2, by which
he abandoned France without definitely declaring himself
upon the side of Russia. Macdonald, with his Westphalians
and Poles, managed to leave Russia in safety, and to join the
remnants of the main army. But the desertion of York was
a symptom of what was to follow. Stein summoned the
Estates of East Prussia at Konigsberg ; the Prussians rose en
masse, and the French army, pursued by the Russian troops
and these new enemies, retreated behind the Vistula.

Frederick William of Prussia at last threw off the mask, and,
on the 7th of February 1813, he called out the reserve which
had been formed by the skilful military policy of Scharnhorst,
and ordered the Landwehr and the Landsturm to join the
colours; on 27th February he signed the Treaty of Kalisch
with Russia, promising alliance ; on 1 6th March he declared
war against France ; and he joined the headquarters of his
friend Alexander, and lived in his company until the termina-
tion of the war. Prussian enthusiasm grew to its height ; the
reserves fell in from every city and district, and the broken
French army, which was now left under the command of
Eugene de Beauharnais, retreated first behind the Oder and
then behind the Elbe, leaving powerful garrisons in Dantzic,
Stettin, and the chief Prussian fortresses. The Russians of
the army of the right pursued vigorously, and after driving
the French from Berlin, the Russian generals, Chernishev
and Tetterborn, took Hamburg. The resurrection of Prussia

First Campaigti 0/1813 in Saxony 309

and the rapid retreat of the French caused Bernadotte to
declare himself openly on the side of the allies, and he crossed
the Baltic and entered Germany at the head of a Swedish
army of 12,000 men. The King of Prussia's declaration of
war with France was received with enthusiasm. Two separate
Prussian armies were formed, the first under Bulow to act
with the Swedes, and the Russian army of the right, and to
defend Berlin, the other under Blucher in Silesia to co-operate
with the second invading army of the left from Russia. The
command in chief of this latter army was, after the death of
Kutuzov in May, conferred on Barclay de Tolly, while Witt-
genstein commanded the Russian contingent.

In the spring of 181 3 Napoleon started for Germany to
face the new coalition. His Westphalian, First c a m-
Bavarian, and Saxon allies were still true to paignofi8i3.
him and increased their contingents. He called to his assist-
ance the old soldiers who were employed in the garrisons of
Holland and Northern Germany, and he raised a large num-
ber of fresh conscripts, who, in spite of their youth and
inexperience, were at once directed upon Germany. At the
head of 250,000 men, eventually increased to 300,000, he
invaded Saxony. He defeated Wittgenstein at Lutzen or
Gross Gorschen on the 2d of May, at which battle his friend,
Marshal Bessiferes was killed, and Scharnhorst was mortally
wounded, and re-occupied Saxony. He defeated the whole of
the allied army of Silesia at Bautzen on the 20th of May, and
established his headquarters at Dresden. Meanwhile Van-
damme had recaptured Hamburg, and, after placing it. in a
state of defence, joined the Emperor in Saxony. After these
vigorous blows both sides desired a rest, and on Armisticc of
the 3d of June the Armistice of Pleswitz was Pieswit*. 3d
signed, and it was agreed that a congress should Junc x8x3 '
be held at Prague to consider if terms of peace could not be
arranged. The important point to be decided at Prague was
the position to be adopted by Austria ; and both sides pre-
pared to offer a high price for her active assistance, for her

310 European History, 1812-1814

intervention would probably settle the result of the war.
Napoleon trusted that his father-in-law, the Emperor Francis,
would not abandon him, and counted upon the assistance of
an Austrian army. He relied also upon the hereditary hatred
of Austria for Prussia, and promised his father-in-law, as the
price of his active assistance, not only the restoration of the
Illyrian provinces, but of the whole of Silesia, which Frederick
the Great had torn from Maria Theresa. Napoleon was even
sanguine enough to count upon the former friendship which
the Emperor Alexander had felt for him, and he hoped that
the invasion of Russia would be forgiven if he guaran-
teed the possession of the whole of Poland. The country
which would be sacrificed by these arrangements was Prussia.
Napoleon projected the entire extinction of the Prussian
kingdom, and suggested that the kingdom of Westphalia
should be extended to the Oder. That he should venture to
offer such terms showed how entirely Napoleon misunderstood
his position. The Emperor Francis, although his daughter
was Napoleon's wife, could not forget the humiliations that
Austria had undergone, and allowed his feelings as an
Austrian to outweigh his sentiments as a father. The Emperor
Alexander had been entirely cured by the invasion of Russia
of his former infatuation, and now distrusted the French Em-
peror as much as he had formerly believed in him ; he had
struck up an intimacy with the King of Prussia, and had pro-
mised him his restoration to the whole of his dominions.

Meanwhile the rulers of Austria, Russia, and Prussia signed
convention of a treaty at Reichenbach on 17th June 1 813, by
Reichenbach. which Austria assumed the position of a mediator
17th June 1813. an( j promised to declare war against France, if
the conditions of peace, which she should offer, were rejected.
In return for this attitude, Austria was given a free hand to
negotiate with the South German States, and the idea of
rousing a national German feeling against France, which was
strongly advocated by Stein, was abandoned. Metternich had
no liking for the national idea ; it seemed to him to bear the

Austria declares War 311

imprint of the spirit of the French Revolution, and could
only end in disaster to Austria. The rising of Prussia had
indeed been a success, but if it spread through Germany, it
might end in a united Germany with Prussia at its head, and
the consequent depreciation of the Austrian power. The
example of Spain, which Stein and patriotic Germans pointed
to, seemed to cut in two ways ; if, on the one hand, it had
raised a people in arms against Napoleon, on the other it had
encouraged revolutionary ideas. Both the Emperor Alexander
and King Frederick William felt the weight of these arguments,
and the conception of the war changed from a national
uprising to a coalition of the usual type. Under these cir-
cumstances, Napoleon's propositions were ignored, and pro-
posals were made to him on the other hand that he should be
content with the natural limits of France, namely, the Rhine
and the Alps ; that he should restore the Bourbons to Spain
and the independence of Holland ; that he should abandon his
position as head of the Confederation of the Rhine and allow
the Pope to return to Rome. Murat was to remain at Naples,
and Jerome on the throne of Westphalia, and the terms
offered were by no means unfavourable to France, though
perhaps hardly justified by the military position of the allies.
Metternich, who perceived that Austria held the key to the
position, brought these terms to Napoleon's headquarters at
Dresden, and informed the Emperor that if they were not
accepted, Austria would join the coalition against him.

Napoleon refused with scorn; Castlereagh, through the
English ambassador, Lord Aberdeen, promised large subsidies
to Austria; and on the 1st of August 1813, the Emperor of
Austria promised definitely to join the allies with 200,000
men if Napoleon refused to accept the terms offered to him.
The Congress met at Prague. Caulaincourt, the French pleni-
potentiary, stated that he had no power to accept the terms
offered by Francis, and Austria, on the 1 2th of Austria de-
August, declared war against France. On the ciareawar.
14th of August, when it was too late, Napoleon declared his

312 European History \ 1 812-18 14

acceptance of the terms, and received the answer that the whole
matter must be referred to the allied monarchs. War in fact
was inevitable, and the Armistice of Pleswitz was at an end.

The intervention of Austria not only deprived Napoleon of
Second Cam- an expected ally, but endangered his military
paign of 1813 position in Saxony, as a strong Austrian army was
in Germany. ^ e j n g concentrated in Bohemia under the com-
mand of Prince Charles von Schwartzenberg. Nevertheless
the French Emperor refused to retire, and prepared at the
head of 300,000 men to make face against the allies in spite
of their great superiority in number. The plan of campaign
of the allies was drawn up by Moreau, who had been induced
to leave America and give the advantage of his advice to the
Czar of Russia. There was also upon the staff of the Russian
army one of the ablest strategists in Europe who, like Moreau,
had formerly been an officer in the French army, General
Jomini. The plan was to direct an army from the north, of
Prussians, Russians and Swedes, under Biilow, Chernishev,
and Bernadotte, an army from the east of Russians, called the
Army of Poland, which was being formed under Benningsen,
an army from Silesia, of Prussians under Blucher, and
Russians under Wittgenstein, and finally an army of Austrians
under Schwartzenberg, assisted by the Russian main army of
Barclay de Tolly, and the Russian Imperial Guard under the
Grand Duke Constantine, upon Dresden. But Napoleon
with his accustomed rapidity of action determined to strike
first, and he detached three corps under Oudinot, Macdonald
and Vandamme, against Bernadotte, Blucher, and Schwart-
zenberg ; Benningsen was too far in the rear to be dangerous.
Oudinot and Macdonald were defeated by Bernadotte and-
Blucher at Gross Beeren and the Katzbach respectively,
on the 23d and 25 th of August, and Schwartzenberg, instead
of waiting for the other armies, attacked the French centre at
Dresden. On the 26th and 27th of August a terrible battle
was fought, in which Moreau was mortally wounded. Napoleon
was successful, but he suffered severe losses which he was unable

The Treaty of Tbplitz 313

to repair. Three days later he received the news that Van-
damme's army, which had penetrated into Bohemia to cut off
Schwartzenberg's communications, had been forced to capitulate
at Kulm to the Russians under Barclay de Tolly. The battle
of Dresden proved to the allies that it was impossible for one
of their armies to overthrow Napoleon unassisted, and they
therefore recurred to their original plan. Napoleon once
more endeavoured to break from his defensive position and
struck at Berlin; but Marshal Ney was defeated by Berna-
dotte and Bulow at Dennewitz, on 6th September, and he
had to wait while the ring formed round him. The Emperor's
losses during the first part of this campaign had been
immense. He had lost over 10,000 men by the capitulation of
Kulm; his young soldiers had been decimated at the
Katzbach and Dennewitz; and the troops of the German
contingents deserted en masse. In fact when the opera-
tions of the allies were completed and their armies had con-
centrated around Leipzig, to which place he had withdrawn,
he had not more than 160,000 men, whose confidence was
shaken by repeated defeats, to oppose to more than double
that number.

After the battle of Dresden, the army of Schwartzenberg
retired into Bohemia, and the allied monarchs determined
to define their position as to the future. The enormous
armies they were concentrating made them feel sure of success,
if they held together. On 9th September the important Treaty
of Toplitz was signed. By this treaty it was agreed Treaty of
that Prussia and Austria should be restored as Tapiit*.
nearly as possible to the limits they had held in IQth Sept - l813 *
1805, that the Confederation of the Rhine should be dissolved,
and that entire independence should be granted to the states
of southern and western Germany. This decision overcame
the lingering hesitation of the south German monarchs, who
had feared retaliation from the allies for their consistent
adhesion to Napoleon. Of these states, Bavaria was the
chief, and on 8th October the Treaty of Ried was signed

314 European History, 1812-1814

between Austria and Bavaria, by which Bavaria promised the

aid of 36,000 men in return for complete indemnity and the

recognition of complete sovereignty in her dominions. Then

the allies in their full strength attacked Napoleon. For three

days, from the 16th to the 19th of October, the terrible battle

Battle of of Leipzig was fought. The result was a fore-

16th— 19th S one conclusion, and even without the desertion

October 1813. of the Saxons in the course of the battle, the

ruin of the French army was certain. Napoleon's forces

were not only defeated, they were destroyed, and in the

utmost disorder the routed French divisions fled in a state of

disorganisation across Germany. At this moment Maximilian

Joseph of Bavaria, whom Napoleon had made a king, declared

against him as he had promised, and not only withdrew the

Bavarian contingent, but endeavoured to check the French

Battle of retreat. At the battle of Hanau on October the

Hanau. $0^ however, the remnant of the French army

broke through the Bavarians, and it eventually found safety

behind the Rhine.

The battle of Leipzig was followed by a general rising
insurrection throughout central Europe against the French.
again^Napo- The secret societies which had been formed to
ieom8i3. promote the idea of the freedom of Germany

acted in every direction. Many isolated regiments of the
French army were cut off and the French garrisons in the
various German cities were closely besieged. The benefits
which had been conferred by French administration were for-
gotten and the people thought only of the humiliation of the
French occupation. Nor was this spirit confined to Germany.
The Dutch rose in rebellion, and declared in all the chief cities
of Holland for the Prince of Orange. That prince at once
left England and set himself at the head of the insurgents, and
Lord Castlereagh a few months later sent to his assistance an
English force under the command of Sir Thomas Graham to
reduce the few Dutch fortresses still occupied by French
garrisons. In Italy also an almost universal insurrection

Battle of Vittoria 315

broke out against the French domination. Lord William
Bentinck, who commanded the English army which occupied
Sicily, sailed to Genoa with a powerful force and encouraged
the insurgents in that quarter. Meanwhile an Austrian army
under General Hiller invaded Italy from the north-east and
defeated Eugene de Beauharnais at Valsarno on the 26th of
October. Against this unanimity of national opposition
Napoleon could make but little headway ; the French people
were tired of the conscription ; they had not approved of the
invasion of Russia ; and were indisposed at the moment of
crisis to support the Emperor.

While the French armies were suffering the succession of
disasters which expelled them from Germany, a campaign in
similar series of catastrophes occurred in Spain, the Peniauia
Wellington broke up from his quarters in the x X3#
summer of 18 13, and marching in a north-easterly direction
attempted to cut off all communication between France and
Madrid. This movement completely overthrew the French
domination in Spain. Joseph Bonaparte with all the troops
he could collect fled from Madrid. He was unable to defend
himself behind the Ebro as in 18 12, for the positions on that
river had been skilfully turned. Wellington eventually came up
with the French army at Vittoria. There Marshal Battle of
Jourdan, who commanded for King Joseph, en- Vittoria.
deavoured to resist, but he was completely defeated alst June *
by the Anglo-Portuguese army on the 2 1 st of June 1 8 1 3. This
victory drove the French back into France, for Suchet was
likewise obliged to abandon his conquests in Valencia, and to
retire into the mountains of Arragon and Catalonia. The
victory in the field was followed as in Germany by a burst of
national enthusiasm. The Spanish guerillas destroyed every
isolated French post, and even managed to place some service-
able divisions at the disposition of Wellington. The English
general took up a position on the French frontier between
Pampeluna and San Sebastian, blockading the former and
besieging the latter place. To face him Soult was sent to the

316 European History \ 1812-1814

south-west of France to defend the frontier. On the 31st
of August San Sebastian was stormed; Pampeluna speedily
fell; and Wellington was able to establish a new base of
operations, and to invade France. On the 10th of November
Wellington the Anglo-Portuguese army drove Soult from
invades ^jg positions on the Nivelle, and after the battles

Oct. x$x 3 . of the Nive or Saint Pierre from the 9th to the
13th of December Wellington invested Bayonne.

These repeated disasters in different quarters induced
Negotiations Napoleon to consider the advisability of conclud-
for Peace. f n g a p eaC e. He was now only too ready to
accept the terms offered to him at the Congress of Prague.
The allies were by no means so united as they seemed. The
Austrian Minister Metternich, in particular, was not desirous of
destroying the power of France. England had no wish to
come to any conclusion which should disproportionately in-
crease the strength of Russia, and the aim of all the allied
monarchs was to allow France to develop in her own way as
long as she withdrew her pretensions to interfere in Europe.
Metternich's proposals, in November 18 13, were that France
should preserve her natural limits of the Rhine and the Alps,
but should restore all former rulers in Holland, Italy, and Spain.
Napoleon gave evidence of his desire for peace at this period
by the dismissal of his Foreign Secretary, Maret, Due de
Bassano, and the appointment of Caulaincourt, Due de
Vicenza, who was known to be in favour of peace and was also
a personal friend of the Emperor Alexander, at whose Court
he had been ambassador during the palmy days of the alliance
between France and Russia, The terms of peace offered by
Metternich, which are known as the Proposals of Frankfort, at
which city the allied monarchs were residing, were confided to
M. de Saint Aignan, a French diplomatist who had been
taken prisoner during the advance of the allies and who was
the brother-in-law of Caulaincourt. The proposals were
definitely acceded to by Lord Aberdeen on the part of
England and by Hardenberg on the part of Prussia. The

The Proposals of Frankfort 317

favourable nature of them was dictated by the fear entertained
by the allied monarchs that France would rise in her might as
she had done in 1793 if her borders were invaded. For this
reason the allies remained for some weeks upon the right bank
of the Rhine, concentrating their forces and hesitating to
advance. Napoleon, however, could not understand that he
was beaten. Instead of replying at once to the Proposals of
Frankfort, which were dated the 9th of November, it was not
until late in December that he instructed Caulaincourt to go
to the allied quarters and discuss them. His instructions to
Caulaincourt showed how little he appreciated the position of
affairs. He demanded that, in addition to the natural limits
of France, he should hold the cities of Wesel, Cassel opposite
Mayence, and Kehl opposite Strasbourg on the right bank of
the Rhine, which fairly signified that he did not abandon his
projects on Germany. He further demanded that a kingdom
should be formed for his brother Jerome in Germany, and for
Eugene de Beauharnais in Italy. Before these counter-proposi-
tions reached the headquarters of the allied monarchs, they
had resolved to invade France, and the opportunity was gone
for ever for France to attain her natural limits under the
sanction of Europe.

The attitude of the allies, as indicated in the Proposals of
Frankfort, was mainly dictatecH)y Metternich, who The inva-
did not desire to see his Emperor's son-in-law «»onof
dethroned or to see France greatly weakened. But ?££* x I4 "
the Emperor Alexander and his friend, the King Campaign,
of Prussia, soon repented of the assent they had given to
Metternich's ideas. Alexander desired to invade France as
a reply to the invasion of Russia in 181 2, and hoped to
occupy Paris as Napoleon had occupied Moscow. The King
of Prussia, and still more his generals and ministers, had felt
most keenly the humiliating condition to which Prussia had
been degraded, and desired to wreak their vengeance on
France. It was therefore agreed that since the Proposals of
Frankfort had not been promptly accepted, the result of a

318 European History, 1812-1814

successful invasion of France should be the return of that
country into the limits she possessed at the beginning of the
wars of the Revolution. The attitude of Russia and Prussia
was that adopted by England. Lord Castlereagh heard with
dismay, that it was intended to allow France the limits of
the Rhine, for by that concession she would hold Belgium
and Antwerp, which it had been the consistent policy of all
English Ministers for many generations to keep independent
of France. The barrier treaties of former days, and the wars
against Louis xiv. had been sustained for the purpose of
keeping France out of the Belgian Netherlands, and the
English cabinet resolved to continue this classic policy. For
this purpose, Lord Castlereagh was in person despatched
to the headquarters of the allied monarchs, with the greatest
powers ever granted to a British statesman. He was given
' full powers to negotiate and conclude of his own authority,
and without further consultation with the government, all con-
ventions or treaties, either for the prosecution of war or for the
restoration of peace.' l

Lord Castlereagh sailed from Harwich on the 31st of
December 18 13, on which day Bliicher with the main
Prussian army, known as the Army of Silesia, crossed the
Rhine in three columns at Coblentz, Mannheim, and Mayence.
Bliicher was supported by three Russian corps (farmee, but
it was further south that the main Russian army in conjunc-
tion with the Austrians invaded France under the command
of Schwartzenberg. It was not without some difficulty that
the Emperor Alexander was induced to consent to the viola-
tion of the neutrality of Switzerland. But the military argu-
ments put forward by his generals overcame his scruples.
By marching through Switzerland, Schwartzenberg's army
was enabled to turn the mountains of the Jura, and to leave
the French fortresses on the Rhine, behind him. This
invasion on two distinct lines gave Napoleon the opportunity

1 Alison's Lives of Lord Castlereagh, and Sir CharUs Stewart, vol. ii
p. 241.

Napoleon's Campaign in France, 1 8 14 319

of carrying out one of the military manoeuvres of which he
was most fond. He concentrated between the two invading
armies a force of between 50,000 and 70,000 men. This
was a terrible falling off from the vast armies with which he
had invaded Russia in 181 2, and fought the allies in Saxony
in 1 8 13; it was a falling off not only in numbers, but in
military efficiency, for with the exception of the remnant of
the Guard, he had only under his command some regiments
of conscripts and national guards untrained to war. At this
period Napoleon bitterly repented the mistake he had made,
in leaving over 150,000 veteran soldiers as garrisons in the
various fortresses in Europe. The presence of these men
would very likely have turned the scale. He had left, for
instance, 12,000 men in Hamburg under the command of
Marshal Davout, 16,000 in Magdeburg, 8000 in Dantzic, and
large garrisons in other distant cities, such as Stettin. These
fortresses were blockaded by local militia ; their occupation
did not withdraw many regular troops from the allied armies,
while it fatally weakened the resources of France.

Nevertheless, with his boy conscripts and his Guard, Napo-
leon fought one of his greatest campaigns. Bliicher foolishly
scattered his troops, after his entry into Champagne. Napoleon
quickly took advantage of his mistake. He cut up division
after division of Bliicher's army at Brienne, Champaubert,
Montmirail, and Vauchamps, between the 29th of January
and the 14th of February, and then turning against Schwartzen-
berg, who had also scattered his forces, he defeated a Russian
division at Nangis, and an Austrian division at Napo i eon . s
Montereau on the 17th and 18th of February. Victories in
These rapid blows startled and disconcerted the France - ^
allies. Blucher's army was practically destroyed ; Schwartzen-
berg fell back, and asked for an armistice ; and proposals were
made for the evacuation of France. It was only the con-
stancy of the Emperor Alexander and the determination of
Lord Castlereagh which induced the allies to persist. Two
corps (Tarmee, one of Prussians under Biilow, the other of

320 European History, 1812-1814

Russians under Wintzingerode, were on Lord Castlereagh's
sole authority detached from Bernadotte's army and ordered
to reinforce Blucher. Meanwhile, Alexander insisted that
Schwartzenberg should concentrate instead of retiring. In
reality, Napoleon's successes were more fatal to himself than
to the allies, for they induced him to break off the negotiations
at the Congress of Chatillon.

While the first campaign of 1814 was being fought out in

other move- France, the movement against Napoleon was

ments becoming general. Bernadotte had after the

Napoleon, victory of Leipzig been placed in command of

l8x *- the army in northern Germany. Full of the idea

which had been suggested to him by the Emperor Alexander

in 181 2, that he might succeed Napoleon on the throne of

France, Bernadotte did not wish to appear be-

Bernadotte. _ .,,.,,..,

fore his own countrymen in the light of an invader.
He had occupied himself for some weeks after the battle of
Leipzig with blockading Davout in Hamburg, and fighting the
Danes in Holstein. Even if he could not obtain the throne
of France, he was quite resolved to win Norway, and for this
purpose he attacked the Danes, and after some fighting,
compelled Frederick vi. of Denmark to sign the Treaty of
Kiel on 14th January 18 14, by which Denmark ceded
Norway to Sweden, in exchange for Swedish Pomerania. Berna-
dotte even went so far as to negotiate with Davout, to whom
he promised a free passage to France with all his troops as
the price of the surrender of Hamburg. But the Emperor
Alexander would not submit to this, and Bernadotte was
imperiously ordered only to leave a blockading force before
Hamburg, and to advance to the French frontier.

It was at this juncture that Bernadotte was deprived of his
two finest corps (Tartnee, which were ordered up to the assist-
ance of Bluchei. But fn addition to the danger threatened
by Bernadotte's army, Napoleon also met with
serious opposition in the Netherlands. The Dutch
people declared for the Prince of Orange, and Holland was

Battle of Orthez 321

quickly lost. A force under the command of the Prince
marched into Belgium, and besieged Antwerp, which was
defended by the former member of the Committee of Public
Safety, Carnot, who, though neglected by Napoleon in the
days of his greatness, had come to the help of France in the
time of her distress. To assist the Prince an English division
under Sir Thomas Graham had, as has been said, been de-
spatched to Holland. Graham failed to take Bergen-op-Zoom
on the 20th of February, but his presence in the Netherlands
not only encouraged the Dutch, but prevented Napoleon from
obtaining help from that quarter.

In the south, Marshal Augereau, whom the Emperor had
placed in command at Lyons, was, as he himself
said, no longer the Augereau of Castiglione. He
had been directed to make a diversion against the Austrian left
as it entered France with some conscripts and troops drawn
from the former Army of Spain, but he remained inactive, and
his operations were of no assistance to the Emperor. In the
south-west corner of France, Soult was unable to do more
than make head against Wellington and the Anglo-Portuguese
army. After the battles of the Nive or of Saint Wellington
Pierre, Bayonne was completely invested, and wins battle of
Wellington, leaving the left of his army to carry February 27 *
on the siege, marched eastwards against Soult. 1814.
That marshal had been weakened by the detachments he
had been ordered to send to Augereau, and to Napoleon
himself. Nevertheless, he made a gallant stand at Orthez on
the 27th of February, but was defeated and forced to fall
back further into France.

In Italy the Viceroy, Eugene de Beauharnais, who in the
retreat from Russia had given evidence that he
was a general of the very first order, offered a y *

gallant resistance to the Austrians under General Hiller.
But the defection of the King of Bavaria, his father-in-law,
opened the passes of the Tyrol to the Austrians, and Eugene
de Beauharnais was then compelled to retreat. At the

PERIOD VII. x

322 European History, 1812-1814

commencement of 181 4, Metternich entered into negotiations
with Murat, the King of Naples. Through the influence of
his wife, Caroline Murat, sister of Napoleon, with whom
Metternich had been in most intimate relations when he was
ambassador at Paris, Murat, in the hope of preserving his
kingdom, issued a violent proclamation against his benefactor,
Napoleon, and advanced to the banks of the Po, at the head
of a Neapolitan army of 80,000 men. This movement caused
Eugene de Beauharnais, whose fidelity to his stepfather shines
out in bright contrast to the treachery of Murat, to fall back
still further. He defeated the Austrians under Marshal
Bellegarde on the Mincio on the 8th of February, but was
unable to follow up his success owing to the position of
Murat. In his rear, Lord William Bentinck had landed at
Genoa and issued a proclamation promising independence
to that city, and the support of England in securing the
independence and unity of Italy. Napoleon at one time
thought of calling Eugene de Beauharnais to his side, but his
rapid victories over the isolated corps d'arm'ee of the allies in
February caused him to abandon this wise project.
It has been said that one effect of Napoleon's victories
was to break up the Congress of Chatillon. It
of chitiiion. had been suggested that a congress should meet
3d Feb. -19th at Mannheim at the time of the Proposals of

March 1814. ^.1- , ■*-••, 1 , , ,.

Frankfort, but Napoleons delay prevented it
from assembling until after the invasion of France was an
accomplished fact. The success of this invasion altered the
attitude of the allies towards France. They saw that the
French nation was not going to arise in its might as it had
done in 1793. They heard through sure hands that the
people were almost in open rebellion against the Emperor.
The Legislative Body had dared to oppose his wishes. Every-
where the conscription was evaded, and there was a muttered
feeling throughout France that the country had had enough
of war and that it was time that the blood-tax on the French
youth should cease. Even the army itself was beginning to

The Congress of CMtillon 323

despair. The Emperor had lost his prestige in Russia and
at Leipzig. His soldiers were not the veterans of his former
wars ; his generals and his marshals began to murmur and
to fear that a war d outrance would end in their personal
ruin. Under these circumstances the Congress of Ch&tillon
met on the 3d of February 18 14. The French plenipotentiary
was Caulaincourt, the most upright of Napoleon's states-
men. The other powers nominated, not their chief ministers,
Metternich,Nesselrode, Hardenberg,and Castlereagh, although
they were all at headquarters, but subordinate diplomatists,
namely, Count Philip Stadion, the predecessor of Metternich,
for Austria, William von Humboldt for Prussia, Razumovski
for Russia, and Lord Cathcart, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir
Charles Stewart for England.

At Ch&tillon very different conditions from the Proposals of
Frankfort were offered. The main stipulation was that France
should return to her limits before the Revolution. England
haughtily declared that the naval question with regard to
the rights of neutrals was not to be mentioned, and everything
was made subject to the great question of the French limits.
Caulaincourt disputed the proposals on the ground that it
was unfair that France should be reduced to the limits she
had held in 1789 while the other powers had been so vastly
increased by the rearrangement of Germany and the partition
of Poland. Nevertheless he was most anxious that Napoleon
should accept these proposals. He granted that they were
worse than the Proposals of Frankfort, but argued that if the
war continued they were likely to be worse still. Napoleon,
however, looked upon the Congress as an opportunity for
gaining time. He believed that by his military successes he
would avert the disasters which threatened him, and on the
day of the battle of Montereau, the 18th of February, he
wrote that he was only willing to agree to a peace on the
basis of the Frankfort Proposals, and in his own handwriting
he added to his despatch to Caulaincourt, * Sign nothing.' l It
1 Fain, Manuscrit de PAn 181 3, pp. 297, 298.

324 European History \ 1812-1814

is worthy of note that in the Proposals of Ch&tillon nothing
was said about Napoleon himself. The Emperor Francis
assumed that his son-in-law would remain upon the throne of
France, and Lord Castlereagh expressed no view to the
contrary. But the English Minister was absolutely determined
not to yield to Napoleon's demand for the natural limits of
France. England was the paymaster of the coalition, and
Castlereagh having just promised ^10,600,000 to pay the
military expenses of 1814 felt that he had the right to insist
on his demand. Napoleon in after years declared that his
persistence in retaining Belgium was the reason for his
refusal to accede to the Proposals of Chitillon. 'Antwerp/
he said to Las Cases, 'was to me a province in itself; it was
the principal cause of my exile to Saint Helena, for it was
the required cession of that fortress which made me refuse
the terms offered at Ch&tillon. If they would have left it to
me peace would have been concluded.' 1 Metternich wrote
to Caulaincourt pressing the acceptance of the Proposals of
Chitillon, but Napoleon obstinately refused, and the Congress
had practically failed by the beginning of March, though it
did not actually break up until the 19th of that month.
The fact that the French nation did not rise in arms
. . , against the invaders has been mentioned as the

Attitude of °. "*.!,.«. 1 1

France primary cause for the difference between the

towards terms offered at Frankfort and at Ch&tillon.

Napoleon.

Nothing proves more completely how thoroughly
Napoleon had extinguished the spirit of the Revolution than
the lukewarmness with which his call to arms was received in
1814. In 1793 the invasion of France had caused a frenzy
of patriotism. The people had submitted to the Reign of
Terror, because it meant a strong government which could
expel the English, Prussians, and Austrians. France was at
that time hemmed in by difficulties infinitely greater than
those which she had to face in 1814. Then she had no great
general. In 18 14 she possessed one of the greatest generals
1 Las Cases, Memorial dc Sainte-Hitene, vol. vii. pp. 56, 57.

Exhaustion of France 325

the world has ever seen. In 1 793 she was torn by civil war"
in La Vendue and by brigands in every sparsely populated
district. In 1814 she had enjoyed fifteen years of internal
tranquillity. In 1793 her finances were utterly disordered, her
industries were destroyed, and the whole country a prey to
anarchy. In 18 14 she had been for years the chief nation in
Europe, and the wealth of other countries had been drained
to enrich her. But the difference was that in 1793 and the
succeeding years the French people felt that they were fighting
to ward off the interference of foreign nations in their internal
affairs, whereas in 18 14 they were called on to defend the
power of a single man who had infringed the rights and the
freedom of other nations. By his bureaucratic system Napoleon
had crushed out the power of popular initiative which had been
the strength of the Republic ; by his suppression of individual
liberty he had made the majority of the French people dis-
affected to his Empire.

There must be considered also the exhaustion of actual
physical resources. In the campaigns of 181 2 and Exhaustion
18 1 3, it is estimated that nearly 750,000 Frenchmen of France,
were either killed, wounded, or taken prisoner. Before that time
the Giand Army had been slowly destroyed on many a field
of battle, and there simply were not sufficient men of military
instinct and physical strength to fill the ranks. In 18 13
Napoleon enrolled the conscripts whose turn would have come
in 18 1 5 — mere boys of sixteen, who had melted away after the
battle of Leipzig — and the men he called to the ranks in 18 14
were those who had been passed over by the conscription in
previous years, and were too long inured to civil life to be
willing to serve as soldiers.

To the feeling that resistance to the invaders was not a
national duty, must be added a general indisposition to
support the Empire. The opinions which had found vent
during the French Revolution had not been extinguished by
the Empire; they had only been suppressed; and all the
educated part of the nation was united in desiring represen-

\l6 European History, 18 12-1814

tative institutions so as to exercise a share in directing the
policy of the government. This opinion showed itself in the
Legislative Body which was summoned in December 1813.
Napoleon had announced that his cause was the cause of
France; but in return the leaders of the Legislative Body
only begged him to make peace. A paragraph was inserted
in the report of the Legislative Body upon the Proposals of
Frankfort, which contains the following words : ' It belongs to
the Government according to the Constitution to propose the
most effectual means to repel the enemy and secure peace.
These means will only be effectual if the French people are
convinced that their blood will be shed only to defend the
country and our protective laws. It appears, therefore, indis-
pensable that at the same time that His Majesty shall propose
the most prompt and efficacious measures for the safety of
the State, the Government should be besought to maintain the
entire and constant execution of the laws which guarantee to
the French people the rights of liberty, security, and property,
and to the nation the complete enjoyment of its political
rights. That guarantee appears the most effectual means for
restoring to the French people the energy necessary for their
defence in the present crisis.' Napoleon was much irritated
by this attack on his arbitrary authority, and although this
paragraph was expunged from the report by 254 votes to 223
he nevertheless dissolved the Legislative Body in a rage.
Neither at the Congress of Chatillon nor in the Legislative
The Body was a single word said about restoring the
Bourbons. Bourbons. They had lost all credit during their exile.
The French people did not want them. The allied powers did
not care about them. By Lord Castlereagh's orders Welling-
ton received the Due d'Angoulfcme, son of the Comte d'Artois,
in his camp in the south of France, but he distinctly refused
to recognise him in any way whatever. The English general
went further and issued a proclamation in which he declared
that the war was being waged for security to Europe, not for
a change of dynasty in France, and that no interference was

The Treaty of Chaumont 327

either intended or would be permitted in the free decision of
the French people with regard to their internal government.
When the Due d'AngoulSme was favourably received in Bor-
deaux and the Mayor of that city hoisted the white flag,
Wellington wrote to the Bourbon prince defining his attitude
and censuring the assertion in the Duke's proclamation, that
he was supported by England.

In spite of his real weakness Napoleon was so infatuated
by his successes in February 18 14 that, as has been said, the
Congress came to an end, but he was not far Treaty of
wrong in his estimation of the effect of his vie- JBt *u£th
tories upon the allied monarchs. So profoundly 1814.
was Schwartzenberg terrified by the destruction of Bliicher's
army and the victories of Nangis and Montereau that he
wished to retreat from France. Differences between the
powers at this juncture threatened to break up the coalition,
and it was only the determination of Lord Castlereagh that
kept them together. The English minister on the 1st of March
1 8 14 concluded the secret Treaty of Chaumont. By this
treaty the relations of the allied monarchs to each other on
several points were defined, and though many fresh causes of
dissension arose at a later date, it was the Treaty of Chau-
mont which kept the powers together until the overthrow of
Napoleon, and which laid the basis of the final settlement at
Vienna. By this treaty the four great powers, England,
Russia, Austria and Prussia, bound themselves, if France re-
fused to return within her ancient limits, to form an offensive
and defensive alliance. Each member of the coalition was to
maintain 150,000 men in the field, and England bound herself,
in addition to paying her own contingent and maintaining her
navy, to contribute a subsidy of ^5,000,000 a year to be
divided equally amongst the other three contracting parties.
As England by this arrangement offered more than twice as
much as any other country, Castlereagh practically became
the master of the coalition. After peace was concluded each
of the powers was to furnish a contingent of 60,000 men if any

328 European History, 1812-1814

one of them were attacked. The resettlement of Europe was
to be arranged on the following bases : that the German
Empire should be restored as a federal union ; that Holland
and Belgium should be united into a monarchy under the
House of Orange ; that Spain should be restored to its ancient
sovereign ; that Italy should be divided into independent
states ; and that Switzerland should be guaranteed as inde-
pendent and neutral by all the great powers.

The result of the Treaty of Chaumont was to stiffen the

attitude of the allies in France. All thought of retreat was

Napoleon's abandoned and both the Austrians under

Second Cam- Schwartzenberg, and the Army of Silesia under

paign m ° . / .

France. Blucher recommenced their advance upon Pans.

March 1814. Napoleon pursued the tactics which had been
crowned with success in the month of February, and prepared
to strike at each of the invading armies in turn. His first
movement as before was against Blucher. The Army of
Silesia had been reduced by the actions of Champaubert,
Montmirail, etc., from 60,000 to 30,000 men, but it was now
increased to more than its former number by the arrival of
Saint Priest's Russians and of the two corps of Bulow and
Wintzingerode which had been detached from Bernadotte by
Lord Castlereagh. Napoleon was not aware of the extent of
these reinforcements, and he therefore with his army of barely
30,000 men ventured to attack Blucher. On the 7th and 9th
of March, the severe actions of Craonne and Laon were fought.
Neither side won victories, but Napoleon failed to repeat his
former successes, which was tantamount to a defeat. After
the battle of Laon both Blucher and Napoleon reviewed the
armies at their disposal, and the disparity of their strength is
shown by the fact that whereas Blucher reviewed 109,000 men,
Napoleon found that including all reinforcements; he had but
46,000. Having failed to check the Prussians, Napoleon
turned to attack Schwartzenberg's army. On the 20th of
March he fought an action at Arcis-sur-Aube, in which the
Russians repulsed the French attack. The Emperor then

Occupation of Paris ', 1 8 1 4 3 29

resolved on a final effort. He determined to attack the lines
of communication of the invaders, and marched towards*the
Vosges Mountains. But the invaders were in too strong force
to be terrified by this manoeuvre. A few divisions only were
left to watch him, and the main armies continued their advance
on Paris. On March the 30th, Schwartzenberg Battle of
and Blucher arrived in front of the French capital. ^ March
They had under their command about 200,000 1814.
men, whereas Marshals Marmont and Mortier, who had been
charged with the defence of Paris, could not get under arms
more than 28,000 including the National Guard. In spite of this
enormous difference of strength the two marshals took up a
position and prepared to defend Paris. But after the most
obstinate resistance the allies carried the French position after
ten hours' fighting on the 30th of March, and on the following
day the Emperor Alexander and the King of Prussia entered
Paris. Napoleon rapidly followed the allied army, 0ccupation of
but the occupation of Paris was fatal to his cause. Pans by the
He was ready to continue tlje war, but his mar- Alhes -
shals were not. On the 4th of April Ney, Macdonald, Oudinot,
and Lefebvre had an interview with the Emperor, and told
him that the army would fight no more. Napoleon was
obliged to give heed to their remonstrances, and he sent Ney,
Macdonald, and Caulaincourt to make what arrangements
might be possible with the allied monarchs.

On entering Paris the Emperor Alexander and King Fred-
erick William proceeded at once to the residence of Talley-
rand. That astute statesman quickly decided The Provi-
upon a definite policy. He understood that the £°°?® oveni "
allies had hitherto treated with Napoleon, and Paris,
that they were not favourably disposed to the Bourbons. He
knew that the French nation did not desire the return of the
former dynasty. But he felt that the only method which
would enable France to take up a logical position on the Con-
tinent was by the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy. If
Louis xviii. were accepted as King of France, it would be a

330 European History > 18 12-18 14

contradiction in terms to their professed belief in hereditary
rights, and their hatred for the results of the Revolution, for
the allied monarchs to attack the unity of France. For this
reason Talleyrand persuaded Alexander that it would be inad-
missible either to accept the government of the Empress
Marie Louise in the name of her son, the King of Rome, or
still less to recognise Alexander's candidate, Bernadotte. In
his own words to the Emperor : * Any attempt to create a
Regency or to appoint Bernadotte is a mere intrigue ; nothing
remains but Bonaparte or the Bourbons. ' Alexander then
declared that he would no longer treat with Napoleon, and
Talleyrand as Vice- Arch-Chancellor of the Empire summoned
the Senate to meet upon the 1st of April.

The Senate at once elected a Provisional Government con-
sisting of Talleyrand as President and the Comte de Bournon-
ville, former War Minister of the Republic, the Comte de
Jaucourt, a former leader of the Legislative Assembly, the
Abb6 de Montesquiou, a former leader of the Constituent
Assembly, and the Due de Dalberg, nephew of the Prince
Primate of Germany. The Senate then resolved that, whatever
government should be adopted, the sale of the national and
ecclesiastical estates in the days of the Revolution should be
ratified, the liberty of worship and of the press established,
and a general amnesty declared. On the following day the
Emperor Alexander addressed the Senate. He said : ' It is
neither ambition nor the love of conquest which has led me
hither ; my armies have only entered France to repel unjust
aggressions. Your Emperor carried war into the heart of my*
dominions when I only wished for peace. I am a friend of
the French People; I impute their faults to their chief
alone ; I am here with the most friendly intentions ; I wish
only to protect your deliberations. You are charged with one
of the most glorious missions which generous men can dis-
charge, — that of securing the happiness of a great people, in
giving France institutions, at once strong and liberal, with
which she cannot dispense in the advanced state of civilisation

Abdication of Napoleon 331

to which she has attained.' Alexander in conclusion, as a sign
of his goodwill, declared that he would release the 150,000
French prisoners of war then in Russia.

That evening the Senate solemnly declared Napoleon to be
no longer Emperor, and formed a Provisional Ministry, includ-
ing Comte Beugnot, Minister of the Interior, Baron Louis,
Minister of Finance, and General Dupont, who had been dis-
graced for the Capitulation of Baylen, Minister for War.
Matters had reached this stage when Napoleon's emissaries
Ney, Macdonald, and Caulaincourt, arrived at the headquarters
of the allied monarchs. These faithful adherents proposed
that Napoleon should abdicate in favour of his infant son.
This offer, which would have been gladly received some days
before, was now rejected, owing to the influence of Talleyrand,
and on April the 6th, when Napoleon received the news of
this rejection, he unconditionally abdicated at Abdication of
Fontainebleau. This step was made necessary Napoleon,
by the fact that the faithful marshals could not ** April l814 *
even speak in the name of the whole army on behalf of
Napoleon. Marshal Marmont, who had distinguished himself
in the great battle before Paris, had made separate terms for
himself and placed his army at the disposal of the allies. The
desertion of Marmont deprived Napoleon of the greater part
of the forces on which he relied, and rendered his uncondi-
tional abdication necessary.

The abdication of Napoleon was followed by the arrival
of Lord Castlereagh in Paris. The English Provisional
minister had since the breaking up of the JjJJlf,^
Congress of Chatillon remained at the head- April 18x4.
quarters of the Emperor of Austria at Dijon. It was there
that he had entered into intimate relations with Metternich,
relations which were to lead to most important results. On
the nth of April 1814, the Provisional Treaty of Paris
was signed. It was essentially a treaty between the Emperor
Napoleon, through his plenipotentiaries, and the allied
monarchs. It was not a treaty with France, for Louis xvm.

332 European History, 1812-1814

had not arrived from England, or been recognised as king,
and the Provisional Government could only enter into
provisional arrangements. By this treaty, which was signed
by Caulaincourt, Macdonald, Ney, Metternich, Nesselrode,
Hardenberg, and Castlereagh, Napoleon renounced for himself
and his descendants the Empire of France and the Kingdom
of Italy. He was, however, to retain the title of Emperor;
the island of Elba was erected into an independent princi-
pality for him, and an income of ;£ 180,000 a year was
granted to him. The duchies of Parma and Piacenza were
secured in full sovereignty to the Empress Marie Louise, and
after her decease to the King of Rome, and the divorced
Empress Josephine was given an annuity of ^40,000 a year.

Battle of ^ n tne ^ av be*° re tn * s treaty was signed, April
Toulouse. 10th, 1 81 4, the Battle of Toulouse was fought.
10th April Wellington after his victory of Orthez had rapidly
followed Soult into the heart of Southern France.
When he attacked the French positions in front of Toulouse,
he was ignorant of the great events which had been passing
at Paris and at Fontainebleau, and it was only after his
entrance into the city that he perceived the white cockade
was being worn.

On the 20th of April 18 14, Napoleon bade farewell to the
Arrival of Guard at Fontainebleau, and started for Elba, and
Louis xviii. on the 24th his successor, Louis xvni., who had
not entered France since his escape in 1791, landed at Calais.
The new King was eminently fitted by his natural character,
which had been matured by his long exile, for a constitutional
monarch, but unfortunately he was surrounded by men who
had shared his exile, and who did not share his placable dis-
position. On the 2d of May, when he had reached the
neighbourhood of Paris, Louis xviii. published what is known
as the Declaration of St. Ouen. In this declaration, he
promised a constitution to the French people, which should
provide among other things for a representative government
with two chambers, complete liberty of worship and the press,

First Treaty of Paris, 1814 333

the right of the representatives to grant taxation, the inviola-
bility of all property, including national and ecclesiastical
estates, which had been sold during the Revolution, the
responsibility of the ministers, irremoveability of the judges,
and complete equality before the law. On the following day,
he entered Paris amid general rejoicings, for the French
people had forgotten their grievances of olden time in the
memory of their more recent sufferings in the latter years of
Napoleon. He was not in any way treated with by the Pro-
visional Government; his return was tacitly accepted as
inevitable ; and he returned to the Tuileries as of divine right,
without any bargain being made with him.

The first important duty which fell to Louis xvm. was the
signature of a definitive treaty of peace with the First Treaty
allies. The evacuation of French territory by the ?££*,£*'
invaders had been arranged with the Provisional 18x4.
Government on the 23d of April, and the foreign troops were
already beginning to retire. By the definitive Treaty of
Paris, which was negotiated by Talleyrand on behalf of
Louis xviii., it was agreed that France should return to her
limits of 1792. By this arrangement, the early annexations
of the Revolution before the outbreak of war were secured to
France. These additions included Avignon and the County
of the Venaissin, which had formerly belonged to the Pope,
and several districts in Alsace, of which the most noteworthy
were the Principality of Montbeliard formerly the property of
the King of Wurtemberg, and the Republic of Mulhouse.
France also received Chamtary, and part of Savoy, with
certain rectifications of the frontier in the neighbourhood of
Geneva, and on the north-eastern border. All the former
French colonies, except the islands of the Mauritius, Tobago,
and Saint Lucia, were restored to France. With regard to other
countries, it was agreed, as had been laid down in the Treaty
of Chaumont, that Germany was to become a Confederacy
instead of an Empire, that Holland and Belgium were to be
united, that Italy was to be divided into independent states,

334 European History, 18 12-18 14

and that the independence of Switzerland was to be
guaranteed by all the great powers. At the same time that this
treaty was signed, a secret treaty was agreed to between the
four invading powers, without consulting France. This secret
treaty dealt largely with the future apportionment of the
territories on the left bank of the Rhine which had been
administered by France ever since 1 794. It was roughly agreed
that these provinces should be annexed to Prussia, and it
was further laid down, that Austria should possess the whole
of Lombardy, and that Genoa should be united to Sardinia.
The details of this arrangement, and the many other questions
which were certain to arise were adjourned, and it was settled
that they should be considered at a great congress which was
to meet at Vienna.
The two nations which had done the most to overthrow the
excessive power of Napoleon were England and
Russia, and the two men most conspicuously con-
cerned were the Emperor Alexander and Lord Castlereagh.
The two rival German powers, Austria and Prussia, naturally
inclined to different sides. Prussia was the declared ally
of Russia ; the Emperor Alexander and the King Frederick
William had formed one of the romantic personal friendships
which Alexander loved; and the Russian and Prussian
ministers were in perfect accord in desiring to punish France
and her allies, and to aggrandise themselves. Austria on the
other hand naturally inclined to support England. Both
feared the increasing preponderance of Russia ; both felt that
enough had been done in deposing Napoleon, and did not
desire to wreak vengeance on France ; both were inclined to
be moderate in their demands. This rivalry between Russia
with Prussia, and Austria with England had appeared in its
incipient stages before the Treaty of Chaumont, and it was
to rise to its height during the Congress of Vienna. The
return of the Bourbons to France was to have an important
result on the rivalry between the allies, and it is a significant
proof of the inherent power of France, and of the greatness

Position of France in 1814 335

of the ascendency which she had won, that she was enabled
at Vienna to act the most decisive part. The overthrow of
Napoleon had not really weakened France ; she had lost her
natural territorial limits of the Rhine and the Alps which she
might have obtained but for the stubbornness of Napoleon ;
nevertheless, she was still strong enough to be feared, and
in the day of her greatest disaster she was able to exert a
greater influence in the affairs of Europe than she had ever
done since the time of Louis xiv.

CHAPTER XL

1814-1815

The Congress of Vienna— Monarchs and Diplomatists present— History of
the Congress — Treaty between France, Austria, and England— The Ques-
tions of Saxony and Poland — The German Confederation — Disposition
of the provinces on the left bank of the Rhine— Mayence and Luxembourg
— Reconstitution of Switzerland— Rearrangements in Italy— Questions of
Murat, Genoa, and the Empress Marie Louise — Sweden — Denmark —
Spain— Portugal — England's share of the spoil— The Questions of the
Slave Trade and the Navigation of Rivers — Close of the Congress — Pre-
parations against Napoleon — The first reign of Louis xvm. in France —
Napoleon's return from Elba— The. Hundred Days— The Campaign of
Waterloo — Occupation of Paris — Second Treaty of Paris— Napoleon sent
to Saint Helena — The Holy Alliance— Return of Louis xvm. — Govern-
ment of the Second Restoration— The Chambre Introuvablc— Reaction in
Spain and Naples— Territorial Results of the Congress of Vienna— The
Principle of Nationality— Permanent Results of the French Revolution in
Europe— The Problem of harmonising the Principles of Individual and
Political Liberty with that of Nationality.

On the 1st of November 18 14 the diplomatists who were
Congress of to resettle Europe as arranged by the definitive
Vienna. Treaty of Paris met at Vienna. But many of the

monarchs most concerned felt that they could not give their
entire confidence to any diplomatist, however faithful or dis-
tinguished, and they therefore came to Vienna in person to
support their views. The final decision of disputes obviously
lay in the hands of the four powers which by their union had
conquered Napoleon. These four powers solemnly agreed to
act in harmony and to prepare all questions privately, and then
lay them before the Congress. In fact they intended to
impose their will upon the smaller states of Europe just as
Napoleon had done. That they did not succeed and that

886

The Congress of Vienna 337

their concert was broken was due to the extraordinary ability
of Talleyrand, the first French plenipotentiary. The history
of the Congress is the history of Talleyrand's skilful diplomacy,
and the resettlement of Europe which it effected was therefore
largely the work of France.

The Emperor Francis of Austria acted as host to his
illustrious guests. The royalties present were the Monarc h S and
Emperor Alexander of Russia, with his Empress, Diplomatists
the Grand Duke Constantine, and his sisters, the prescnt -
Grand Duchesses Marie of Saxe- Weimar and Catherine of
Oldenburg; the King of Prussia with his nephew Prince
William ; the King and Queen of Bavaria, the King and Crown
Prince of Wurtemburg, the King of Denmark, the Prince of
Orange, the Grand Dukes of Baden, Saxe- Weimar, and Hesse-
Cassel, the Dukes of Brunswick, Nassau, and Saxe-Coburg.
The King of Saxony was a prisoner of war and absent.

The plenipotentiaries of Russia were Count Razumov-
ski, Count von Stackelberg, and Count Nesselrode, who were
assisted by Stein, the former Prussian minister, and one of
Alexander's most trusted advisers, by Pozzo di Borgo, the
Corsican, now appointed Russian ambassador to Paris, by
Count Capo dTstria, the future President of Greece, by Prince
Adam Czartoryski, one of the most patriotic Poles, and by
some of the most famous Russian Generals, such as Cher-
nishev and Wolkonski. The Austrian plenipotentiaries were
Prince Metternich, the State Chancellor, the Baron von
Wessenberg-Ampfingen, and Friedrich von Gentz, who was
appointed to act as Secretary to the Congress.

England was represented by Lord Castlereagh, Lord Cath-
cart, Lord Clancarty, and Lord Stewart, Castlereagh's brother,
who as Sir Charles Stewart had played so great a part in the
negotiations in 181 3, and who had been created a peer for
his services. The English plenipotentiaries were also aided
by Count von Hardenberg, and Count von Miinster, who were
deputed to represent Hanoverian interests. The Prussian
plenipotentiaries were Prince von Hardenberg, the State

PERIOD VII. y

338 European History, 1814-1815

Chancellor, and William von Humboldt, who in military
matters were advised by General von Knesebeck. The
French representatives, whose part was to be so important,
were Talleyrand, Prince of Benevento, the Due de Dalberg,
nephew of the Prince Primate, the Marquis de la Tour du
Pin, and the Comte Alexis de Noailles. These were the
representatives of the great powers. Among the represen-
tatives of the lesser powers may be noted from the importance
of their action, Cardinal Consalvi, who represented the
Pope, the Count of Labrador for Spain, Count Palmella for
Portugal, Count Bernstorf for Denmark, Count Lowenhielm
for Sweden, the Marquis de Saint-Marsan for Sardinia, the
Duke di Campo-Chiaro for Murat, King of Naples, Ruffo,
for Ferdinand King of the Two Sicilies, Prince von Wrede for
Bavaria, Count Wintzingerode for Wiirtemburg, and Count von
Schulemburg for Saxony. In addition to these plenipoten-
tiaries representing powers of the first and second rank, were
innumerable representatives of petty principalities, deputies
for the free cities of Germany, and even agents for petty
German princes mediatised by Napoleon in 1806.

When Talleyrand with the French legation arrived in Vienna
History of the he found, as has been said, that the four great
Congress. powers had formed a close union in order to
control the Congress. His first step therefore was to set
France forth as the champion of the second-rate states of
Europe. The Count of Labrador, the Spanish representative,
strongly resented the conduct of the great powers in pre-
tending to arrange matters, as they called it, for the Congress.
Talleyrand skilfully made use of Labrador, and through him
and Palmella, Bernstorf and Lowenhielm managed to upset
the preconcerted ideas of the four allies, and insisted on
every matter being brought before the Congress as a whole,
and being prepared by small committees specially selected for
that purpose. His next step was to sow dissension amongst
the great powers. As the champion of the smaller states he
had already made France of considerable importance, and he

The Attitude of Talleyrand 339

then claimed that she too had a right to be treated as a
great power and not as an enemy. His argument was that
Europe had fought Napoleon and not France; that Louis
xviii. was the legitimate monarch of France; and that any,
disrespect shown to him or his ambassadors would recoil on
the heads of all other legitimate monarchs. He claimed that
France had as much right to make her voice heard in the
resettlement of Europe as any other country, because the
allied monarchs had distinctly recognised that she was only
to be thrust back into her former limits and not to be ex-
punged from the map of Europe. Having made his claim
good on the right of the legitimacy of his master to speak for
France as a great power equal in all respects to the others, he
proceeded to sow dissension among the representatives of the
four allied monarchs. This was not a difficult thing to do,
for the seeds of dissension had long existed. The difference
he introduced was that in speaking as a fifth great power, and
as the champion of the smaller states, France became the
arbiter in the chief questions before the Congress.

The division between the great powers was caused by the
desire of Russia and Prussia for the aggrandisement of their
territories. The Emperor Alexander wished to receive the
whole of Poland. His idea, which was inspired by his friend,
Prince Adam Czartoryski, was to form Poland into an indepen-
dent kingdom ruled, however, by himself as Emperor of Russia.
The Poles were to have a new Constitution based on that
propounded in 1791, and the Czar of Russia was to be also
King of Poland, just as in former days the Electors of Saxony
had been Kings of Poland, but he was to be an hereditary,
not an elected, sovereign. To form once more a united
Poland, Austria and Prussia were to surrender their gains in
the three partitions of Poland. Austria was to receive com-
pensation for her loss of Galicia in Italy ; Prussia was to be
compensated for the loss of Prussian Poland by receiving the
whole of Saxony. As it had been already arranged that
Prussia was to receive the bulk of the Rhenish territory on

34-0 European History, 1814-1815

the left bank of the Rhine in addition to her great extensions
of 1803, the result would be to make Prussia by far the
greatest power in Germany. Talleyrand was acute enough
to perceive that Lord Castlereagh did not approve of the
extension of the influence of Russia, and that Metternich was
equally indisposed to allow Prussia to obtain such a whole-
sale aggrandisement. Saxony had been the faithful ally of
France to the very last, and Talleyrand felt that it would be
an indelible stain on the French name if it were thus sacri-
ficed. He was cordially supported in this view by his new
master, for though the King of Saxony had been the faithful
ally of Napoleon, Louis xvin. did not forget that his own mother
was a Saxon princess. Working, therefore, on the feelings of
Castlereagh and Metternich, he induced England and Austria
to declare against the scheme of Russia and Prussia.

The Emperor Alexander and Frederick William blustered
loudly ; they declared that they were in actual military posses-
sion of Poland and of Saxony, and that they would hold those
states by force of arms against all comers. In answer, Talley-
rand, Castlereagh, and Metternich signed a treaty of mutual
alliance between France, England, and Austria, on the 3d
of January 1815. By this secret treaty the three powers
bound themselves to resist by arms the schemes of Russia
and Prussia, and in the face of their determined opposition
the Emperor Alexander gave way. Immediately Napoleon
returned from Elba he found the draft treaty between the
three powers on the table of Louis xvin. and at once sent it
to Alexander. That monarch, confronted with the danger
threatened by Napoleon's landing in France, contented himself
with showing the draft to Metternich and then threw it in
the fire. The whole of this strange story is of the utmost
interest ; it proves not only the ability of Talleyrand, but the
inherent strength of France. It is most significant that within
a few months after the occupation of Paris by the allies for
the first time France should again be recognised as a great
power, and form the main factor in breaking up the cohesion
of the alliance, which had been formed against her.

Alliance between England, Austria, and France 341

The result of Talleyrand's skilful policy was thus to unite
England, Austria, and France, supported by many secret Treaty
of the secondary states, such as Bavaria and of3d J an - l8x5 *
Spain, against the pretensions of Prussia and Russia. Power-
ful armies were immediately set on foot. France in par-
ticular raised her military forces from 130,000 to 200,000 men,
and her new army was in every way superior to that with which
Napoleon had fought his defensive campaigns in 1814, for it
contained the veteran soldiers who had been blockaded in the
distant fortresses or had been prisoners of war. England too
was enabled to make adequate preparations, for on December
the 24th, 1 814, a treaty had been signed at Ghent Treaty of
between the United States and England which Ghent,
put an end to the war which had been proceeding Dec " * 4 ' x8x4 '
ever since 181 2 on account of England's naval pretensions.
Bavaria also promised to put in the field 30,000 men for every
100,000 supplied by Austria. Although the secret treaty of
January 3d was not divulged until after the return of Napoleon
from Elba, the determined attitude of the opposition caused the
Emperor Alexander to give way. It was decided settlement
that instead of the whole of Saxony, Prussia should of Saxony,
only receive the district of Lusatia, together with the towns of
Torgau and Wittenberg ; a territory which embraced half the
area of Saxony and one-third of its population. The King of
Saxony, who had been treated as a prisoner of war, and whom
the Emperor of Russia had even threatened to send to Siberia,
was released from captivity, and induced by the Duke of
Wellington, who succeeded Lord Castlereagh as English pleni-
potentiary in February 181 5, to agree to these terms. The
salvation of Saxony was a matter of great gratification to I^puis
xviii., who remembered that though the king had been the
faithful ally of Napoleon, he was also his own near relative.

Since Prussia was obliged to give up her claim to the whole
of Saxony, Russia also had to withdraw from her settlement
scheme of uniting the whole of Poland. Never- of Poland,
theless, Russia retained the lion's share of the Grand Duchy of

342 European History, 1814-1815

Warsaw ; in 1774 her frontier had reached the Dwina and the
Dnieper; in 1793 she obtained half of Lithuania as far as
Wilna; in 1795 she annexed the rest of Lithuania and
touched the Ntemen and the Bug; in 1809 Napoleon had
granted her the territory containing the sources of the Bug ;
and now in 1815 her borders crossed the Vistula, and by the
annexation of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, including that city,
penetrated for some distance between Eastern Prussia and
Galicia. Prussia received back its share of the two first parti-
tions of Poland, with the addition of the province of Posen and
the city of Thorn, but lost Warsaw and its share in the last
partition; while Austria received Cracow, which was to be
administered as a free city. Alexander was deeply disap-
pointed by the frustration of his Polish schemes, but he never-
theless kept his promise to Prince Adam Czartoryski and
granted a representative constitution and a measure of inde-
pendence to Russian Poland.

Though the great diplomatic struggle arose over the com-
Thc Germanic bined question of Saxony and Poland, the most
confederation, important work of the Congress was not confined
to it alone. Committees were appointed to make new
arrangements for Germany, Switzerland, Italy, and to settle
other miscellaneous questions. Of these committees the most
important was that which reorganised Germany. It had been
arranged by the secret articles of the Treaty of Paris that a
Germanic Confederation should take the place of the Holy
Roman Empire. The example of Napoleon and his institu-
tion of the Confederation of the Rhine was followed and
developed. Instead of the hundreds of small states which had
existed at the commencement of the French Revolution,
Germany, apart from Austria and Prussia, was organised into
only thirty-eight states. These were the four kingdoms of
Hanover, Bavaria, Wiirtemburg, and Saxony ; the seven grand
duchies of Baden, Oldenburg, Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Meck-
lenburg-Strelitz, Hesse-Cassel, Hesse-Darmstadt, and Saxe-
Weimar ; the nine duchies of Nassau, Brunswick, Saxe-Gotha,

The Germanic Confederation 343

Saxe-Coburg, Saxe-Meiningen, Saxe-Hildburghausen, Anhalt-
Dessau, Anhalt-Bernburg, and Anhalt-Kothen ; eleven princi-
palities, two of Schwartzburg, two of Hohenzollern, two of
Lippe, two of Reuss, Hesse-Homburg, Liechtenstein, and
Waldeck, and the four free cities of Hamburg, Frankfort,
Bremen, and Ltibeck. The number of thirty-eight was made
up by the duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg, belonging to
the King of Denmark, and the grand duchy of Luxembourg,
granted to the King of the Netherlands. In its organisation
the Germanic Confederation resembled the Confederation of
the Rhine. The Diet of the Confederation was to be always
presided over by Austria and was to consist of two Chambers.
The Ordinary Assembly was composed of seventeen members,
one for each of the larger states, one for the free cities com-
bined, one for Brunswick, one for Nassau, one for the four
duchies of Saxony united, one for the three duchies of Anhalt
united, and one for the smaller principalities. This Assembly
was to sit permanently at Frankfort and to settle all ordinary
matters. In addition there was to be a General Assembly to
be summoned intermittently for important subjects, consisting
of sixty nine members returned by the different states in pro-
portion to their size and population. Each state was to be
supreme in internal matters, but private wars against each
other were forbidden as well as external wars by individual
states on powers outside the limits of the Confederacy. In
the territorial arrangements of the new Confederation, the
most important point is the disappearance of all ecclesiastical
states. The Prince-Primacy, which Napoleon had established
in his Confederation of the Rhine, was not maintained, and
Dalberg, who had filled that office throughout the Empire,
was restricted to his ecclesiastical functions.

The most difficult problem to be decided was the final dis-
position of the districts on the left bank of the Territoria i
Rhine, which had been ruled by France ever arrangements
since 1794. It had been settled by the secret on thc Rhlnc '
articles at Paris that these dominions should be used for the

344 European History, 1 8 1 4- 1 8 1 5

establishment of strong powers upon the borders of France.
The main difficulty was as to the disposition of the important
border fortresses of Mayence and Luxembourg. Prussia laid
claim to both these places, but was strongly resisted by
Austria, France, and the smaller states of Germany. It was
eventually resolved that Prussia should receive the northern
territory on the left bank of the Rhine, stretching from
Elten to Coblentz, and including Cologne, Treves, and Aix-
la-Chapelle. In compensation for the Tyrol and Salzburg,
which she was forced to return to Austria, and in recognition
of her former sovereignty in the Palatinate, Bavaria was
granted a district from the Prussian borders to Alsace, includ-
ing Mayence, which was designated Rhenish Bavaria. Finally,
Luxembourg was formed into a grand duchy, and given as a
German state to the House of Orange. It was not united to
the new kingdom of the Netherlands, which was formed out of
Holland and Belgium, but was to retain its independence
under the sovereignty of the King of the Netherlands. The
union of the provinces of the Netherlands was one of the
favourite schemes of England, and was carried into effect in
spite of the well-known feeling of opposition between the
Catholic provinces of Belgium and the Protestant provinces
of Holland.

As in its re-organisation of Germany, so in the settlement of
Switzerland, the Congress of Vienna followed the example set
Switzerland ^ v Napoleon. The Emperor had quite given up
the idea which had fascinated the French Directory
of forming Switzerland into a Republic, one and indivisible.
He had yielded to the wishes of the Swiss people themselves,
and organised them on the basis of a confederation of indepen-
dent cantons. The Congress of Vienna continued Napoleon's
policy of forbidding the existence of subject cantons in spite
of the protests of the Canton of Berne. Napoleon's cantons
of Argau, Thurgau, Saint-Gall, the Grisons, the Ticino, and
the Pays de Vaud were maintained, but the number of the
cantons was raised from nineteen to twenty-two by the formation

The Attitude of Murat 345

of the three new cantons of Geneva, the Valais, and Neuf-
chatel, which had formed part of the French Empire. The
Canton of Berne received in reply to its importunities the
greater part of the former Bishopric of Basle. The Swiss
Confederation as thus constituted was placed under the
guarantee of the great powers and declared neutral for ever.
The Helvetic Constitution, which was promulgated by a
Federal Act dated the 7th of April 1815, was not quite so
liberal as Napoleon's Constitution. Greater independence
was secured in that the constitutions of the separate cantons
and organic reforms in them had not to be submitted to the
Federal Diet. The prohibition against internal custom
houses was removed. The presidency of the Diet was reserved
to Zurich, Berne, and Lucerne alternately, and the Helvetic
Diet became a Congress of Delegates like the Germanic Diet
rather than a Legislative Assembly. It is to be noted that in
spite of the declaration of the Congress of Vienna, Prussia
refused to renounce her claims on her former territory of
Neufchatel, the independence of which as a Swiss canton was
not recognised by her until 1857.

The resettlement of Italy presented more than one special
problem. The most difficult of these to solve was
caused by the engagements entered into by the y '

allies with Murat in 18 14. Talleyrand, on behalf of the King of
France, insisted on the dethronement and expulsion of Murat,
while Metternich from friendship for Caroline Murat wished to
retain him in his kingdom. The Emperor Alexander, who ever
prided himself on his fidelity to his engagements, wished to
protect Murat, and had at Vienna struck up a warm friendship
with Eugene de Beauharnais, Napoleon's Viceroy of Italy.
Murat, ungrateful though he was personally toward Napoleon,
had yet imbibed his master's ideas in favour of the unity and
independence of Italy. During the campaign of 18 14, he had
led his army to the banks of the Po, and he persisted in
remaining there after the Congress of Vienna had met. But
the diplomatists at Vienna had no wish to accept the great

346 European History, 1 8 1 4- 1 8 1 5

idea of Italian unity. Murat's aspirations in this direction
were most annoying to them, and it was with real pleasure that
they heard after the landing of Napoleon from Elba that
Murat had by an indiscreet proclamation given them an excuse
for an open declaration of war. The Duke di Campo-Chiaro,
Murat's representative at Vienna, had kept him informed of
the differences between the allied powers, and an indiscreet
note asking whether he was to be considered as at peace or at
war with the House of Bourbon gave the plenipotentiaries
their opportunity. War was immediately declared against
him ; an Austrian army defeated him at Tolentino on the 3d of
May 1 815, and he was forced to fly from Italy. The accept-
ance of Murat's ambassador, who spoke in his name as King
of the Two Sicilies, made it difficult for the Congress to know
how to treat with Ruffo who had been sent as ambassador by
Ferdinand, the Bourbon King of the Two Sicilies, who had
maintained his power in the island of Sicily through the
presence of the English garrison. Acting on the ground of
legitimacy, it was difficult to reject Ferdinand's claims, which
were warmly supported by France and Spain, but Murat's ill-
considered behaviour solved the difficulty, and after his defeat
Ferdinand was recognised as King of the Two Sicilies. Murat,
later in the year, landed in his former dominions, but he was
taken prisoner and promptly shot.

Another Italian question which presented considerable
difficulty was the disposal of Genoa and the surrounding
territory. When Lord William Bentinck occupied that city,
he had in the name of England promised it independence and
even hinted at the unity of Italy. Castlereagh unfortunately
felt it to be his duty to disavow Bentinck's declaration, and
Genoa was united to Piedmont as part of the kingdom of
Sardinia. The third difficult question was the creation of a
state for the Empress Marie Louise. An independent sover-
eignty had been promised to her. She was naturally
supported by her father, the Emperor Francis of Austria, and
was ably represented at Vienna by her future husband, Count

Rearrangements in Italy and Scandinavia 347

Neipperg. It was eventually resolved that she should receive
the duchies of Parma, Piacenza, and Guastalla, but the succes-
sion was not secured to her son, the King of Rome, but was
granted to the rightful heir, the King of Etruria, who, until
the succession fell in, was to rule at Ducca. The other
arrangements in Italy were comparatively simple. Austria
received the whole of Venetia and Lombardy, in the place of
Mantua and the Milanese, which she had possessed before
1789. The Grand Duchy of Tuscany, with the principality of
Piombino, was restored to the Grand-Duke Ferdinand, the
uncle of the Emperor Francis of Austria, with the eventual
succession to the Duchy of Lucca. The Pope received back
his dominions including the Legations of Bologna and Ferrara,
and Duke Francis, the grandson of Hercules 111., was recognised
as Duke of Modena, to which duchy he would have succeeded
had not Napoleon absorbed it in his kingdom of Italy.

The arrangements with regard to the other states of Europe
made at the Congress of Vienna were compara-

*• i • ^ ? j j* j ^ .t_ Other States.

tively unimportant, and did not present the same
difficult problems as the resettlement of Germany, Switzerland,
and Italy. Norway in spite of its disinclination was definitely
ceded to Sweden, but Bernadotte had to restore
to France the West-Indian island of Guadeloupe, w
which had been handed over to him by England in 18 13, as
part of the price of his alliance. Denmark had by the Treaty
of Kiel with Bernadotte been promised Swedish
Pomerania in the place of Norway. This pro-
mise was not carried out. Denmark like Saxony had been
too faithful an ally of Napoleon not to be made to suffer.
Swedish Pomerania was given to Prussia, and Denmark only
received the small Duchy of Lauenburg. By these arrange-
ments both Sweden and Denmark were greatly weakened,
and the Scandinavian States, by the loss of Finland and
Pomerania, surrendered to their powerful neigh-
bours, Prussiaand Russia, the commandof the Baltic
Sea. Spain, owing to the ability of the Count of Labrador,

348 European History, 1814-1815

and the support of Talleyrand, not only lost nothing except the
island of Trinidad, which had been conquered by England,
but was allowed to retain the district round Olivenza, which
had been ceded to her by Portugal in 1801. The desertion of
Portugal by England in this particular is the chief
u * a * blot on Lord Castlereagh's policy at Vienna. The
Portuguese army had fought gallantly with Wellington, and
there was no reason why she should have been forced to con-
sent to the definite cession of Olivenza to Spain when other
countries were winning back their former borders. Portugal
was also made to surrender French Guiana and Cayenne to
France. England, though she had borne the chief

ng a ' pecuniary stress of the war and had been more
instrumental than any other power in overthrowing Napoleon,
received less compensation than any other country. She kept
Malta, thus settling the question which led to the rupture of
the Peace of Amiens; she received Heligoland, which was
ceded to her by Denmark, as commanding the mouth of the
Elbe ; and she was also granted the protectorate of the Ionian
Islands, which enabled her to close the Adriatic. Among
colonial possessions England took from France the Mauritius,
Tobago, and Saint Lucia, but she returned Martinique and the
Isle of Bourbon, and forced Sweden and Portugal to restore
Guadeloupe and French Guiana. With regard to Holland,
England retained Ceylon and the Cape of Good Hope, but
she restored Java, Curacao, and the other Dutch possessions.
In the West Indies also, she retained, as has been said, the
former Spanish island of Trinidad.

One reason for Castlereagh's moderation at Vienna is to be
The slave found in the pressure that was exerted upon him
Trade. m England to secure the abolition of the slave-

trade. It is a curious fact that while the English plenipoten-
tiary was taking such an important share in the resettlement
of Europe, the English people were mainly interested in the
question ot the slave-trade. The great changes which were
leading to new combinations in Europe, the aggrandisement of

Abolition of the Slave Trade 349

Prussia, the reconstitution of Germany, the extension of
Austria, all passed without notice, but meetings, in Lord Castle-
reagh's own words, were held in nearly every village to insist
upon his exerting his authority to abolish the trade in negro
slaves. Castlereagh therefore lent his best efforts, in obedience
to his constituents, to this end. The other ambassadors could
not understand why he troubled so much about what seemed
to them a trivial matter. They suspected a deep design, and
thought that the reason of England's humanity was that her
West Indian colonies were well stocked with negroes, whereas
the islands she was restoring were empty of them. The pleni-
potentiaries of other powers possessing colonies in the tropics
therefore refused to comply with Castlereagh's request and it
was eventually settled that the slave-trade should be abolished
by France after five, and by Spain after eight years. Castle-
reagh had to be content with this concession, but to satisfy
his English constituents he got a declaration condemning the
slave-trade assented to by all the powers at the The Naviga-
Congress. Another point of great importance tion of
which was settled at the Congress of Vienna was Rlver8,
with regard to the navigation of rivers which flow through
more than one state. It had been the custom for all the
petty sovereigns to impose such heavy tolls on river traffic that
such rivers as the Rhine were made practically useless for
commerce. This question was discussed by a committee at
the Congress, and a code for the international regulation of
rivers was drawn up and generally agreed to.

These matters took long to discuss, and might have taken
longer had not the news arrived at the beginning Close of the
of March 181 5 that Napoleon had left Elba and %X££? ° f
become once more undisputed ruler of France. June 1815.
In the month of February the Duke of Wellington had
succeeded Lord Castlereagh as English representative at
Vienna, for the latter nobleman had to return to London to
take his place in Parliament. At the news of the striking event
of Napoleon's being once more at the head of a French army

3 50 European History, 1 8 14- 1 8 1 5

all jealousies at Vienna ceased for the time. The Duke of
Wellington was taken into consultation by the allied monarchs,
and it was resolved to carry into effect the provisions of the
Treaty of Chaumont. The great armies which had been pre-
pared for a struggle amongst themselves were now turned
by the allies against France. A treaty of alliance was signed
at Vienna between Austria, Russia, Prussia, and England, on
the 25th of March 18 15, by which those powers promised to
furnish 180,000 men each for the prosecution of war, and
stipulated that none of them should lay down arms until the
power of Napoleon was completely destroyed. It was
arranged that three armies should invade France, the first of
250,000 Austrians, Russians, and Bavarians under Schwartzen-
berg across the Upper Rhine, the second of 150,000 Prussians
under Bliicher across the Lower Rhine, and the third of 150,000
English, Hanoverians and Dutch from the Netherlands. Sub-
sidies to the extent of ;£i 1,000,000 were promised by
England to the allies. These arrangements made, the allied
monarchs and their ministers left Vienna. But the final
general Act of the Congress was not drawn up and signed
until the 8th of June 181 5, ten days before the battle of
Waterloo.

It has been said that the allied armies after the abdication
The First °^ Napoleon at Fontainebleau had retired and left
Reign of France to the rule of Louis xviii. That King on
Louis xviii. return i n g to France had made most liberal pro-
mises in the declaration known as the Declaration of Saint
Ouen. These principles were embodied in a Charter, which
was granted on the 4th of June 18 14. By this Charter represen-
tative institutions and entire individual liberty were promised,
and also the maintenance of the administrative creations of
the Empire. Under the new Constitution there were to be two
chambers, the one of hereditary peers, the other of elected
representatives. The promises of the Charter were very fair,
and had they been duly carried out, France might have been
entirely contented, but unfortunately for himself Louis xviii.

Return of Napoleon 351

had not learned experience in his exile. In spite of the
Charter he regarded himself as a ruler by right divine.
£migrisy even kmigrts who had borne arms against France and
consistently abused their fatherland, were promoted to the
highest offices in the State. The King surrounded himself
with reactionary courtiers, and what was worse with reactionary
ministers. The favour shown to returned SmigrSs, the haughty
attitude of the Princes of the blood, and the violent proclama-
tions of the returned bishops and clergy made the people of
France fear that the promises made in the Charter were but a
sham, and that the next step would be that the estates of the
Church and of the Crown which had been sold during the
Revolution would be resumed. The feeling of distrust was
universal. The rule of Louis xvm. had been accepted only
as a guarantee of peace. It was never popular, and the former
subordinates of Napoleon began to regret the Imperial regime.
If this was the feeling among the civil population, it was still
more keenly felt in the army. Prisoners of war, and the
blockaded garrisons, who had returned to France, felt sure
that Napoleon's defeat in 18 14 had been but accidental and
wished to try conclusions once more with Europe. In all
ranks a desire was expressed to wipe out the disgrace of the
occupation of Paris by the allies.

On the 1 st of March 1815, Napoleon, who had been
informed of the universal feeling in France, landed Napoleon's
in the Gulf of San Juan, and began the short reign ££a? fr ° m
which is known as the Hundred Days. He was March, 1815.
accompanied by the 800 men of the Guard whom he had
been allowed to have at Elba, and was received with the
utmost enthusiasm by all classes. His journey through
France was a triumphal procession. The King's brother, the
Comte d'Artois, vainly attempted to organise resistance at
Lyons. Marshal Ney, who had promised to arrest his patron,
joined him with the army under his command on the 17th of
March, and on the 20th Napoleon re entered Paris and took
up his quarters at the Tuileries. Louis xviii. had fled on the

352 European History, 1814-1815

news of Ney's defection, and escaping from France took
shelter at Ghent. Napoleon had learnt bitter lessons from his
misfortunes. He declared that he would grant full and
complete individual liberty, and also the freedom of the press,
and on the 23d of April he promulgated what he called the
Additional Act consecrating these principles. He felt his
error in depending too entirely upon his bureaucracy, and he
appealed on the ground of patriotism to the men of the
Revolution whom he had in the days of his power carefully
kept from office. These men rallied round him, and he
appointed their most noteworthy representative, Carnot, his
Minister of the Interior. He declared his acceptance of the
two chambers ordained by the Charter, and most of the
peers created by Louis xvm. took the oath of allegiance once
again to Napoleon.

After rousing national enthusiasm by appeals to patriotism
Campaign of anc * by the liberal provisions of the Additional Act,
Waterloo. Napoleon organised his army, and in his favourite
June 1 15. fashion decided to strike before any invasion of
France took place. Of the three armies prepared for the
invasion the one nearest within reach was that commanded by
the Duke of Wellington. That General on leaving Vienna
had been placed at the head of a miscellaneous force of
English, Hanoverians, Dutch, and Belgians. He greatly
regretted the absence of most of his veterans of the Peninsula
who were still in America, and complained of the number of
raw troops under his command. He agreed to act in harmony
with the Prussians under Bliicher, who brought his army into
the Netherlands. Napoleon determined to strike before
Wellington and Bliicher had united. He crossed the frontier
at the head of 130,000 men, and by his skilful and rapid
movements practically surprised the allied generals. On the
1 6th of June 181 5, he defeated Bliicher at Ligny, while Ney
with his left fought a drawn battle with the English advanced
divisions at Quatre-Bras. By these engagements the English
and Prussian armies were separated. Napoleon then resolved

battle of Waterloo 353

to attack the English with the bulk of his army, and detached
Marshal Grouchy to pursue the Prussians. Bliicher, however,
promised to come to Wellington's assistance if the English
were attacked, and Wellington relying on this promise took up
his position at Waterloo. On the 18th of June the battle of
Waterloo was fought. The English army held its position in
spite of repeated and furious attacks, until Bliicher came up
on the French right. Unable to continue the struggle against
two foes, the French army was obliged to give way, and after the
repulse of the Guard, which might have covered his retreat,
Napoleon recognised that he was completely routed. He fled
to Paris, and on the 2 2d of June he abdicated in favour of his
son, the King of Rome. He nominated an executive commis-
sion of government, and then went on board ship in the hope
of escaping to America. In this project he failed, and on 15th
July he surrendered to Captain Maitland on board H.M.S.
Bellerophon. The army of Wellington and Bhicher pursued
the defeated foe, but the rout had been too complete for the
French to make another stand. Cambrai the only place that
attempted to resist was easily taken, and on the 3d of July
Wellington and Bliicher re-occupied Paris. Meanwhile the
grand army of Schwartzenberg had also invaded France, and
the country was once more in the possession of the allies.

The terms of the second Treaty of Paris proved that the
allied monarchs understood the difference between Second
the opposition made by France to Europe in J^JJ 3 ^
1814 and 1815. In 1814 the Treaty of Paris Nov. 1815.
which was then concluded was, if not particularly liberal to
France, at least perfectly just. The allied monarchs and their
ministers had appreciated the fact that in 18 14 they were
fighting Napoleon and not France. The campaign of 1815
had been of a different character. The French nation and
not merely the French army had given proof of their attach-
ment both to the Empire and to Napoleon's person. It was
therefore considered necessary, not only to impose harsher
terms upon France, but to exact securities for the future.

PERIOD vii. z

354 European History, 1814-1815

Several schemes were proposed, of which one was to detach
Alsace, Lorraine, and French Flanders, if not the whole of
Picardy, and to reduce the limits of France to what they were
before the conquests of Louis xiv. This scheme, which was
earnestly supported by Prussia, who hoped to get the lion's
share of the districts taken from France, was warmly opposed by
Austria and England. The latter power was not to be bribed
by the proposed extension of the frontier of its new creation,
the Kingdom of the Netherlands. And the former objected
entirely to any increase of the power of Prussia. Lord Castle-
reagh in his opposition to these extravagant suggestions of
Prussia was supported by the Emperor Alexander and his
minister, Nesselrode, and eventually it was agreed that France
should be reduced to its exact limits of 1789. This meant
that France lost all the cessions made to it in 18 14, except
Avignon and the Venaissin. Chamb^ry and the part of
Savoy then granted to France were restored to the King of
Sardinia ; the districts in the neighbourhood of Geneva were
also returned to that canton, and the fortress of Huningen on
the borders of Switzerland was ordered to be dismantled ; and
the various rectifications of the frontier on the eastern and
north-eastern borders were no longer sanctioned. A war con-
tribution of 700,000,000 francs was laid upon France, in addi-
tion to which she was to maintain, at the cost of 250,000,000
francs a year, an army of 150,000 men in the possession of
her chief frontier fortresses for a period of five years.

These were the most important conditions of peace con-
tained in the second Treaty of Paris, which was signed on 20th
of November 18 15. But what France felt more bitterly than
pecuniary contributions, or even the loss of territory, was the
decision of the allied powers that the numerous pictures and
works of art, which had been accumulated in Paris during the
wars of the Revolution and the Empire, should be returned to
their former owners. The Prussians were not satisfied with
this, they wished to punish Paris more severely. Bliicher was
only prevented by the intervention of Lord Castlereagh and

The Holy Alliance 355

the Duke of Wellington from exacting a contribution of a
110,000,000 francs from the inhabitants of Paris alone. The
Prussians even made preparations to blow up the Bridge of
Jena, whose name perpetuated their greatest military humilia-
tion, and were only prevented from their purpose by the ex-
pressed determination of Louis xvm. to stand upon the bridge
and be blown up with it if they persisted, and Bliicher had to
be satisfied with the alteration of the name of the bridge from
the Bridge of Jena to the Bridge of the Military Napoleon sent
School. The question of the disposition of the to St Helena -
person of Napoleon was one of some difficulty. He reached
Torbay on board the Bellerophon on the 24th of July 1815,
and the English Ministers did not know what to do with their
illustrious prisoner. They dared not trust him in any part of
Europe or America from which he could repeat his expedition
from Elba. Bliicher loudly declared that he ought to be shot
at Vincennes like the Due d'Enghien, but the English Govern-
ment thought it would be sufficient to confine him on an
isolated island. For this purpose they borrowed the island of
Saint Helena from the East India Company, and on the 8th
of August, Napoleon set sail for his place of exile on board
H.M.S. Northumberland.

A month after the departure of Napoleon for St. Helena,
the Emperor Alexander, the Emperor Francis, and The Holy
King Frederick William signed the treaty which Alliance,
is known as the Holy Alliance. By this treaty it Sept l815 '
was declared that the Christian religion was the sole base of
government, and the contracting monarchs promised to aid
each other on all occasions like brothers, and to recommend
to their peoples the exercise of the duties of the Christian
religion. Lord Castlereagh declined on behalf of the Prince
Regent to join the Holy Alliance, but on the 28th of Novem-
ber 18 15, after the signature of the Peace of Paris, he agreed
to an alliance that should include all the four powers, of
which the aims were to keep from the throne of France either
Napoleon or any relation of his, to combine together for the

3 56 European History, 1814-1815

security of their separate states, and the general tranquillity of
Europe, and to hold at fixed dates congresses for the settle-
ment of disputed questions.

The second restoration of Louis xvm. differed from the
The second first as the second Treaty of Paris differed from
iiouisxvni°. * ts predecessor. After the events of the Hundred
July 1815. Days, the Bourbon King could no more delude
himself with the idea that he was welcome to the people of
France. He owed his seat upon the throne only to the
absence of Napoleon and the presence of the allied armies in
France, and he prepared on this occasion to punish those who
had deserted him. He refused to grant an amnesty, and on
the 24th of July 181 5, he proscribed fifty-seven of the leading
men in France, of whom nineteen were ordered to be tried by
court-martial, and thirty- eight were banished. The most illus-
trious of the victims who perished under this proscription was
Marshal Ney, who was shot at Paris on the 7th of December,
after being condemned to death by the Chamber of Peers.
This procedure was rendered necessary because it would have
been difficult to find a court-martial to condemn the bravest
of the French marshals. Marshal Moncey, who was nomin-
ated to preside over such a court-martial, refused in an
eloquent letter which caused him to be sent to prison for
three months. Far worse than these executions was the result
of the outbreak of brigandage in the south of France. Under
the pretext of being Royalists, the Companies of Jehu, which
had ravaged the south of France in the days of the Thermi-
dorians and of the Directory, again set to work. Political, reli-
gious, and personal passions excited to massacre. Pillage and
murder were rife throughout the south of France, and among
the victims who were slain in this White Terror of 18 15 were
Marshal Brune, and Generals Ramel and Lagarde. Special
courts were formed by a law voted on the 12 th of Decembei
18 1 5, to punish political offences. These provost's courts
were as severe and almost as unjust as the revolutionary
tribunals in the provinces during the Reign of Terror, and

The Government of the Restoration in France 357

many hundreds of executions took place. Finally, in January
181 6, what was ironically called a Law of Amnesty was passed.
This law, from the list of its exceptions, was practically a
gigantic proscription. Among others, all surviving members
of the Convention who had voted for the death of Louis xvi.
were exiled if they had in any way accepted the authority of
Napoleon during the Hundred Days, which most of them had
done. Under this Law of Amnesty most of the great statesmen
who had been concerned in the government of France since
1793 were driven into exile. Conspicuous among them
were Carnot, Merlin of Douai, Sieyes, Cambac£res, and
David, the greatest painter of his time.

Restored for a second time to the throne of France, Louis
xviii. declined to take warning from the result Government of
of his former policy. He again showered his the second
favours on returned kmigrks^ and pursued a Rcstoration -
thoroughly reactionary policy. As soon as he was firmly
seated at the Tuileries, with the Prussians and the English
encamped round Paris, he dismissed Talleyrand and Fouch^
from office and formed a new and strongly Royalist ministry
under the presidency of the Due de Richelieu, who had spent
the last twenty years of his life in exile as one of the chief
administrators of Russia. The king avowed his intention of
keeping the promises he made in the Charter of 1814, but
those promises were carried out in such a way as to make
them absolutely illusory. He took advantage of the general
adhesion given to Napoleon on his return from Elba to
exclude from the Upper Chamber or House of Peers most of
the leading men in France, leaving the majority entirely in the
hands of former imigres, and of men who by the excess of their
royalism wished to palliate their offence in not having emi-
grated. The Lower House, or Chamber of Representatives,
even exceeded the House of Peers in its violent royalism.
The deputies, chiefly elected under the direct pressure of
threats of vengeance, were ready to adopt any reactionary
measure suggested to them. Louis xvm. gave this Assembly

3 S 8 European History, 1814-1815

the name of the ' Chambre Introuvable/ which he intended as
a compliment, but which has survived as a term of derision.
Among the first laws voted were the suspension of individual
liberty, and of the liberty of the press, and the request was
then made that the King, in his goodness, would revise
fourteen articles of the Charter which were too liberal. But
even this chamber, aided by the presence of foreign armies,
could not make France revert to the condition in which it had
been before 1789. A hint of the resumption of ecclesiastical
or national domains would have set the whole country in an
uproar, and the Chamber had to be satisfied with voting a large
sum of money out of the ordinary taxes as compensation to
the kmigrhs for their sufferings in exile.

The spirit of reaction went much further in Spain than in
The Reaction France. Ferdinand vn., on returning to his capital
in Spain. m ^ay 1814, issued a proclamation attacking the

Cortes, which had done so much to recover the country from
the hands of the French. In his own words : 'A Cortes con-
voked in a manner never before known in Spain has been profit-
ing by my captivity in France, and has usurped my rights by
imposing on my people an anarchical and seditious Constitu-
tion based on the democratic principles of the French Revolu-
tion.' The King of Spain then proceeded to annul by his
own absolute authority everything that had been done during
his absence. He re-established the Inquisition, and proscribed
and condemned to death all who had taken part in reforming
the institutions of Spain, whether under the authority of
Joseph Bonaparte or under that of the National Cortes.
Many hundreds, if not thousands, of Spanish patriots were put
to death in a vain attempt of Ferdinand vn. to restore things
as they had been in former days. The attempt to carry out a
complete reaction resulted in utter failure. Insurrections
broke out in all directions, and the Spanish colonies in South
America took advantage of the troubles in the fatherland to
Naples. strike a blow for their own freedom. It is satis-

factory to be able to state that the head of the third reigning

Results of the Congress of Vienna 359

branch of the House of Bourbon behaved with more modera-
tion and wisdom than Ferdinand vn. of Spain or Louis xvm.
of France. Ferdinand iv., King of the Two Sicilies, returned
to his capital at Naples in June 181 5. He can hardly be
blamed for ordering the execution of Murat whom he had
always regarded as a usurper, and it is greatly to his credit
that he made some endeavour to retain the excellent adminis-
tration on the French system which had been established ~by
Joseph Bonaparte and Murat

The final overthrow of Napoleon and his exile to St.
Helena allowed the new system for the govern- Rc8Ultl0f
ment of Europe as laid down by the Congress of the Congress
Vienna to be tried. That system may be roughly of Vienna -
designated as the system of the Great Powers. Before 1789,
certain states, such as France and England and Spain, were,
from fortuitous circumstances, or the course of their history,
larger, more united, and therefore more fitted for war, than
others, but the greater part of the Continent was split up
into small, and in the case of Germany, into very small states.
Several of these small states, such as Sweden and Holland,
had at different times exercised a very considerable influence,
and the policy of Frederick the Great had added another to
them; in the military state of Prussia. At the Congress of
Vienna the tendency was to diminish the number and
power of the secondary states, and to destroy minute
sovereignties. Sweden and Denmark were relegated to the
rank of third-rate powers ; the petty principalities of Germany
were built up into third-rate states. Austria and Prussia were
established as great powers, but the increase of their territory
brought with it dissimilar results. Prussia became the pre-
ponderant state of Germany, while Austria, whose Imperial
House had so long held the position of Holy Roman Emperor,
became less German, and now depended for its strength
on its Italian, Magyar, and Slavonic provinces. The irrup-
tion of Russia into the European comity of nations was another
significant feature. By its annexation of the greater part of

360 European History, 1814-1815

the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, Russia thrust itself between
Prussia and Austria territorially, while its leading share in the
overthrow of Napoleon made its place as a European power
unassailable. It may be doubted if the policy of Peter the
Great and the Empress Catherine was thus carried out. The
tendency of those rulers was to make the Baltic and the Black
Sea Russian lakes, and to build up an- Empire of the East ;
affairs in Central Europe only interested them in so far as they
prevented interference with their Eastern designs, and did not
lead to the erection of powerful states on the Russian border.
Nothing is more remarkable in the settlement of Europe
ThePrinci- ^y ^e Congress of Vienna than the entire
pic of Nation- neglect of the principle of nationality. Yet it
ahty * was the sentiment of national patriotism which

had enabled France to repulse Europe in arms, and had
trained the soldiers with whom Napoleon had given the law
to the Continent and had overthrown the mercenary armies
of his opponents. It was the principle of nationality which
had crippled Napoleon's finest armies in Spain, and which
had produced his expulsion from Russia. It was the feeling
of intense national patriotism which had made the Prussian
army of 181 3, and enabled Prussia after its deepest humilia-
tion to take rank as a first-class power. But the diplo-
matists at Vienna treated the idea as without force. They
had not learnt the great lesson of the French Revolution,
that the first result of rousing a national consciousness of
political liberty is to create a spirit of national patriotism.
The Congress of Vienna trampled such notions under foot.
The partition of Poland was consecrated by Europe ; Italy
was placed under foreign rulers; Belgium and Holland, in
spite of the hereditary opposition of centuries, were united
under one king. The territories on the left bank of the
Rhine, which were happy under French rule, and had been
an integral part of France for twenty years, were roughly torn
away, and divided between Prussia, Bavaria, and the House
of Orange, under the fancied necessity, induced by the

Results of the French Revolution. 361

exploded notion of maintaining the balance of power in
Europe, of building up a bulwark against France. Such short-
sighted policy was certain to be undone. Holland and
Belgium separated ; Italy became united ; Poland maintained
the consciousness of her national unity, and has more than
once endeavoured to regain her independence; France has
never ceased to yearn after her * natural ' frontier, the Rhine ;
the states of Germany have developed a national German
patriotism which has led to the creation of the modern
German Empire. This feeling of conscious nationality was
the result of the French Revolution and the wars of Napoleon ;
its existence is the strength of England, France, Russia, and
Germany, its absence is the weakness of Austria. In so far
as the spirit of nationality was neglected at the Congress of
Vienna, its work was but temporary; in its resurrection,
which has filled the history of the present century, the work
of the French Revolution has been permanent.

But after all, the growth of the spirit of nationality is only
a secondary result of the French Revolution upon
Europe; it did not arise in France until foreign results of the
powers attempted to interfere with the develop- French
ment of the French people after their own fashion ;
it did not arise in Europe until Napoleon began to interfere
with the development of other nations. The primary results
of the French Revolution, — the recognition of individual
liberty, which implied the abolition of serfdom and of social
privileges; the establishment of political liberty, which implied
the abolition of despots, however benevolent, and of political
privileges ; the maintenance of the doctrine of the sovereignty
of the people, which implied the right of the people, through
their representatives, to govern themselves, — have also survived
the Congress of Vienna. When Europe tried to interfere, the
French people sacrificed these great gains to the spirit of
nationality, and bowed before the despotism of the Committee
of Public Safety and of Napoleon ; they have since regained
them. The French taught these principles to the rest of

362 European History \ 18 14- 18 15

Europe, and the history qf Europe since 181 5 has been the
history of their growth side by side with the idea of nationality.
How the two, liberty and nationality, can be preserved in
harmony is the great problem of the future ; the history of
Europe from 1789 to 181 5 affords' many examples of the
difficulty of the problem and of the dangers which beset its
solution.

APPENDICES

3<>4

APPEN-
The Rulers and Ministers of the

{Capitals indicate Rulers ; small capitals, Chief

1789.

1790.
1791.

179a.

1793-

*794-

1795-

1796-
X797-

1798.
1799-

1800.
1 801.

1802.
1803.
1804.

1805.
1806.

1807.

1808.
1809.

iBlO.
l8ll.
1812.

18 1 3.
1814.

Holy Roman Empire ;
a'ter 1805, Austria.

JOSEPH II. (Emperor

since ^ 1765 ; ruler o:

Austria since 1780.)

Kaunitz (since 1756.)

Philip Cobenzl (since

1780.)

LEOPOLD II. (Feb.)

Great Britain.

FRANCIS II. (March).

COLLORBDO

Thugut (June).

Louis Cobenzl (April)

Thugut (Jan)

Lehrbach(Oct.)

Louis Cobenzl.

Philip Stadion.

Mktternich. .

GEORGE III. (since
1760).

William Pitt (since
Dec. 1783X
Duke of Leeds (since
Dec. 1783).

. Lord Grenville (June)

Henry Addington
(March).

Lord Hawkesbury
(March.)

. William Pitt (May).

Lord Harroitvy ,,
. . .LordMulgravcQzn.)

. LoRDGRENVILLE(Feb-)

Charles James Fox

(Feb.)
Viscount Hoxvick

(Sept.)
, Duke of Portland

(March).
George Canning

(March).

. SrENCER Perceval
(Dec.)

Lord Bathurst (Oct.)
Lord Wellesley (Dec.)

Lord Castlereagh
(March).
Earl of Liverpool
(June)-

France.

LOUIS XVI. (since
»774)- , ,

Comte de Montmorin
(since 1787).

...A.de Valdec de Les-
*rrf (Nov.)

REPUBLIC (Sept.)
Dumouriez ( March).
Chambonas (J une).
Bigot de Ste. Croix
(Aug).
Lebrun Tondu (Aug.)

Deforgues (June)

. . (Ministry abolished —

April '94 — Oct. '95).

DIRFXTORY(Oct.)

Delacroix (Nov.)

. . . . Talleyrand (]\x\y).

CONSULATE (Nov.)
Bernhardt (July).
Talleyrand (Nov.)

NAPOLEON, Emperor.

. . .Champagny (Aug.)

.Maret (April).

. . . . Caulaincourt (Nov.)
LOUIS XVIII.

Talleyrand (April).

DIX I.

Great Powers of Europe, i 789-1815.

Ministers; and italics, Foreign Ministers.)

36s

Prussia.

FREDERICK WIL-
LIAM II. (since 1786).
Hertzberg (since 1756).

Schulemburg (May).
Haugwitz (Oct.)

FREDERICK WIL-
LIAM III. (Nov.)

Harden berg (Aug.). .

Haugwitz (Feb.)
Hardenberg (Nov.)

Stein (July) ..
Goltz (July).

Harden berg (July X .

Russia.

CATHERINE II. (since
1762).

Ostermann (since 1775).

PAUL I. (Nov.) .
Ostermann.
Panine.

ALEXANDER I. (Mar.).
Panine.
Kotckoubey.

VORONZOV.

Adam Czartoryski
(May).

Baron Budberg (Aug.)

Routnianzov (Sept.)

ROUMIANZOV . .

Nesselrode.

Spain.

CHARLES IV (since
Dec. 1788).

Florida Blanca (since
1773)-

Aranda (July).
Godoy (Nev.).

Saavedra (March).
Urquijo (August).

Godoy (Dec).

JOSEPH BONAPARTE.

AZANZA.

FERDINAND VII.

1789.

1790.
1791.

1793-
1794-

1795-

1796.

1797.

1798.'

1799.
1800.
1 801.

1802.
1803.
1804.

1805.
1806.

1807.

1808.
1809.

1 8 10.

181

1812.

1813.
1814.

366

APPEN-
The Rulers of the Second-rate

Sweden.

Denmark.

Turkey.

Portugal.

1789

Gustavus in.
(Since 1771.)

Christian vn.
(Since 1766.)

Abdul Hamid.

(Since 1774.)
Sehm in. (April.)

Maria 1.
(Since 1777-)

1790

1791
1792

Gustavus iv.
(March.)

1793

1794

1795

1796

1797

1798

1799
1800

Prince John,
Regent.

1 801

1802

1803

1804

1805

1806

1807

1808

1809
1810
1811

Mustapha iv.

(May.)
Mahmoud 11.

(July.)

Frederick vi

(March.)

Charles xm.

(May.)
Bernadotte, Prince

Royal {Aug.)

1812

1813

1814

1815

DIX II.

Powers of Europe, 1789-1815.

367

Sardinia.

The Two

Sicilies.

Bavaria.

Charles Theodore.
(Since 1777.)

Wiirtemburg.

Victor Amadeus in.
(Since 1773.)

Ferdinand iv.
(Since 1759.)

Charles Eugene.
(Since 1735.)

178J

1790

1 791

179a

1793

1794

Frederick Eugene.
(Oct.)

I79S

Charles Emmanuel
iv. (Oct.)

1796
1797
1798

Frederick 1.
(Dec.)

Maximilian Joseph

1799
1800

1 80 1

Victor Emmanuel
1. (June.)

1803
1803
1804

Naples.

1805

Joseph Bonaparte.
(March.)

1806
1807

Joachim Murat.
(August.)

1808
1809

1810

18x1

1812

18x3

Ferdinand iv

1814

1815

368

European History

APPEN:

The Family

Charles Bonaparte '
b. 1746, d. 1785.

Joseph

b. 1768,

d. 1844.

King of

Naples,

1 806- 1 808.

King of

Spain,

1808-1814.

=(1794),.

Marie Julie

Clary.

I

Alexandre = (1779) Josephine - (1

de Beau
harnais,
b. 1760,
d. 1794.

Zenaide,
b. 1801,
d. 1854,
= 1822,

her
cousin,
Charles
Lucien,
Prince

of
Canino

and had

Charlotte,
b. x8o2,
d. 1839,

SB l827,

her

cousin,

Napoleon

Louis, son

of Louis.

Tascher

de la
Pagerie,
b. 1763,
d. 1814.

NAPOLEON
b. 1769,
d. 1821.

Eugene de

Beauharnais

b. 1781,

d. 1824.

Viceroy of

Italy, 1805-

1814.

Duke of

Leuchten-

berg.

and had issue.

(1806) Augusta
of Bavaria.

Hortense,
b. 1783,
d. 1837,
=1802,
Louis

Bonaparte,
King of
Holland.

(1810)
Marie
Louise,

of Austria,
b. 1791,
d 1847.

Duchess of
Parma,
1815-47-

NAPOLEON II.,

b. 1811, d. 1832,

King of Rome,

1811.

Duke of

Reichstadt, 18 18.

Napoleon

Napo

eon = (1827)

Charles,

Louis,

Charlotte

b. 1802,

b. 1804,

Bona-

d. 1807,

d. 1 831.

parte.

chosen as

Grand

Napoleon's

Duke of

heir

Berg,

(1805).

1 808-1

814.

s.fi.

European History

3 6 9

DIX III.

of Napoleon.

Letizia Ramolino,

b. 1750, d. 1839.

Lucien,

1

Louis,

JfiROME, £

1

LISA,

Pauline,

1

Caroline,

b. 177S,

b. 1778,

b. 1784, b.

1777,
1820,

b. 1780,
d. 1825,

b. 1782,

d. 1840,

d. 1846,

d. i860, d.

d. 1839,

Prince of

King of

King of Grand
Westphalia • Duchess of

Duchess of

=(1800),

Canino,

Holland

Guastalla

Joachim

«(x.79.4)i

[1806-1 8 10)

(1807-18x4) Tuscany

(1808-1814),

Murat,

Christine

=(1802),

-(1803) (1808-1814),

=(1801),
Charles
Leclerc,

King of

Boyer,

= (l802) ;

Hortense
de Beau-

Patterson Felix '

Naples
(1808-1814),

Alexandrine

harnais.

=(1807) Baciocchi,

=(1803),
Camillo,

1

deBles-

Catherine

1

1

champ,

ofWurtem-

Prince

and had

1

burg. and had

Borghese.

issue.

1

issue.

I

and had

1

issue.

Napoleon,
b. 1 801,
d. 1804.

! 1

1

Jerome Napoleon

Mathilde,

Napoleon, Joseph,

b. 1820,

b.

1 8 14, Prince

= Prince

d. 1847. Napoleon,

Demidov

b. 1822,

d. 1890,
-(1859),

Clothilde
of Savoy.

1

NAPOLEON II)

I.,-<i8S3>_*

taglnie
ntijo.

1

b. 1808, d. 1873
Emperor of the

deMc

1

1

|

|

1

French (1851-1870).

Victor

Louis

Laetitia,

Napoleon,

Napoleor

, b. 1866,

b. 1862.

b. 1864.

=Duke of

Napoleon Eugene

Aosta.

Prince Imperial,

(1856-1879).

PERIOD VII

.

2 A

37°

APPEN
Napoleon's

Names.

Berth i br, Louis Alexandre.

Murat, Joachim.

Moncey, Bon Adrien Jeannot.
Jourdan, Jean Baptiste.

Massbna, Andre.

Augereau, Charles Pierre

Francois.
Bernadottb, Jean Baptiste

Jules.

Soult, Jean de Dieu Nicolas.

Brunb, Guillaume Marie

Anne.
Lannes, Jean.

Mortier, Adolphe Edouard
Casimir Joseph.

Ney, Michel.

Davout, Louis Nicolas.

Ressieres, Jean Baptiste.
Kellermann, Francois Chri-
stophe.

Lefebvre, Francois Joseph.

P6rignon, Dominique Cathe-
rine de.

Serurier, Jean Mathieu
Philihert.

Victor, Victor Claude Perrin,
called.

Macdonald, Jacques Etienne
Joseph Alexandre.

Oudinot, Nicolas Charles.

Marmont, Auguste Fre'de'ric

Louis Viesse de.
Suchet, Louis Gabriel.

Gouvion-Saint-Cyr, Lau-
rent.

Poniatowski, Joseph, Prince.

Grouchy, Emmanuel de.

Bora.

20 Nov. 1753

95 March 1767

31 July 1754
29 April 1762

6 May 1756

21 Oct. 1757
26 Jan. 1763

29 March 1769

13 May 1763
xx April 1769
13 Feb. 1768

10 Jan. 1769

10 May 1770

6 Aug. 1768
28 May 1735

15 Oct. 1755

31 May 1754

8 Dec. 1742

7 Dec. 1764
17 Nov. 1765
25 April 1767

20 July 1774
2 March 1770
13 April 1764

7 May 1762
23 Oct. 1766

General
of

Brigade.

22 May 1792
(Marc'chal de

Camp)
10 May 1796

18 Feb. 1794
27 May 1793

22 Aug. 1793

26 June 1794
xi Oct. 1794

17 March 1797

23 Feb. 1799

x Aug. 1796

24 Sept. 1794

18 July 1800

9 March 1788
(Mare'chal de

Camp)
2 Dec. 1793

22 Aug. 1793
20 Dec. 1793
26 Aug. 1793
14 June 1794

10 June 1798

23 March 1798
10 June 1794

7 Sept. 1792

General
of

Division.

13 June 1795
25 July 1799

9 June 1794
30 July 1793

20 Dec. 1793
25 Dec. 1793
22 Oct. 1794

21 April 1799

17 Aug. 1797
10 May 1799
25 Sept. 1799

28 March 1799

3 July 1800

13 Sept. 1802

19 March 1792

( Lieut. -

General)

xo Jan. 1794

25 Dec. 1793

13 June X795

10 March 1797
28 Nov. 1794

12 April 1799

9 Sept. 1800
10 July 1799
2 Sept 1794

13 June 1795

Marshal.

19 May 1804

13 July 1807
12 Julyi8o9

8Julyi8n
27 Aug. 1812

Oct. 1813
17 Apr. 1815

DIX IV.

Marshals.

371

Titles

Prince-Duke of Neufchatel 15 March

1806 ; Prince of Wagram 31 Dec.

1809.
Prince 1 Feb. 1805 ; Grand Duke of

Berg 15 March 1806; King of

Naples 1 Aug. 1808.
Duke of Conegliano 2 July 1808.

Count z March 1808.

Duke of Rivoli 24 April 1808 ; Prince

of Essling 31 Jan. 18 10.
Duke of Castighone 26 April 1808.

Prince of Ponte Corvo 5 June 1806 ;

Crown Prince of Sweden 21 Aug.

1 8 10.
Duke of Dalmatia 29 June 1808.

Count 1 March 1808.

Duke of Montebello 15 June 1808.

Duke of Treviso 2 July 1808.

Duke of Elchingen, 5 May 1808;

Prince of the Moskowa 25 March

1813.
Duke of Auerstadt 2 July 1808 ;

Prince of Eckmiihl 28 Nov. 1809.
Duke of Istria 28 May 1809.
Count 1 March 1808 ; Duke of Valmy

2 May 1808.

Count 1 March 1808 ; Dukeof Dantzic

xo Sept. 1808
Count 6 Sept i8ix.

Count 1 March 1808.

Duke of Belluno 10 Sept. 1808.

Duke of Taranto 9 Dec. 1809.

Count 2 July 1808 ; Duke of Reggio
14 April 1 810.

Duke of Ragusa 28 June 1808.

Count 24 June 1808 ; Duke of Albu-

fera 3 Jan. 18 13.
Count 3 May 1808.

Count 28 Jan. 1809.

Notes.

Peer of France 1814; committed suicide or was
murdered at Bamberg 1 June 1815.

Shot at Pizzo in Italy 13 Oct. 1815.

Governor of the Hdtel des Invalides 1833-42 ; died

at Paris 20 April 1842.
Peer of France 1814 and 1819 ; Governor of the

H6tel des Invalides 1830-33; died at Paris 23

Nov. 1833.
Died at Paris 4 April 1817.

Peer of France 1814 \ died at La Houssaye 12 June

1816.
King of Sweden 5 Feb. 1818; died at Stockholm

8 March 1844.

Minister for War Dec. 1814— March 1815 ; Peer of
France June 1815: exiled 1 815-19; Peer of
France 1827 ; Minister for War 1830-34, 1840-45 ;
Marshal-General 1847; died at Saint Amans
26 Nov. 185 1.

Peer of France 3 June 1815 ; murdered at Avignon
2 Aug. 1815.

Mortally wounded at the battle of Aspern ; died at
Vienna 31 May 1809.

Peer of France 1814 and 1819; Ambassador to
Russia 1830-31 ; Chancellor of the Legion of
Honour 1831 ; Minister for War 1834-35 ; killed
by the explosion of an infernal machine at Paris
28 July 1835.

Peer of France 1814 ; shot at Paris 7 Dec. 1815.

Minister for War 1815 ; Peer of France 1819 ; died

at Paris 1 June 1823.
Killed at Lutzen 1 May 1813.
Peer of France 18 14 ; died at Paris 13 Sept. 182a

Peer of France 1814 and 1819 ; died at Paris 14

Sept. 1820.
Peer of France 1814 ; created a Marquis 1817 ; died

at Paris 25 Dec. 1818.
Governor of the Hdtel des Invalides, 1804-15 ; Peer

of France 1814 ; died at Paris 21 Dec. 18 19.
Peer of France 1815; Minister of War 1821-23;

died at Paris 1 March 1841.
Peer of France 18 14 ; Chancellor of the Legion of

Honour 1815-31 ; died at Courcelles 7 Sept. 1840.
Peer of France 1814 ; Chancellor of the Legion of

Honour 1839-47; Governor of the HStel des

Invalides 1842-47 ; died at Paris 13 Sept 1847.
Peer of France 1814 ; Ambassador to Russia 1826-28 ;

died at Venice 22 July 1852.
Peer of France 1814 and 1819 ; died near Marseilles

3 Jan. 1826.
Peer of France 1814 ; Minister for War July-Sept.

1815, 1817-19; created a Marquis 1819; died at

Hyeres 17 March 1830.
Drowned in the Elster at the battle of Leipzig

19 Oct. 1813.
Exiled 1815-20; restored as Marshal 1831 ; died

29 May 1847.

372

APPEN-

Napoleon's Ministers during the

Foreign Affairs.

Interior.

Finances.

War.

1799.

9 Not. Charles Maurice de
Talleyrand - Peri-
gord.

(Prince of Benevento 5
June 1806.)

la Not. Pierre Simon
LAPLACE.
(Count 24 April 1808.)

10 Nov. Martin Michel
Charles Gaudin.
(Count 26 April 1808 ;
Duke of Gaeta 15
Aug. 1809.)

to Nov. Louis Alex-
andre Berth ier.

••

M

25 Dec. Lucien Bona-
parte.

»

1800.

"

••

«

12 ApriL Lazare Nicolas
Marguerite CARNOT.

6 Nov. Jean Antoine CHAP-

TAL.

(Count 26 April 1808;
Count of Chant el oup
25 March 1810.)

S Oct. Louis Alexandre

BERTHIER.

(Prince of Neufchatel
X3 March 1806 ;
Prince of Wagram
3X Dec. 1809.)

1801.

-

••

»

"

1803.

-

M

-

••

1803.

*»

,»

1804.

tt

i Aug. Jean Baptiste Norn-
pere de Champagny.

••

w

1805.

„

M

H

„

1806.

„

..

•»

„

1807.

8 Aug. Jean Baptiste Nom-
pere de Champagny.
(Count 24 April 1808;
Duke of Cadore 15
Aug. 1809.)

9 Aug. Emmanuel CRETET.
(Count of Champmol 36
April 1808.)

9 Aug. Henri Jacques

Guillaume CLARKE.

(Count of Hune bourg

24 April 1808 ; Duke

of Feltre 15 Aug.

1809.)

1808.

„

„

1809.

t*

x Oct. Jean Pierre Bachas-
son de MONTALIVET.
(Comte 27 Nov. 1808.)

"

M

1810.

"

M

M

"

18x1.

17 April. Hugues Bernard

MARET.

(Count 3 May 1809 ;

Duke of Bassano 15

Aug. 1809.)

M

-

-

1 8 12.

„

•t

„

„

1813.

20 Nov. Arraand Augustin
Louis C AULAINCOURT.)
(Duke of Vicenza 7 June
X808.)

'*

*'

M

1814.

M

W

"

"

IX V.

ONSULATE AND EMPIRE 1799-1814.

373

Marine.

Justice.

Police.

Public Worship.

4 Nov. Pierre Alexandre
I^aurent Forfait.

19 July. Jean Jacques Rd-

gis CAMBACEkES.
(Duke of Parma 34 April
1808.)

20 July. Joseph FOUCHE.

1799.

25 Dec. Andre 1 Joseph
ABRIAL.
(Count 26 April 1808.)

••

»»

••

1800.

Oct. Denis DECRHS.
(Count June 1808; Duke
28 April 1 813.)

1 801.

■ 5 Sept. Claude Ambroise
KEGNIRR.

(Count 34 April 1808;
Duke of Massa 15
Aug. 1809.)

15 Sept. {Ministry abol-
ished.)

1802.

.,

.,

1803.

M

"

10 July. Joseph FOUCHE.
(Count 24 April 1808;
Duke of Otranto 15
Aug. 1809.)

July. Jean fitienne
Marie PORTALIS.

1804.

„

„

,.

„

1805.

„

.,

„

„

1806.

Aug. Felix JuHen
Jean BIGOT DE

PREAMENKU.

(Count 34 April
1808.)

1807.

»

i»

M

"

1808.
1809.

»

»

lune 8. Anne Jean Marie
Rend SAVARY.
(Duke of Rovigo 1808.)

»

1810.
1S11.

1812.

-

••

1813.

374

APPEN-

CONCORDANCE OF THE REPUBLICAN

(Extracted from Stephens' History of the

Year II.

Year III.

Year IV.

1793-1794-

1794-1795-

X795-1796.

x Vendemiaire, . . , 22 September 1793.

22 September 1794.

23 September 1 795.

zz M •

2 October.

2 October.

3 October.

2T 1,

12 October.

12 October.

13 October.

1 Brumaire, .

22 October.

22 October.

23 October.

" »>

1 November.

1 November.

2 November.

21 ,,

11 November.

11 November.

12 November.

1 Frimaire,. ,

21 November.

21 November.

22 November.

11 ,,

1 December.

1 December.

2 December.

21 ,, .

11 December.

11 December.

12 December.

1 NivQse, .

21 December.

21 December.

22 December.

11 „ .

31 December.

31 December.

1 January 1796.

21 „

10 January 1794.

10 January 1795.

11 January.

1 Pluvidse, .

20 January.

20 January.

21 January.

11 ., .

30 January.

30 January.

31 January.

21 „

9 February.

9 February.

10 February.

1 Ventfise, .

19 February.

19 February.

20 February,

11 ,.

x March.

x March.

x March.

21 „ .

11 March.

xi March.

11 March.

1 Germinal,

21 March.

2i March.

21 March.

1 1 ,,

31 March.

31 March.

31 March.

21 »

10 April.

10 April.

10 April.

1 Floreal, .

20 April.

20 April.

20 ApriL

11 „ .

30 April.

30 April.

30 April.

21 ,» • •

10 May.

10 May.

xo May.

1 Prairial, .

20 May.

20 May.

20 May.

11 „ •

30 May.

30 May.

30 May.

SI „

9 June.

9 June.

9 June.

1 Messidor, ,

19 June.

19 June.

19 June.

11 „

29 June.

29 June.

29 June.

21 „

9 J ul y-

9 July.

9 Ju ] y-

1 Thermidor,

19 July.

19 July.

19 July.

11 „

29 July.

29 July.

29 July.

21 ,,

8 August.

8 August.

8 August.

1 Fructidor,

18 August.

18 August.

18 August.

« »

28 August.

28 August.

28 August.

21 „

7 September.

7 September.

7 September.

1st Complementary Day

or ' Sans-Culottide,'

17 September.

17 September.

17 September.

5th Complementary Day

or ' Sans-Culottide,'

21 September.

21 September.

21 September.

6th Complementary Day

or ' Sans-Culottide.'

••

22 September.

••

Note.— Each month in the Republican

DIX VI.

and Gregorian Calendars.

French Revolution, vol. ii. (Longmans and Co.))

375

Year V.

Year VL

Year VII.

Year VIII.

1796-1797.

1797-1798.

1 798-1799.

1799-1800.

22 September 1796.

22 September 1797.

22 September 1798.

23 September 1799.

2 October.

2 October.

2 October.

3 October.

12 October.

1 2 October.

12 October.

13 October.

22 October.

22 October.

22 October.

23 October.

1 November.

1 November.

1 November.

2 November.

11 November.

11 November.

11 November.

12 November.

21 November.

21 November.

21 November.

22 November.

1 December.

1 December.

1 December.

2 December.

11 December.

11 December.

11 December.

12 December.

21 December.

21 December.

21 December.

22 December.

31 December.

31 December.

31 December.

1 January 1800.

10 January 1797.

10 January 1798.

10 January 1799.

11 January.

20 January.

20 January.

20 January.

21 January.

30 January.

30 January.

30 January.

31 January.

9 February.

9 February.

9 February.

10 February.

19 February.

19 February.

19 February.

20 February.

1 March.

1 March.

1 March.

1 March.

11 March.

11 March.

11 March.

11 March.

21 March.

21 March.

21 March.

21 March.

31 March.

31 March.

31 March.

31 March.

10 April.

10 April.

10 April.

10 April.

20 April.

20 April.

20 April.

20 April.

30 April.

30 April.

30 April.

30 April.

10 May.

10 May.

10 May.

10 May.

20 May.

20 May.

20 May.

20 May. •

30 May.

30 May.

30 May.

30 May.

9 June.

9 June.

9 June.

9 June.

19 June.

19 June.

19 June.

19 June.

29 June.

29 June.

99 June.

29 June.

9 July.

9 J u] y-

9 July.

9 J^y.

19 July.

19 July.

19 July.

19 July.

29 July.

29 July.

29 July.

29 July.

8 August.

8 August.

8 August.

8 August.

18 August.

18 August.

18 August.

18 August.

28 August.

28 August.

28 August.

28 August.

7 September.

7 September.

7 September.

7 September.

17 September.

17 September.

17 September.

17 September.

21 September.

21 September.

21 September.

21 September.

-

••

22 September.

••

Calendar consisted of thirty days.

INDEX

The dates given in brackets are those of the birth and death of the person indexed ;
where only the date of death is known it is preceded by a f.

Full names and titles are given.

Proper names commencing with 'da,' 'de,' 'd',' are indexed under the succeeding
initial letter.

Abdul Hamid (1725-89), Sultan of
Turkey, 44.

Abensberg, battle of (20 April 1809),
272.

Abercromby, Sir Ralph, English
general ( 1735- 1 801), 22 4»

Aberdeen, George Gordon, Earl of,
English diplomatist (1784- 1860),
301, 311, 316, 323.

Abo, treaty of (April 1812), 302.

Aboukir Bay, French fleet defeated in,
by Nelson (1 August 1798), 195.

Abrantes, Duke of. See Junot.

Abrial, Andre* Joseph, Comte, French
statesman (1750-1828), 216.

Acre, siege of (1799), 208.

Acton, Joseph, Neapolitan statesman
(1737-1808), 23.

Adda, the, Bonaparte forces the pas-
sage of, at Lodi (1796), 174 ; Suv-
6rov, at Cassano (1799), 203.

Addington, Henry, Viscount Sid-
mouth, English statesman (1757-
1844), 225.

Additional Act, the, declared by
Napoleon (23 April 1815), 352.

Adige, the, Italy up to, ceded to
Austria by treaty of Campo-For-
mio (1797), 192; by treaty of
LuneVille (1801), 220; Austrian
positions on, turned by Macdonald
(1800), 219.

Adlersparre, George, Baron, Swedish
general (1760-1837), 279.

Aix-la-Chapelle, a free city of the
Holy Roman Empire, 35, 150, 230,

Albuera, battle of (16 May 1811), 297.

Albufera, battle of (26 Dec. 1811),
297.

Duke of. See Suchet.

Aldenhoven, battle of (2 Oct. 1794),
150.

Alessandria, fortress built at, by Vic-
tor Amadeus in. , 27, 203, 204, 218.

Alexander i., Emperor of Russia
(1777-1825), attitude at his acces-
sion, 234 ; joins coalition against
France, 242, 243 ; defeated at Aus-
terlitz, 244; at Eylau and Fried-
land, 248, 249; interview with
Napoleon at Tilsit, 249, 250;
makes treaty of Tilsit, 250 ; con-
quers Finland, 254, 278 ; acqui-
sitions in Poland, and dislike of
Grand Duchy of Warsaw, 261 ; in-
terview with Napoleon at Erfurt,
262; conduct in 1809, 274; war
with Turkey, 281 ; makes treaty of
Bucharest, 281 ; refuses a sister to
Napoleon, 294 ; causes of dissen-
sion with Napoleon, 299-301 ;
makes treaty of Abo with Berna-
dotte, 302; summons Stein to his
Court, 304 ; his policy of retreat
before Napoleon (1812), 305 ; fights
battle of Borodino, 305 ; negotiates
with Napoleon, 306; forms friend-
ship with Frederick William in. of
Prussia, 308 ; distrust of Napoleon,
310 ; agrees to Proposals of
Frankfort, 316; desires to invade
France, 317; refuses to retreat,
319, 320; enters Paris, 329; influ-
enced by Talleyrand, 329, 330;
speech to the French Senate, 330,

877

378

European History, 1 789- 1 8 1 5

331 ; greatness of his share in over-
throwing Napoleon, 334; at the
Congress of Vienna, 337 ; his de-
sire for the whole of Poland, 339 ;
forced to give way, 340, 341 ; gave
constitution to Poland, 342 ; pro-
tected Murat and Eugene de Beau-
harnais, 345; signs treaty against
Napoleon (1815), 350 ; opposes par-
tition of France, 354; joins the
Holy Alliance, 355.

Alexandria, 195, 224.

Alicante, Bentinck repulsed at (1812),
3<>7-

Alkmaar, Convention of (18 Oct.
1799). 205.

Almeida, siege of (1811), 296.

Alps, French reach the summit of
Mont Cenis ( 1795), I 5 I 5 Suv6rov
crosses (1799), 2 °4» 2 °5 » Bonaparte
(1800), 218; Macdonald (1800),
219.

Alsace, rights of the Princes of the
Empire in, 79; proposals of Mira-
beau and Merlin, 80 ; letter of Leo-
pold on, 89, 90 ; conclusion of the
Diet of the Empire on, 108; in-
vaded by Wurmser, 130, 139; re-
covered by the French (1794). 140 ;
proposal to detach from France
(1815), 354-

Altdorf, Suv6rov reaches (1799), 2 °4-

Altenkirchen, battle of (20 Sept.
1796), 178.

Alton, Richard, Count d\ Austrian
general (1732-90), 43, 47, 48, 63, 64.

Alvensleben, Philip Charles, Count
von, Prussian statesman (1745-
1802), 153, 170, 179.

Alvinzi (Alvinczy), Joseph, Austrian
general (1735-1810), 176.

America, South, 264, 358.

United States of. See United

States.

Ami du Peuple, Marat's journal, 61.

Amiens, treaty of (1802), 225.

Amnesty, general, decreed by the
Convention (1795), *66.

law of, promulgated (1815), 357.

Amsterdam, 32, 149, 255.

Ancients, Council of. See Council.

Ancona, 175, 207, 277,

Angoulime, Maria The>ese Charlotte,
Duchess of, daughter of Louis xvi.
(1778-1851), 168.

Louis Antoine, Duke of, son of

the Comte d'Artois (1775-1844), 326,

3*7-

Anhalt, the Dukes of, Princes of the
Empire (1789). 34. 34*

Anhalt- Kpthen, Louis, Duke of (1761-
1819), 293.

Anhalt-Zerbst, the Empress Cathe-
rine, a princess of, 18.

Ankarstrom, John James, Swedish
officer (1761-1792), no

Anselme, Jacques Bernard Modeste
d', French general (1740-1812), 117.

Anspach, Napoleon violates Prussian
neutrality by marching through
(1805), 244.

Antwerp, not against the Austnans
suppressed at (1788), 47 ; aban-
doned to the Belgian patriots
(1789), 64 ; Napoleon's buildings
at, 276 ; Carnot's defence of (1814),
321 ; its retention cause of Napo-
leon's fall, 324.

Aoust, Eustache, Comte d', French
general < 1764-94), 140.

Appenzell, democratic canton of
Switzerland, maintained by Bona-
parte (1803), 228.

Aranda, Don Pedro Pablo Abaracay
Bolea, Count of, Spanish states-
man (1718-99), 4, 21, 126.

Archbishop - Electors of the Holy
Roman Empire, 34, 39, 40.

Arcis-sur-Aube battle of (20 March
1814), 328,

Areola, battle of (16 Nov. 1796), 176.

Aremberg, Louis Engelbert, Duke of
(1750-1820), 93.

Prosper Louis, Duke of (1785-

1863), 282.

Argau, canton of Switzerland, formed
by Bonaparte (1803), 228; recog-
nised by Congress of Vienna (1815),

344-
Aristocracy, Napoleon s, 286.
Armistices: Cherasco (1796), 174;

Foligno (1796), 175 ; Giurgevo

(1790), 88 ; Pleswitz (1813), 309.
Arndt, Ernest Maurice, German poet

(1769-1862), 291.
Arragon, Suchet's campaigns in, 275,

295.
Arras, atrocities of Le Bon at (1794).

139-
Artois, Charles Philippe, Comte d\
younger brother of Louis xvi.,
afterwards King Charles X. of

Index

379

France (1757-1836), 55, 59, 102,
i39. 167, 172, 351.

Aschaffenburg, principality of, granted
to the Elector of Mayence, 225,
260.

Aspern or Essling, battle of (21, 22
May 1809), 273.

Assignats issued in France, 74 ; their
effect, 98.

Aubert-Dubayet, Jean Baptiste Anni-
bal, French general (1759-1797),
166, 182.

Auckland, William Eden, Lord, Eng-
lish diplomatist (1744-1814), 65, 93.

Auerstadt, battle of (14 Oct. 1806),
247.

Duke of. See Davout.

Augereau, Charles Pierre Francois,
Duke of Castiglione, French gen-
eral (1757-1816), 191, 219, 321 ;
A pp. iv.

Augsburg, Bishop of, an ecclesiastical
.prince of the Holy Roman Empire,

34- '

bishopric of, merged in Bavaria

(1803), 227.

city of, a free city of the

Empire (1789), 35; taken by Moreau
(1800), 219 ; maintained as a free
city (1803), 226 ; Mass^na's head-
quarters (1809), 272.

Augusta, Princess, of Bavaria married
to Eugene de Beauharnais, 258.

Augustus, Prince, of Prussia (1779-
1843). 337-

Aulic Council, the, 35.

Austerlitz, battle of (2 Dec. 1805),
244.

Austria, position in 1789, 14-17; in-
fluence in the Empire, 35 ; obtained
cessions by the treaty of Sistova
(1791), 88 ; got nothing in the
second partition of Poland (1793),
122 ; received Cracow, etc. at third
partition of Poland (1795), 152; re-
ceived Venice for Lombard)* by
treaty of Campo-Formio (1797),
192 ; and by treaty of Luneville
(1801), 220; obtained Trent and
Brixen, but lost much influence in
the resettlement of Germany (1803),
226 ; formed into an empire (1805),
236 ; lost Venice, Istria, the Tyrol,
etc. by treaty of Pressburg (1805),
045 ; lost Trieste, Galicia, Salzburg,
etc. by treaty of Vienna (1809), 274;

at Congress of Vienna (1814) got
back Cracow, 342, and Loml>ardy
and Venetia, 347. See Francis 11.,
Joseph 11., Leopold 11.

Austrian Netherlands. See Belgium.

Auvergne, movement against the Con-
vention in (1793), I 3 I «

Avignon, city of, wishes to join France
(1790), 76 ; secured to France by
first treaty of Paris (1814), 333 ; and
by second treaty of Paris (18 15),
354-

Babeuf, Francois Noel (Grac-
chus), French socialist (1764-97),
181.

Badajoz, treaty of (1801), 223 ; taken
by Soult (1810), 296 ; by Welling-
ton (1812), 306.

Baden, condition in 1789, 37; made
an electorate (1803), 225 ; in?reased
by the secularisations (1803), 227;
made a grand duchy (1806), 245;
received Ortenau and the Breisgau
(1809), 258; a state of the Con-
federation of the Rhine (1808), 260;
of the Germanic Confederation
( 18 15) , 342. See Charles Frederick,
Charles Louis Frederick.

Bagration, Peter, Prince, Russian
general (1762-1812), 281, 305.

Bailly, Jean Sylvain, French states-
man (1736-93). 53. 59» 138.

Baird, Sir David, English general
(1757-1829), 224.

Ball, Sir Alexander John, English
admiral (1759-1809), 195.

Baltic Sea, effort to exclude English
commerce from, 222 ; command of,
given to Russia and Prussia by the
Congress of Vienna, 347.

Bamberg, Bishop of, an ecclesiastical
prince of the Holy Roman Empire,
34.

bishopric of, merged in Bavaria

(1803), 227.

Bank of France, founded by Bona-
parte, 215.

Bantry Bay, French expedition to
(1796), 185.

Barbe^Marbois, Francois, Comte de,
French statesman (1745-1837), 188,
191, 214.

Barclay de Tolly, Michael, Prince,
Russian general (1755-1818), 305,
309» 313.

38o

European History, 1789-18 15

Barentin, Charles Louis Francois de
Paule de, French minister (1738-
1819), 5i-

Barere, Bertrand, French orator (1755-
1841), 117, 133. 134. 145. 149. 155-

Barnave, Antoine Pierre Joseph
Marie, French politician (1761-93),
100.

Barras, Paul Francois Jean Nicolas,
Comte de, French statesman (1755-
1829), 147, 164, 165 ; nominates
Bonaparte to command the army
of Italy, 174; his attitude as a
Director, 181 ; co-operates in coup
ditat of Fructidor 1797, 191 ; only
original Director left (July 1799),
209, 210 ; resigns (Nov. 1799), 211.

Barrosa, battle of (5 March 1811),
297.

Bartenstein, treaty of (April 1807), 248.

Barth&emy, Francois, Marquis de,
French diplomatist (1747- 1830),
156, 188, 189, 191.

Basire, Claude, French politician
(1764-94), 117.

Basle, Bishop of, an ecclesiastical
prince of the Holy Roman Empire,
34, 41 ; with fiefs in Alsace, 79.

bishopric of, part ceded to Baden

(1803J, 227 ; part to canton of Berne

(i8i5),345- r e . , J

canton of Switzerland, main-
tained by Bonaparte (1803), 228.

treaties of (1795), x 5 6 » *S7-

Basque Roads, affair in the (1809),
276.

Bassano, Duke of. See Maret.

Bastille, capture of the (14 July 1789),
57, 58.

Batavian Republic founded (1795),
150; imitates the French constitu-
tions, 193; turned into the king-
dom of Holland (1806), 254, 255.

Battles: Abensberg (1809), 272; Al-
buera (1811), 297 ; Albufera (1811),
297; Aldenhoven (1794), 150; Alexan-
dria(i8oi), 224; Altenkirchen(i796),
178 ; Arcis-sur-Aube (1814), 328 ;
Areola (1706), 176; Aspern (Es-
sling) (1809), 273 ; Auerst&dt (1806),
247 ; Austerlitz (1805), 244 ; Barrosa
(1811), 297 ; Bautzen (1813), 309 ;
Bergen (1799), 205; Biberach (1800),
219 ; Borodino (1812), 305 ; Braila
(1809), 281 ; Brienne (1814), 319 ;
Burgos (1808), 269 ; Busaco (1810),

296; Cairo (1799), 208; Caldiero
(1796), 176; Caldiero (1805), 244;
Cassano

. . ..175:

Champaubert
(1814), 31Q; Copenhagen (1801), 222;
Corunna (1809), 270; Craonne(i8i4),
328 ; Dego (1796), 174 ; Dennewitz
(1813), 313; Dresden (1813), 312;
Dubienka (1792), 122 ; Eckmuhl
(1809), 273; Elchingen (1805), 244;
Engen ( 1800), 219 ; Espinosa (1808),
269 ; Essling (Aspern) (1809), 273 ;
Ettlingen (1796), 178 ; Eylau (1807),
248 ; Famars (1793), I 3°I Figueras
(1794), 150 ; First of June (1794),
145 ; Fleurus (1794), x 44; Foksany
(1788), 45; Friedland (1807), 240;
Fuentes de Onor (1811), 297 ; the
Geisberg(i793), 140; Genola(i799),
204 ; Giurgevo (1790), 88 ; Gross-

Beeren (1813), 312; Gross-Gorschen
ten) (1813], 309; Hanau(i8i3),
314 ; Heliopolis (1800), 224 ; Ho-

henlinden (1800), 219 ; Hondschoten
(1793), 140; Jemmappes (1792),
118 ; fena (1806), 247 ; Kaiserslaut-
ern (1794), 144; the Katzbach
(1813), 312; Kioge (1807), 252;
Laon (1814), 328; Leipzig (1813),
«4; Ligny (1815), 352; Loano
U795). ISX. 173 ; Lodi (1706), 174 ;
Ltttzen (Gross Gorschen) (1813),
309; Maciejowice (1794), 152; Ma-
gnano (1799), 202; Maida (1806),
256 ; Marengo (1800), 218; Matchin
(1791), 96; Medelhn (1809), 2751
Medina del Rio Seco (1808), 267;
the Mincio (1814), 322 ; Millesimo
(1796), 174 ; Moeskirchen (1800),
219; Mondovi (1796), 174; Monte-
bello (1800), 218 ; Montenotte
(1796), 174; Montereau (1814), 319;
Montmirail (1814), 319 ; Mount
Tabor (1799). 208 ; Nangis (1814),
319; Neerwinden (1793), 127; Neu-

markt (1797), 186 ; the Nile (Abou-

kir Bay) (i 7 < ^

(1813), 310;

1798), 195 ; the Nive
.the Nivelle (1813),
«6; Novi (1799), 204; Ocana
(1809), 276; Orthez (1814), 321;
Pacy-sur-Eure (1793). 13* ; Paris
(1814), 329 ; the Pyramids (1798),
195 ; Quatre Bras (1815), 352 ; Raab
(1809), 273; Raclawice (1794), 151 ;
Rivoh (1797), 176; Rolica (1808),

Index

381

265 ; the Rymnik (1788), 45 ; Sacilio
(1899), 273; St. Vincent (1797).
183 ; Salamanca (1812), 306 ; Sa-
orgio (1794), 144; Silistria (1809),
281 ; Stockach (1799), 202; Svenska
Sound (1790), 95 ; Talavera (1809),
275, 276 ; Tobac (1788), 45 ; Tol-
entino(i8i5),346; Toulouse (1814),
332 ; Trafalgar (1805), 245 ; the
Trebbia (1799). 203 ; Tudela (1808),
269; Unzmarkt (1797), 186; Valmy
(1792), 115; Valsarno (1813), 315;
Vauchamps (1814), 319 ; Vimeiro
(1808), 265, 266 ; Vittoria (1813),
315 ; Wagram (1809), 274 ; Water-
loo (1815), 353 ; Wattignies (1793),
140 ; Zielence (1792), 121 , 122 ;
Zurich (1799), 2 °4-

Bautzen, battle of (20 May 1813), 309.

Bavaria, the Emperor Joseph's de-
signs on, 16, 17; its Elector also
Elector- Palatine, 34; condition in
J 789, 37; invaded by Moreau (1796),
178 ; treaty of Pfaffenhofen, 180 ;

firomised to Austria by Bonaparte
r 797)» *93; occupied by Moreau
1800), 219 ; increased by the secu-
larisations (1803), 227 ; invaded by
the Austrians (1805), 243 ; receives
the Tyrol and becomes a kingdom
(1806), 245 ; receives Salzburg
(1809), 257; member of the Con-
federation of the Rhine, 260; in-
vaded by the Austrians (1809), 272 ;
great internal reforms, 289 ; mem-
ber of the Germanic Confederation
(1815), 342; receives Mayence for
the Tyrol (1815), 344. See Charles
Theodore, Maximilian Joseph.

Baylen, capitulation of (1808), 267,
268.

Bayonne besieged by the English
(1813, 1814), 316, 321.

Beauharnais, Eugene de, stepson of
Napoleon (1 781- 1824), 236, 238,
239, 244, 255, 256, 273, 308, 315,
321, 322, 345.

Beaulieu, Jean Pierre, Baron de, Aus-
trian general (1725-1820), 174.

Beccaria, Caesar Bonesana, Marquis
de, Italian philosopher (1738-94),
26.

Belgium, opposition to the Emperor
Joseph's reforms in (1788), 15 ; his
apparent success, 43 ; armed re-
sistance in, 47; abolition of Bel-

gian liberties, 47, 48 ; the Austrians
driven from (1789), 64 ; the Belgian
Republic formed (Jan. 1790), 65 ;
struggle between the Van der
Nootists and Vonckists, 92/ 93;
reconquered by the Austrians (Dec.
I 79°)» 941 conquered by the French
under Dumouriez (1792), 118; an-
nexed to the French Republic, 118 ;
rises against the French (1793),
126 ; Dumouriez driven from ( 1793),
127 ; reconquered by the French
(1794), 144 ; organised as part of
the French Republic, 150; ces-
sion to France agreed to by
Austria at Leoben, 186; and at
Campo-Formio (1797), 192, 193 ;
organised into nine French depart-
ments, 230 ; England insists on its
separation from France, 318 ; in-
vaded by the Prince of Orange
(1814), 321 ; Napoleon refuses to
give up, 324 ; united with Holland
into the kingdom of the Nether-
lands (1815), 344, 360.
Belgrade, taken by the Austrians

(1789), 45-

Bellegarde, Henri, Comte de, Aus-
trian general (1755-1831), on the
Mincio (1814), 322.

Belluno, Duke of. See Victor.

Bender, city of, taken by the Rus-
sians (1789), 45.

Blaise Colombeau, Baron, Aus-
trian general (1713-98), 65, 93, 94.

Benevento, principality of, belonged
to the Pope in 1789, 24; Talley-
rand made prince of, 277.

Benezech, Pierre, French administra-
tor (1745-1802), 166.

Benningsen, Levin Augustus Theo-
philus, Count, Russian general
(1745-1826), 221, 248, 249, 311.

Bentinck, Lord William Charles
Cavendish, English general (1774-
1839), 307. 315. 322, 346.

Beresford, William Carr, Viscount,
English general (1770- 1856), 266,
297.

Berg, grand duchy of, created for
Murat (1806), its extent, 252;
member of the Confederation of
the Rhine, 260; conferred on son
of Louis Bonaparte (1808), 283.

Bergen, battles of (19 Sept. and 2 Oct.
1799), 205-

382

European History, 1 789- 1 8 1 5

Bergen-op-Zoom, English repulsed
from (1814), 331.

Berlin, occupied by Napoleon (1806),
247 ; decree issued at (1807), 251 ;
University of, founded, 303, 304;
the French driven from (1813),
308.

Bernadotte, Jean Baptiste Jules,
Prince of Ponte Corvo (1806},
Prince Royal of Sweden (1810),
King Charles xiv. of Sweden
(1818), (1764-1844), French ambas-
sador to Austria (1798), 107; in-
sulted at Vienna, 198 ; Minister of
War (1799), 210 ; attacked by the
Russians (1807), 247; commanded
the Saxons at Wagram (1809), 274 ;
Prince of Ponte Corvo, 277 ; elected
Prince Royal of Sweden (1810),
279 ; signs treaty of Abo with Em-
peror Alexander (1812), 302; in-
trigues with Napoleon, 307, 308 ;
invaded Germany (1813), 309; wins
battle of Gross Beeren, 312; and
of Dennewitz, 313 ; defeated the
Danes and exchanged Pomerania
for Norway (18 14), 320; rejected
for throne of France, 330 ; got
Norway, but had to give up Guade-
loupe (1815), 347; one of Napo-
leon's marshals, App. iv.

Bernard, Great St, Bonaparte crosses
(1800), 218.

Little St., French reach the

summit of (1795), 151.

of Saintes, Adrien Antoine,

French politician (1750-1819), 139.

Berne, chief oligarchical canton of
Switzerland in 1789, 41 ; occupies
Geneva (1792), 125 ; occupied by
the French (1798), 199 ; Vaud and
Argau separated from (1803), 228 ;
obtained part of the Bishopric of
Basle (1815), 345.

Bern is, Frnncois Joachim de Pierre,
Cardinal de, French statesman
(1715-94), 19.

Bernstorf, Count Andrew, Danish
statesman (1735-97), 32, 46, 120.

Count Christian, Danish states-
man (1769-1835), 338.

Berthier, Louis Alexandre, Prince of
Neufchatel and Wagram, French
general (1753-1815), 200, 216, 241,
a 39. 283, App. iv.

de Sauvigny, Louis Benigne

Francois, French administrator
(1742-89), 59.

Bessarabia, conquered by the Rus-
sians under Potemkin (1789), 45 ;
under Bagration (1810), 281 ; part
of, ceded to Russia by treaty of
Bucharest, 281.

Bessieres, Jean Baptiste, Duke of
Istria, French general (1768-1813),
267, 297, 309, App. iv.

Beugnot, Jacques Claude, Comte,
French administrator (1761-1835),

33i-
Biberach, battle of (9 May 1800), 219.
Bidassoa, the passage of, forced by

the Spaniards (1739), I 3° I by the

French (1794), 140.
Bigot de Preameneu, F61ix Tulien Jean,

Comte, French jurist (1747- 1825),

2I 5-
Bilbao, taken by the French (1795),

151.
Billaud-Varenne, Jacques Nicolas,

French statesman (1756-1819), 193,

134, 138, 139, 147, 149, 155.
Biron, Armand Louis de Gontaut,

Due de, French general (1747-93),

138.
Bischofswerder, Hans Rudolf, Baron

von, Prussian statesman (fi8o3),

3i. 87.
Bishops, the Princeof Germany, 34, 39.
Black Legion of Brunswick raised,

293.

Blake, Joachim, Spanish general
(+1827/ , defeated at Albufera (1811),
247.

Bliicher, Gebhard Lebrecht von,
Prince of Wahlstatt, Prussian gen-
eral (1742-1819), 309, 312, 318, 319,
328, 329, 350, 352, 353, 355.

Boeckh, Augustus, German scholar
(1785-1861), 304.

Bohemia, opposition to Joseph's re-
forms in, 15 ; the reforms suspen-
ded, 66 ; pacified by Leopold, 84.

Boissy d'Anglas, Francois Antoine,
Comte, French statesman (1756-
1826), 155, 165, 168, 182.

Bologna, belonged to the Pope, 24 ;
occupied by Bonaparte (1796), 175 ;
merged in the Cisalpine Republic
192 ; in the kingdom of Italy, 255
restored to the Pope (1815), 347.

Bonaparte, Caroline, Queen of
Naples. See Caroline.

Index

383

Bonaparte, Elisa (1777-1820), 283.

Jerome (1784-1860), King of

Westphalia. See Jerome.

Joseph (1768-1844), 239 (1806),

255. See Joseph.
Louis (1778-1846), 239, 254,

255. See Louis.

Lucien (1775-1840), 210, 216,

223.

Napoleon (1769-1821) at the siege

of Toulon (1793), 140; brings up
artillery for the defence of the Con-
vention (1795), l6 4I defeats the
insurgents of Vendemiaire, 165 ;
appointed to the command of the
army of Italy (1796), 174; defeats
the Sardinians, 174 ; conquers
Lombardy, 174; makes armistice
with the Pope, 175 ; defeats the
Austrians at Castiglione, 175, at
Areola and Rivoli, 176 ; invades the
Tyrol and signs Preliminaries of
Leoben, 186 ; opposed the Clichi-
ans, 189 ; sends Augereau to Paris
to help the Directors, 191 ; formed
the Cisalpine Republic, 192 ; signs
treaty of Campo-Formio (1797)*
192 ; commands army of the Inte-
rior, 194 ; takes Malta and invades
Egypt (i79 8 )> I0 5 5 campaign in
Syria (1799), 208; returns to
France, 208 ; makes coup (Ce'tat of
18 Brumaire, 210, 211 ; provisional
First Consul, 211 ; First Consul,
214 ; internal policy, 215 ; forms
the Bank of France and Code
Civil, 215 ; foreign policy, 216,
217 ; wins battle of Marengo and
conquers Italy, 218 ; First Consul
of the Cisalpine Republic, 220 ; his
Spanish policy, 223 ; concludes the
treaty of Amiens (1802), 225 ; re-
organises Switzerland, 228 ; Me-
diator of the Swiss Confederation,
229 ; makes Concordat with the
Pope, 229 ; forms the prefectures,
230 ; educational reforms, 231 ;
First Consul for life (1802), 232 ;
arrests the English in France and
occupies Hanover (1803), 233 ;
execution of the Due d'Enghien
(1804), 235; Emperor of the French
(1804), 236. See Napoleon.

Pauline, Princess Borghese

(1780-1825), 283.

Bonn, the university of, 40, 15a

Bonnier -d'Alco, Ange Elisabeth
Louis Antoine, French politician
(1749-1799), 202.

Bordeaux, 131, 327.

Borodino, battle of (7 Sept 1812),

3<>5-
Bosnia, invaded by the Austrians

(1788), 43-
Bouille, Francois Claude Amour,

Marquis de, French general (1739-

1800), 72, 97, 98, 100.
Boulogne, Napoleon's camp at

(1804-5), 241. 242.
Bourbon, Isle of (Reunion), restored

to France (1815), 348.
Bourdon, Leonard Jean Joseph,

French politician (17 58-18 16), 147.
Bourdon de Vatry, Marc Antoine,

French administrator (1761-1828),

210.
Bourges, federalist army proposed to

be formed at (1793), 131,132.
Bournonville, Pierre de Riel, Comte

de, French general (1752-1821),

330.
Brabant, Constitution of, abolished

by the Emperor Joseph (1789), 47.
Braila, battle of (1810), 281.
Branicki, Francis Xavier, Polish

statesman (t 1819J, 121.
Braschi, Giovanni Angelo. See Pius

vi. f Pope.
Breda, 48, 64.
Breisgau, the, granted to the Duke

of Modena (1803), 226 ; to the

Grand Duke of Baden (1805), 258.
Bremen, a free city of the Holy

Roman Empire, 35; retained its

independence (1803 ), 226; annexed

to Napoleon's Empire (18 10), 282 ;

one of the four free cities of the

Germanic Confederation (1815),

343-

Brescia formed part of the Cisalpine
Republic, 192.

Brest, blockaded by English fleet.
184; French fleet at, unable to
break the blockade (1805), 242.

Brienne, battle of (29th Jan. 1814), 319.

Brigandage rife in France under the
Directory, 181 ; put down by the
Consulate, 215 ; rife in Calabria,
256.

Brissot, Jean Pierre, French poli-
tician (1754-1793)1 101, 106, 107,
116, 129,

384

Eitropean History, 1 789-1 815

Brissotin section of the Girondin
party in the Convention, 116.

Brittany, opposition to the Conven-
tion in, 131 ; pacified by Hoche,
180, 181.

Brixen, bishopric of, united to Aus-
tria (1803), 226.

Broglie, Victor Francois, Due de,
French general (1718-1804), 56.

Bruges, 64.

Bruix, Eustache, French admiral
(1759-1805), 196.

Brumaire, coup <T4tat of the 18th
(1799), 210, 211.

Brune, Guillaume Marie Anne, French
general (1763-1815), 199, 205, 219,
254. 356, App. iv.

Brunswick, Duchy of, merged in king-
dom of Westphalia (1806), 258 ; a
member of the Germanic Con-
federation (1815), 342.

Brunswick-Lttneburg, Duke of. See
Charles William Ferdinand.

Brunswick-Oels, Duke of. See Fre-
derick William.

Brussels, 15, 47, 48, 64, 94, 118, 144.

Bucharest, 45, 281.

Buenos Ay res, 264.

Billow, Frederick William von, Prus-
sian general (1755-1816), 309, 312,
313 ; detached to join Blticher in
France (1814), 319, 320, 328.

Burgos, battle of (10 Nov. 1808), 269 ;
Wellington fails to take (18x2), and
retreats from, 307.

Burke, Edmund, English orator
(1730-97), 120.

Burrard, Sir Harry, English general
(1755-1815), 266.

Busaco, battle of (27 Sept. 1810),
296.

Buttmann, Philip Charles, German
scholar (1764-1829), 304.

Buzot, Francois Nicolas Leonard,
French politician (1760-94), 116.

Buzotins, a section of the Girondins,
xi6.

Cabarrus, Francois, Spanish
statesman (1752-1810), 21.

Cadiz, besieged by the French (1810-
12), 296, 297.

Cadore, Duke of. See Champagny.

Cadoudal, Georges, Chouan leader
(1771-1804), 234. 235. u „

Caen, army organised by the Giron-

dins against the Convention at

(1793). 131-
Caillard, Antoine Bernard, French

diplomatist (1737-1807), 215.
Cairo, taken by Bonaparte (1798),

195 ; the Mamelukes defeated at

(1799), 208 ; taken by the English

(1801), 224.
Caisse d'amortissement founded, 287,

288.
Calabria, brigandage in, encouraged

by the English, 256.
Calder, Sir Robert, English admiral

(1745-1818), nis action (1805), 242.
Caldiero, battle oi (12 Nov. 1796),

176 ; battle of (30 Oct 1805), 244.
Cambac£res, Jean Jacques Regis,

Duke of Parma, French statesman

(1753- 1824), x 5 6 » x 59» l66 » l8a , 210,

214, 239, 287, 357.
Cambon, Joseph, French statesman

(1754- 1820), 129, 133, 288.
Cambrai, 353.
Camperdown, battle of (11 Oct 1797),

194.
Campo-Chiaro, Duke of, Neapolitan

statesman, 338, 346.
Campo-Formio, treaty of (17 Oct.

(i797)» 192, 193-
Campomanes, Don Pedro Rodriguez,

Count of, Spanish statesman (1723-

1802), 21.
Canning, George, English statesman

(1770 1827), 295.
Cantons of Switzerland, 228, 34$.
Cape of Good Hope taken by the

English (1805), 264; retained by

them (1815), 348.
Capitulations : of Ulm (1805), 243 ;

of Baylen (1808), 267, 268 ; of

Kulm (1813), 313.
Capo-d'Istria, John, Count, Greek

statesman (1776-1831), 337.
Carniola ceded to Napoleon (1

274.

(1809).

Carnot, Lazare Nicolas Marguerite,
French statesman (1753-1823), 133,
134, 140, 148, 165, 177, 181, 191,
214, 216, 321, 352, 357.

Caroline, Marie, Queen of the Two
Sicilies (1752-1814), 23.

Murat, Queen of Naples (1782-

1839), 322, 345.

Carrier, Jean Baptiste, French poh-
tician (1756-1794). *39. *4L *49«

Cassano, battle of (27 April 1799), 203.

Index

3«S

Castiglfone, battle of (15 Aug. 1796),

175.

Duke of. See Augereau.

Castlereagh, Robert Stewart, Vis-
county Marquis of Londonderry,
English statesman (1769- 1822), his
views on the way to carry on the
war with Napoleon, 295 ; returns
to office (1812), 301 ; his policy to
form a fresh coalition, 301, 302 ;
efforts to get Austria to join (1813),
311 ; sends expedition to Holland:,
314; sent with full powers to
France (1814), 318 ; persists in the
war and calls up reinforcements for
Blucher, 319, 320; opposition to
the retention of Belgium by France,
324; signs treaty of Chaumont,
327; friendship with Metternich,
331 ; signs treaty of Paris, 332 ;
one of the two men who did most
to overthrow Napoleon, 334 ; Eng-
lish representative at the Congress
of Vienna (1814), 337 ; signs treaty
with France and Austria against
Russia and Prussia, 340 ; disavows
Bentinck's Italian proclamation,
346; gets the Slave Trade con-
demned, 349; succeeded by Wel-
lington at Vienna, 349; opposes
Prussia's schemes for punishing
France (1815), 354 ; refuses to join
the Holy Alliance, 355.

Catalonia, 144, 150, 151, 275.

Cathcart, William Schaw, Lord,
English general (17SS-1843). 264,

_ 301. 323» 337-

Catherine 11., Empress of Russia
(1729-96) a benevolent despot, 4 ;
attitude to other Powers of Europe
(1789), 12, 13 ; alliance with Joseph
11., 17 ; extension of Russia under,
18 ; policy in Poland, 18 ; internal
policy, 19 ; war with the Turks
(1789-90), 43-45 ; with the Swedes
(1789-90), 45, 46 ; deprived of the
Austrian alliance by Leopold, 95 ;
makes peace with Sweden at Verela
(1790J, 95, 96; with the Turks at
Jassy (1792), 96 ; attitude towards
the French Revolution, 109, 121 ;
invades Poland (1793), I21 '» signs
second partition of Poland, 122;
asserts she is fighting Jacobinism
in Poland, 125 ; invades Poland
(1795), 151 ; extinguishes indepen-

PERIOD VII.

dence of Poland, 159 ; receives the
Comte d'Artois, 172 ; death (1796),
185.

Catherine, Grand Duchess of Olden-
burg, Queen of Wurtemburg (1788-
1819), 300, 337.

Princess, of Wurtemburg (1783-

1835), marries Jerome Bonaparte,
King of Westphalia (1807), 258.

Cattaro, mouths of the river, ceded
by Russia to France at Tilsit (1807),
250.

Caulaincourt, Armand Augustin
Louis de, Duke of Vicenza, French
statesman (1772-1827), 234, 239,
311, 316, 317, 323, 324, 329, 331,

33*-
Cayenne restored to France (1814),

348.
Ceva, battle of (16 April 1796), 174.
Ceylon, taken by the English (1796),

264 ; retained in 1815, 348.
Chabot, Francois, French politician

(1759-94). "7- , „

Chalier, Marie Joseph, French politi-
cian (1747-93). I 3 I -

ChamWry, annexed to France (1814),
333 ; restored to King of Sardinia
(1815), 354.

1 Chambre Introuvable (1815), 357,
358.

Champagny, Jean Baptiste Nompere
de, Duke of Cadore, French states-
man (i75 6 " l8 34)» 241-

Champaubert, battle of (10 Feb.
1814), 319.

Champ de Mars, Paris, massacre of
(17 July 1791), 101.

Championnet, Jean Etienne, French
general (1762- 1800), 200, 203, 204.

Chaptal, Jean Antoine, Comte,
French administrator (1756-1832),
216, 241.

Charles Hi., King of Spain (1716-88),
benevolent despot, his reforms, 4,
21 ; commenced his career as a re-
forming monarch at Naples, 23.

IV., King of Spain (1748-1819),

21. 77 > 79. x 93» I26 » *57» 183, 223,
232, 252, 253, 267,

Xiii., ICing of Sweden, for-
merly Duke of Sudermania (1748-
1818), 46, no, 120, 171, 253,
279.

11., King of Etruria (1799

1863), 253, 347.

Z B

386

European History, 1 789-1 815

Charles Augustus, Duke of Saxe-
Weimar (1757-1828), 38, 337, 342.

Emmanuel iv., Ring of Sar-
dinia (1751-18x0), 20a

— — Eugene, Duke of Wurtemburg,
(1728-93), 37, 38.

Frederick, Margrave of

Baden-Baden and Baden Durlach
(1728-1811), 37, 79, 167, 180, 225,
227, 245, 258, 260.

Louis Frederick, Grand Duke

of Baden (1786-1816), 258, 337, 342.

Theodore, Elector of Bavaria

and Elector Palatine (1729-99), 37,
172, 180.

William Ferdinand, Duke of

Brunswick - Lttneburg, Prussian
general (1735-1806), 32, 113, 114,
115, 116, 126, 246.

Archduke, Austrian general

(1771-1847), elected Grand Duke of
Belgium (1790), 94 ; commands ihe
Austrian army in Germany ( 1796),
177 ; repulses Jourdan and Moreau,
178 ; effect of his success, 180 ;
commands Austrian army in the
Tyrol (1797), 185; defeated by
Bonaparte, and signs Preliminaries
of Leoben, 186 ; defeats Jourdan
(1799), 202; and advances to the
Rhine, 204 ; forced to retreat, 205 ;
campaign against Morcau (1800),
superseded, 2x9 ; invades Italy
(1805), 243; defeated at Caldiero,
244 ; reorganises Austrian army,
271 ; invades Bavaria (1809), 272;
defeated at Eckmuhl, 273 ; fights
battle of Aspern, 273 ; defeated at
Wagram, 274.

Charter, the, of 4 June 1814, 350.
Chatham, John Pitt, Earl of, English

general (1756-1820), 276.
Chatillon, Congress of (1814), 323, 324.
Chaumette, Pierre Gaspard, French

politician (1763-94), 14 1.
Chaumont, treaty of (1 March 1814),

327. 338.

Chauvelin, Francois Bernard, Mar-
quis de, French politician (1766-
1832), 120.

Cherasco, armistice of (28 April
1796), 174.

Chernishev, Alexander, Count, Rus-
sian general, 308, 312, 313, 337.

Chestret, M. , elected burgomaster of
Liege (1789), 49.

Chiaramonti, Gregorio Barnaba

Luigi. See Pius vn., Pope.
Choczim, taken by the Austrians and

Russians (1788), 43.
Choiseul, Etienne Francois, Due de,

French statesman (1719-85), made

the ' Pactede FamiHe' with Spain,

14.
Christian vil, King of Denmark

(1749-1808), 32, 46, 171.
Cintra, Convention of (30 Aug. 1808),

266.
Circles, the executive divisions of the

Holy Roman Empire, 36; abolished

(1803), 225.
Cisalpine Republic, 192, 203, 220,

255.
Ciudad Rodrigo, taken by Wellington

( Jan. 1812), 306.
Clancarty, Richard Trench, Earl of,

English diplomatist (1767-1837),

337.
Clarke, Henri Jacques Guillaume,

Duke of Feltre, French general

(1765-1818), 241.
Claviere, Etienne, French politician

(1735-93); 4i. "4. 125- A ,_

Clement Wenceslas of Saxony, Arch-
bishop-Elector of Treves in 1789,
40.

Clementine Museum at Rome re-or-
ganised by Pope Pius vi. , 24.

Clerfayt, Francois S£bastien Charles
Joseph de Croix, Comte de, Aus-
trian general (1733-98), 88, 150, 172.

Clichian party, 182, 187, 188, 189,
190, 191.

Club, Cordeliers. See Cordeliers.

de Clichy, 182, 187.

Jacobin. See Jacobin.

of 1789, 101.

Cobenzl, Count Louis, Austrian
statesman (1753-1808), 192, 220,

2 33» 243» 2 7<>-

Count Philip, Austrian states-
man (1741-1810), 126.

Coblentz, 150, 230, 344.

Coburg, Frederick Josias of Saxe-
Coburg-Saalfeld, Prince of, Aus-
trian general (1737-1815), 43, 44.
45, 88, 127, 130, 144.

Cochon deLapparent, Charles, French
administrator (1749-1825), 182, 191.

Cochrane, Thomas, Lord, Earl of
Dundonald, English admiral
(1775-1860), 276.

Index

387

Code, Civil, bases of, laid by the
Convention, J56 ; Bonaparte's
commission to draw up, 215.

Codes of law promulgated by Napo-
leon, 287.

Colli, Louis Leonard Gaspard Ve-
nance, Baron, Sardinian general
(1760-1811), 174.

Colloredo, Count Jerome, Prince-
Archbishop of Salzburg in 1789, 39.

Collot-d'Herbois, Jean Marie, French
politician (1750-96), 117, 133, 134,
138, 147, 149, 155-

Cologne, Archbishop of, an Elector
in the Holy Roman Empire, 34.

archbishopric of, excellent-
ly ruled in 1789, 40; merged in
France, 225 ; ceded to Prussia
(1815), 344.

city of, a free city of the

Holy Roman Empire, 35 ; taken
by the French (1794), 150; ceded
to Prussia (1815), 344.

Committee of General Defence, 127.

of General Security, 135, 136,

146, 148.
of Mercy, 143.

of Public Safety, the first

chosen (April 1793), 127, 128 ; its
work, 132, 133 ; formation of the
Great, 133 ; growth of its power,
134; its system of government — the
Reign of Terror, 135 ; its instru-
ments — the Committee of General
Security, 135, 136 ; the deputies
on mission, 136, 137 ; laws of the
Suspects and the Maximum, 137 ;
the Revolutionary Tribunal, 137,
138 ; its power organised, 138,
139 ; its success, 139-141 ; opposi-
tion to, 141-143; overthrows the
Hubert is ts, 142 ; the Dantonists,
145 ; its triumphs on land, 143,
144 ; failure at sea, 144, 145 ;
Robespierre's position in, 146 ; re-
newed by a quarter monthly after
Robespierre's fall, 148 ; its supre-
macy maintained, but its system
changed, 148, 149 ; filled by mem-
bers of the Plain, 156.

Commune of Paris overthrows the
monarchy (Aug. 1792), 115 ; its
energy, 114 ; insists on expulsion
of the Girondins (June 1793), 129 ;
becomes H6bertist and opposes the
Committee of Public Safety, 141 ;

becomes Robespierrist, and is deci-
mated by the Convention, 147.

Conclusum of the Empire, how
arrived at, 33, 34.

Concordat between the Pope and
Bonaparte (1802), 229, 230, 277.

Conde\ taken by the Austrians(i793),
130.

Cond£, Louis Joseph de Bourbon,
Prince de, French general (1736-
1818), 106, 167, 178, 206, 207.

Condillac, Etienne - Bonnot, Abbe*
de, French philosopher (1715-80),

25-

Conegliano, Duke of. See Moncey.

Confederation, Germanic. See Ger-
manic.

of the Rhine. See Rhine.

of Switzerland See Switzer-
land.

of Targovitsa, asks Catherine

to intervene in Poland (1795),
121.

Conferences: Erfurt (1808), 262;
Pilnitz (1791), 102; Reichenbach,
(1790), 87; Tilsit (1807), 249,
250.

Congresses: Chatillon (1814), 323,
324; the Hague (1799), 93, 94;
Prague (1813), 311 ; Rastadt (1798),
186, 192, 202; Reichenbach (1790),
87 ; Sistova (1790), 88 ; Vienna
(1814-15), 336-350-

Consalvi, Hercules, Cardinal, Italian
statesman (1757-1824), 277, 337.

Conscription, established in France
(1798), 201 ; in Germany, 289.

Constance, Bishop of, an ecclesi-
astical Prince of the Holy Roman
Empire, 34.

bishopric of, merged In

Grand Duchy of Baden (1803),
227.

city of, taken by Massena

(1799), 205,

Constantine, Grand Duke, brother of
the Emperor Alexander (1779-1831),
312, 337.

Constantinople, great riot at (1807),
281.

Constituent Assembly: the Tiers
Etat declares itself the National
Assembly (June 1789), 53 ; oath of
the Tennis Court, and Stance
Royale, 54; session of 4 August,
60; makes the Constitution of

388

European History, 1 789- 1 8 1 5

1791, 68-73; authority passed to,
97 ; discredited the executive, 98 ;
dissolved (1791), 105.

Constitution, the French, of 1791,
68-73 ; revised, 101 ; completed,
103 ; compared with the Polish of
179 1, 104, 105 ; its local arrange-
ments confirmed by the Constitu-
tion of the Year in., 162.

— — the French, of 1793, 132, 138,
141.

the French, of the Year in.

(1795), 156, 159, 160, 161, 162.

the French, of the Year vm.

(1799), 2T2-214; the Consulate,
213 ; the Legislature, 214, 215.

the French, of the Empire

(1805), 24a

the French, promised by the

Charter (1814), 350.

the Polish, of 1791, 104, 105;

abrogated, 122.

Consulate, the, in France, 213.
Consuls, the (1799-1804), Bonaparte,
Cambac^res, Le Brun, 214,

- the Provisional (1799), Bona-
parte, Sieyes, Roger Ducos, 2x1.

Continental Blockade against Eng-
land, 250, 251, 255, 261, 282,
300, 301.

Convention, National, 116, 117, 118,
119, 120, 127, 132, 134, 147, 155,
163, 164, 165, 166.

Conventions : Alexandria (1800),
218; Alkmaar (1799), 205; Cintra
(1808), 268; Leoben (1797). 186;
Reichenbach (1790), 87, 88; Tau-
roggen (1812), 308.

Copenhagen, battle of (2 April 1801),
222 ; bombarded and the Danish
fleet seized by the English (1807),
252.

Cordeliers Club at Paris, 101,
141.

Corfu, occupied by the French (1797),
192. See Ionian Islands.

Cornwallis, Charles, Marquis, English
general (1738-1805), 197.

Corsica, ceded to France by Genoa

ii768J, 27 ; occupied by the English
I 793)» 145 ; abandoned by them
1796), 183.
Corunna, battle of (16 Jan. 1809),

270.
Corvie, or forced labour, 5. 6, 16.
Council of Ancients, established in

France (1795), 161, 162, 189, 190,

209, 210. 211.
Council of Five Hundred, established

in France (1795), l6l » 162, 182,

189, 190, 209, 210, 211.
of State, established in France

under the Consulate (1799), 213,

231, 240.
Court, Napoleon's, 238, 239, 285,

286.
Couthon, Georges Auguste, French

politician (1756-94), 133. *35.

147.
Cracow, university of, reorganised,

104 ; Kosciuszko raises standard of

Polish independence at (1794), 151 ;

given to Austria at third partition

of Poland (1795), X S 2 I joined to

Grand Duchy of Warsaw (1809),

874 ; given to Austria as a free city

(1815), 342.
Cradock, Sir John Francis, Lord

Howden, English general (1762-

1839), 269, 275.
Craonne, battle of (7 March 1814),

328.
Croatia ceded to Napoleon (1809),

274.
Cuesta, Don Gregorio Garcia de la,

Spanish general (1740-1812), 267,

275, 276.
Curacao, restored to Holland by

England (1815), 348.
Custine, Adam Philippe, Comte de,

French general (1740-93), 118, 138.
Czartoryski, Prince Adam George,

Polish statesman (1770-1865), 337,

339.

Dalberg, Charles Theodore de,
German prelate (1744-1817), Co-
adjutor-Archbishop-Elector of May-
ence in 1789, 39 ; retained as Arch-
Chancellor of the Empire with new
territory (1803), 225 ; Grand Duke
of Frankfort (1806), 259; received
Fulda and Hanau and became
Prince Primate of the Confedera-
tion of the Rhine, 260 ; suggested
that Napoleon should be Emperor
of Germany, 302; lost his terri-
torial sovereignty (1815), 343.

firaeric Joseph, Due de,

French statesman (1773- 1833),
330, 338.

Index

389

Dalmatia, belonged to Venice in 1789,
27; ceded to Austria (1797), 192;
annexed by Napoleon (1805), 245.
See Illyrian Provinces.

Duke of. See Soult

Dalrymple, Sir Hew Whiteford,
English general (1750-1830), 266.

Danton, George Jacques, French
statesman (1759-94), 101, 107, 114,
117, 120, 127, 129, 133, 134, 135,
136, 142, 143.

Dantzic promised to Prussia by the
treaty of Warsaw, 85 ; the Poles
refuse to surrender, 87 ; given to
Prussia at second partition of Po-
land (1793), I22 I besieged and
taken by the French (1806), 247,
248 ; French garrison left in 1812,
308 ; besieged (18 12-14), 3 IC >

Duke of. See Lefebvre.

Danubian Principalities, the, pro-
mised to Alexander by Napoleon
(1807), 250.

Dardanelles, the, forced by an English
fleet (1807), 280.

Daru, Pierre Antoine Noel Bruno,
Comte, French administrator (1767-
1829), 241.

Daunou, Pierre Claude Francois,
French politician (1761-1840), 156.

Dauphine, influence of the Assembly
in (1788), on the elections to the
States-General in France, 51.

David, Jacques Louis, French painter
(1748-1825), 357.

Davout, Louis Nicolas, Duke of
Auerstftdt, Prince of Eckmtihl,
French general (1770- 1823), 247,
2 7 2 . 3 T 9. 320, App. iv.

Debry, Jean Antoine, French poli-
tician (1760-1834), 202.

Declaration of the Rights of Man
(1789), 60.

of Saint-Ouen (1814), 332, 333.

Decres, Denis, Duke, French admiral
(1761-1820), 216, 240.

Defermon, Joseph, Comte, French
administrator (1756-1831), 240.

Dego, battle of (15 April 1796), 174.

Delacroix, Charles, French politician
(1740-1805), 166, 189, 190.

Demarcation, line of, protecting
Northern Germany, agreed to at
treaty of Basle between France and
Prussia (1795), '57; its effect on
the position of Prussia, 170; pro-

posal to extend (1706), 179; vio-
lated by the occupation of Hanover
(1804), 2 4 2 ! tms violation leads
Prussia to prepare for war, 246.

Denmark, under Russian influence
in 1789, 13 ; its prosperity and re-
forms, 32; the king a member of
the Holy Roman Empire as Duke
of Holstein, 34; attacks Sweden
(1788), but forced to make peace,
46 ; remains neutral during the
general war with France, 120, 124,
171 ; joins League of the North
and is attacked by England (1801),
222; Copenhagen bombarded and
the Danish fleet seized by England
(1807), 254; Sweden declares war
against (1808), 279; a faithful ally
of Napoleon, 302 ; invaded by Ber-
nadotte and forced to exchange
Norway for Swedish Pomerania
(1814), 320; gets the Duchy of
Lauenburg for Swedish Pomerania
(1815), 347; cedes Heligoland to
England (1815), 348.

Dennewitz, battle of (6 Sept. 1813),

3i3-

Deputies of the Convention sent on
mission, 128 ; put down the Giron-
din movement, 131 ; an instrument
of the Reign of Terror ; their work
— in the provinces, 136; with the
armies, 136, 137.

Desaix, £ouis Charles Antoine,
French general (1768-1800), 178,
208, 219.

Desmoulins, Camille, French poli-
tician (1762-94), 56, 133, 142, 143.

Despots, the benevolent, of the eigh-
teenth century, 4, 5 ; the Emperor
Joseph 11., 15, 16; the Empress
Catherine of Russia, 19; Charles
in. of Spain, 21 ; Leopold of Tus-
cany, 24; Ferdinand of Parma, 25;
Frederick the Great of Prussia, 29;
Gustavus in. of Sweden, 33; Charles
Theodore of Bavaria and Charles
Frederick of Baden, 37.

Deux-Ponts (Zweibrticken), duchy of,
38, 79; merged in France (1803),
227.

Diderot, Denis, French philosopher
(1713-84), 4, 9, 19.

Diet, the Imperial, of the Holy
Roman Empire (Reichstag), 33,
35-

390

European History \ 1789-18 15

Diet, the, of the Confederation of the
Rhine (1806), 260.

the, of the Germanic Confedera-
tion (18x5), 343.

Dignitaries, the Grand, of Napoleon's
Empire, 239.

Dillon, Arthur, French general (1750-

94). "5-

Theobald, French general (1743-

92), in.

Directors, the, of the French Republic
(1795-99): elected Oct. 1795, Ban-as,
Carnot, Letourneur, Revelliere-
L£peaux, Reubell, 165, 166; May
1797, Barth&emy succeeds Letour-
neur, 188 ; Sept. 1797, Francois de
Neufchatcau and Merlin of Douai
succeed Barthelemy and Carnot,
191 ; May 1798, Treilhard succeeds
Francois de Neufchateau, 195;
May 1799, Sieyes succeeds Reubell,
209 ; June 1799, Ducos, Gohier,
and Moulin succeed Merlin of
Douai, Revelliere-L6peaux, and
Treilhard, 211.

Directory, the, its functions as estab-
lished by the Constitution of the
Year in., 160, 161; foreign policy
left to Reubell, 169, 179; military
affairs to Carnot, 177; its internal
policy, 180, 181 ; struggle with the
Clichians, 189, 190; coup d'itat of
Fructidor 1797, 191 ; interferes in
the elections of 1798 to the Legis-
lature, 196; its weakness (1799),
209 ; struggle with the Legislature
( I 799)» 209; abolished 18 Brumaire
(1799), 2TI.

Dombrowski, John Henry, Polish
general (1755-1818), 206.

'Dotations,' 286.

Dresden, battle of (27 Aug. 1813),
312.

Drouet, Jean Baptiste, French poli-
tician (1763- 1 824), 168.

Dubienka, battle of (17 July 1792),
122.

Dubitza taken by the Austrians ( 1788),

43-

Dubois-Crance*, Edmond Louis Alexis,
French politician (1747-1814), 210.

Duckworth, Sir John Thomas, Eng-
lish admiral (1747-1817), 280.

Ducos, Roger, French politician (1754-
1816), 209, 211.

Dugommier, Jean Francois Coquille,

French general (1721-94), 140, 144,

150. IS*-
Dumont, Andre, French politician

(1764-1836), 139.
Dumouriez, Charles Francois, French

general (1739-1823), no, in, 112,

114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 126,

127.
Duncan, Adam, Viscount, English

admiral (1731-1804), 193, 194.
Dunkirk besieged by the Duke of

(1793), 130; relieved by Houchard,

140.
• Duodecimo duchies ' of Germany in

1789, 40.
Duphot, Leonard, French general

(1770-97), 200.
Dupont de l'Etang, Pierre, Comte,

French general (1765-1838), 267,

268, 331.
Dufort, Am&lee Bretagne Malo,

Comte de, French courtier (1770-

1836), 99-
Duroc, Ge>aud Christophe Michel,

Duke of Friuli, French general

(1772-1813), 217, 234, 239.
Diisseldorf, 37, 172, 259.

Ecclesiastical princes of the Holy
Roman Empire, 34, 30, 40; their
states secularised (1803), 170.

Eckmtihl, battle of (22 April 1809),

273.

Prince of. See Davout.

Education, national system estab-
lished before 1789 in Spain, 21 ; in
Portugal, 22; in Tuscany, 24; in
Parma, 25 ; in Lombardy, 26 ; in
Denmark, 32 ; in Baden, 37 ; at-
tempted in Poland, 104; reforms
in, attempted by the Convention in
France, 156; Bonaparte's scheme
of, 231 ; Napoleon's ^ system of,
258; established in 'Prussia by
Humboldt, 303, 304.

Egypt, conquered by Bonaparte
(1798), 195; his administration of,
and reconquest(i799), 208 ; French
expelled from, by the English
(1801), 224; failure of English ex-
pedition to (1808), 264.

Ehrenbrcitstein, fortress, taken by
Marceau (1795), 172.

Elba, declared a French island, 230 ;
granted to Napoleon (1814), 332 ;
his escape from (1815), 349, 351.

Index

391

Elchingen, battle of (20 Oct. 1805), 244.

Duke of. See Ney.

Elections, the, to the States-General
in France (1789), 50, 51.

Electors, the eight, of the Holy
Roman Empire in 1789, 34; the
ten established in 1803, 225.

Elizabeth, Madame, sister of Louis
xvi. (1764-94), 61, 68.

Elliot, Hugh, English diplomatist
(1752-1830), 78.

Elsinore, batteries at, passed by the
English fleet (1801), 222.

Elten, abbey of, merged in Prussia
(1803), 227; and again (1815). 344.

Elwangen, the Abbot of, an ecclesi-
astical Prince of the Holy Roman
Empire, 34.

Emigre's, Belgian, strong measures
taken against ( 1789), 48.

French, 59, 63, 81, 97, 106, 108,

109, 113, 137, 154, 166, 167, 169,
172, 188, 214, 215, 351, 357. 35 8 -
See Conde*.

Emperor of the French, Napoleon de-
clares himself (1804), 236 ; refuses
to be Emperor of Germany, 302.

Holy Roman, position of, 34;

Francis 11. abandons the title of
(1804), 2 36- $ ee Francis 11.,
Joseph 11., Leopold 11.

Empire, Holy Roman, 17, 33-36, 79-
80, 108, 121, 193, 225-227.

Napoleon's, its establishment,

3 37» 238; Grand Dignitaries of,
239; institutions and adminis-
trative system, 240; greatest ex-
tension of (1810), 282, 283.

Engen, battle of (3 May 1800), 219.

Enghien, Louis Antoine Henri de
Bourbon, Due d' (1722-1804), shot
at Vincennes, 235.

England, condition of, 8 ; Member of
the Triple Alliance, 13, 32 ; alliance
with Portugal, 21 ; condition in
1789, 27, 28 ; looks favourably on
the French Revolution, 63 ; the affair
of Nootka Sound, 77, 78 ; the Em-
peror Leopold appeals to, 86 ; atti-
tude towards the French Republic,
120; France declares war against
(1793), 120 ; paymaster of the coali-
tion against France, 125, 126 ; oc-
cupies Toulon, 139 ; and Corsica,
145 ; withdrew subsidies from Prus-
sia, 153 ; national feeling in, against

France, 154; supported the French
Emigres, 154, 166, 167; did not wish
for peace with France, 169 ; Spain
declares war against, 183 ; at-
tempts at peace, 184, 190 ; block-
ades and defeats the Dutch fleet,
193, 194 ; takes Minorca and Malta,
195 ; forms the second coalition,
197 ; Bonaparte attacks her com-
merce through the Neutral League
of the North, 222 ; drives the
French out of Egypt, 224; the
Peace of Amiens, 225 ; recom-
mencement of the war with France,
233 ; Napoleon's project of invad-
ing, 241, 242 ; forms the third
coalition, 243 ; the Continental
Blockade against and its effect,
251 ; seizes the Danish fleet, 252 ;
decides to actively intervene on the
Continent, 263, 295 ; hitherto con-
tented with taking colonies and
detached expeditions, 264; sends
an army to Portugal, 265, 266;
promises subsidies to Austria
(1809), 271; the Walcheren Expedi-
tion, 276 ; Castlereagh's and Can-
ning's theories, 295 ; forms fresh
coalition, 301, 302 ; greatness of
her share in overthrowing Napo-
leon, 334 ; colonial gains made at
the Congress of Vienna, 348 ; in-
sists on abolition of the Slave
Trade, 348, 349; refuses to join
the Holy Alliance, 355. See Castle-
reagh, Pitt.

Erfurt, bishopric of, merged in Prus-
sia (1803), 227.

conference at (1808), 262.

Erthal, Baron Francis Louis of,
Prince- Bishop of Bamberg and
Wiirtzburg in 1789, 39.

« Baron Frederick Charles of,

Archbishop-Elector of Mayence
and Prince-Bishop of Worms in

1789. 39-
Espinosa, battle of (11 Nov. 1808), 269.
Essen, abbey of, merged in Prussia

(1803), 227.
Essling or Aspern, battle of (21, 22

May 1809), 273.

Prince of. See Massena.

Esterhazy, Nicholas Joseph, Prince

(1714-90), 91.
Etruria, kingdom of, 220, 253. See

Louis.

392

European History, 1789- 1 815

Ettlingen, battle of (June 1796), 17&.
Eugene de Beauharnais, Viceroy of

Italy. See Beauharnais.
Ewart, Joseph, English diplomatist

(i70<>92), English representative

at the Congress of Keichenbach

(1790), 87.
Eylau, battle of (8 Feb. 1807), 248.

Fabry, M., elected burgomaster of

Liege (1789), 49.
Famars, battle of (24 May 1793), 130.
Faypoult, Guillaume Charles, French

administrator (1752-1817), 166, 182.
Felino, Marquis of/ See Tillot.
Feltre, Duke of. See Clarke.
Feraud, Jean, French politician (1764-

1795), killed in rising of x Prairial,

Ferdinand, vn., King of Spain (1784-
1833), 267, 358.

iv., King of the Two Sicilies

(1751-1825), 23. 120, 121, 171, 200,
203, 256, 264, 346, 359.

Hi., Grand Duke of Tus-
cany, second son of the Emperor
Leopold (1769-1824), 83, 120, 157,
171, 200, 206, 220, 225, 226, 260,
347.

Duke of Parma and Piacenza,

25. 174. I7S.

Archduke, third son of Maria

Theresa (1754-1806), 26.

Ferrara, Legation of, belonged to the
Pope in 1789, 24 ; occupied by
Bonaparte (1796), 175 ; part of the
Cisalpine Republic (1707), 192; of
the kingdom of Italy (1805), 255 ;
restored to the Pope (1815), 347.

Ferrari, Raphael di, Doge of Genoa
in 1789, 27. [15a.

Fersen, Axel, Count (1759-1810), 113,

Fesch, Joseph, uncle of Napoleon
(1763-1839), 239, 277.

Feudalism, 3, 6, 8, 28, 60, 199, 256,
259, 288, 289, 290, 297, 303, 361.

Fichte, John Theophilus, German
philosopher (1762- 1 8 14), 304.

Figueras, battle of (20 Nov. 1794),
150, 151.

Filangieri, Gaetano, Neapolitan poli-
tical writer (1752-88), 23.

Finance, Napoleon's system of, 287,
288.

Finland, belonged to Sweden (1789),
32 ;. campaigns of Gustavus in. in

1788, 45, 46 ; (1790], 95; conquered
by the Emperor Alexander (1808),
250, 254, 270 ; ceded to Russia by
Bernadotte in exchange for Nor-
way (1812), 302.

Firmian, Charles Joseph, Count,
Austrian statesman (1716-82), 26.

Fitzherbert, Alleyne, Lord St.
Helens, English diplomatist (1753-
1839). 78.

Five Hundred, Council of* See
Council.

Flanders, the Estates of, declare
their independence of Austria
(1789), 64.

Flesselles, Jacques de, French ad-
ministrator (1721-89), 58.

Fleurus, battle of (26 June 1794), 144.

Florence, 200, 283. See Tuscany.

Florida Blanca, Joseph Monino,
Count of, Spanish statesman (1728-
1809), 21, 77, 78.

Flushing taken by the English (1809),
276.

Foksany, battle of (31 July 1789), 45.

Foligno, armistice of, between the
Pope and Bonaparte (1796), 175.

Fontainebleau, treaty of (1808), 252,
*53 1 Po P e Pius vil taken to, 278 ;
Napoleon abdicates at (1814), 331.

Fontanes, Louis de, French writer
(1757-1821), 288.

Forfait, Pierre Alexandre Laurent,
French administrator (1752-1807),
216.

Fouche, Joseph, Duke of Otranto,
French politician (1763- 1820), 210,
216, 241, 357.

Foullon de Dou£, Joseph Francois,
French administrator (1715-89), 59.

Fox, Charles James, English states-
man (1749-1806), 245, 247, 264.

France, serfdom and feudalism practic-
ally extinct, 6 ; why the Revolution
broke out, 8 ; position in 1789, 19,
20 ; elections to the States-General
(1789), 49, 51 ; result of the capture
of the Bastille in (July 1789), 59,
60 ; divided into departments, 68,
69 ; state of, in 1791, 98 ; effect of
the flight to Varennes on, 101, 102;
wishes for war, 107; exasperated
by Brunswick's proclamation, 113 ;
invaded (1792), 114; (1793). ^ I
opposition to the Convention
( I 793)> I 3 I » z 3 3 » submits to the

Index

393

Reign of Terror, 141 ; becomes a
vast arsenal, 143 ; after the victory
of Fleurus rejects the Terror, 148 ;
detests the Convention because of
the Terror ( 1795), 163 ; but would
not rise against it, 164; internal
peace established (1796), 180 ; state
of (1706), 181 ; acquiesced in the
coup a Hat of Fructidor(i797), 191 ;
state of (1798), weary of politics,
196 ; welcomed Bonaparte's re-
turn (1799J, 210; pacified under
the Consulate, 215 ; organisation
into prefectures, 230 ; popularity of
Bonaparte in (1802), 231; enthusias-
tically welcomes the Empire, 237 ;
conduct to the Pope damaged
Napoleon's popularity in, 278 ;
Napoleon's autocratic rule in, abo-
lition of individual liberty and re-
presentative institutions, 284; in-
disposed to support Napoleon
(1813), 315; would not rise to de-
fend France in 1814 as in 1793,
322 ; weary of the military policy of
Napoleon and physically exhausted,
324-326; reduced to its limits of
z 79 2 > 333 ! distrusts Louis xvm. ,
351 ; welcomes Napoleon back
(1815), 351, 352 ; difference of its
attitude in 1814 and 1815^353,
354 ; reduced to its limits of 1789,

354 ; reactionary government of
Louis xvm. , 357, 358.
Francis 11., Holy Roman Emperor,

1. Emperor of Austria (1768-1835),
succeeded his father Leopold
(1792), no; elected and crowned
Emperor, 112 ; war with France,
112, 113 ; loses Belgium, 118: re-
garded himself as duped by being
left out of second partition of
Poland (1793), I2a } makes Thugut
his Foreign Minister, 126; his
armies invade France, 130, 139 ;
repulsed, 140; receives Cracow
and rest of Galicia at final partition
of Poland (1795), 152; change in
his attitude towards France, 153,
154 ; exchanges French prisoners
for Madame Royale, 168 ; appealed
to his people's patriotism against
Bonaparte (1796), 176 ; signs Con-
vention of Leoben (1797), 186;
and treaty of Campo-Formio ( 1797),
192 ; again prepares for war with

France (1798), 197, 201 ; was more
afraid of Russia than France, 206 ;
signs treaty of Luneville and dis-
misses Thugut (1801), 220; de-
clares himself Emperor of Austria
(1804), 236 ; forms coalition with
Russia and England, and invades
Italy and Bavaria (1805), 243 ; signs
treaty of Pressburg, 24$ ; prepares
for a fresh war, and tries to rouse
a national German spirit, 270, 271;
invades Italy and Bavaria (1809),
272 ; makes treaty of Vienna, and
dismisses Stadion, 274; appoints
Metternich State-Chancellor, 275;
gives his daughter Marie Louise to
Napoleon, 294 ; invades Russia as
Napoleon's ally (1812), 303; at-
tempts to mediate between Napo-
leon and the allies, 310; declares
war against Napoleon (1813), 311 ;
does not want to overthrow Napo-
leon (1814), 316, 317, 324; signs
treaty of Chaumont, 327 ; inclined
to side with England against Russia
and Prussia, 334 ; receives the al-
lied monarchs at Vienna (1814),
337 ; signs secret treaty with Eng-
land and France (3 Jan. 1815).
340 ; obtains the duchy of Parma
for his daughter Marie Louise, 346,
347 ; joins the Holy Alliance, 355 ;
greatly weakened actually if not
territorially by the great war,

359-

Francis IV., of Este, grandson of
Hercules in., Duke of Modena
(1779-1846), 347.

Prince, of Prussia, (1797), 189.

Francois de Neufchateau, Nicolas,
Comte, French politician (1750-
1828), 190, 191, 195, 196.

Franconia invaded by Jourdan (1796),
*77i i7 8 1 by Napoleon (1805), 244.

Frankenberg, Cardinal, Archbishop
of Malines, 47, 65.

Frankfort-on-the-Main, a free city
of the Holy Roman Empire, 35;
Leopold crowned Emperor at
(1790), 89; Francis crowned Em-
peror at (1792), 112; held to ran-
som by Custine (1792), 118 ; taken
by Jourdan (1796), 177 ; maintained
as a free city (1803), 226 ; the Pro-
posals of (1813), 316; maintained
as a free city and member of the

■** -^

— B - = m

Index

395

Galicia, Western, obtained by Austria
at third partition of Poland (1795),
152 ; ceded to the Grand Duchy of
Warsaw (1809), 274; restored to
Austria (1815), 342.

Gambier, James, Lord, English ad-
miral (1756-1833), 277.

Gasparin, Thomas Augustin de,
French politician (1750-93), 133.

Gaudin, Martin Michel Charles,
Duke of Gaeta, French statesman
(1756-1844), 215, 216, 240, 287.

Geisberg, battle of the (26 Dec. 1793),
140.

Geneva, its condition as an indepen-
dent republic in 1789, 41 ; occupied
by the Bernese troops (1792), 125;
united to France, 228, 230 ; made
a canton of Switzerland by the Con-
gress of Vienna (1815), 345.

Genoa, its position in 1789, 27;
formed into the Liguria Republic
(1797), IQ2 I besieged by the Aus-
trians (1799), 203, 206, 218 ; an-
nexed to Napoleon's Empire, 243,
2 55 1 capital of a French depart-
ment, 283 ; occupied by the English
(1814), 315; his proclamation at,
322 ; united to the kingdom of
Sardinia (18 15), 346.

Genola, battle of (4 Nov. 1799),
204.

Gensonne', Arm and, French politi-
cian (1758-93), 106.

Gentz, Friedrich von, German states-
man (1764-1832), 291, 292, 337.

George ill., King of England (1738-
1820), 120.

Germanic Confederation formed
(1815), 442, 343.

Germany, condition of, in 1789, 33-40;
spread of revolutionary ideas in,
109; resettlement of (1803), 225-
227 ; Napoleon's rearrangement of
(1806), 257-261 ; Stadion's attempt
to rouse a national spirit in, 270,
271 ; reforms made in, under
French influence, 288, 289 ; growth
of a national spirit against the
French in, 291-295 ; national rising
in, 314 ; resettled at Congress of
Vienna, 342, 345. See Austria,
Baden, Bavaria, Hanover, Prussia,
Saxony, Wurtemburg.

German literary movement at Weimar,

German philosophers of the 18th cen-
tury compared with the French, 9.

Germinal, Riot of the 12th (1 April
1795), m Paris, 155.

Ghent, 64, 341, 552.

Girondins, French political party, in
the Legislative Assembly, 106; in
favour of war, 107 ; their sections
in the Convention, 116; attacked
the Mountain, 117; views on the
King's trial, 119 ; struggle with the
Mountain, 128, 129 ; overthrown
(2 June 1793), 129; attempt to
raise the provinces of France
against the Convention, 131 ; the
leaders guillotined, 128; recall of
the survivors to the Convention
(1795), 154; they obtain power,

*55-
Giurgevo, battle of (8 July 1790), 88 ;

armistice, of (19 Sept. 1790),

88.
Glarus, 228.
Gnesen, province of, ceded to Prussia

at second partition of Poland (1793),

123.
Goa, 224.
Gobel, Jean Baptiste Joseph, French

bishop (1727-94), 70, 141.
Godoy, Don Manuel de, Prince of the

Peace, Spanish statesman (1767-

1851), 77, 126, 154, 157, 183, 255,

266, 267.
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, Ger-
man poet (1749-1832), 9, 10,

38.

Gohier, Louis Jerome, French politi-
cian (1 746-1830), 209, 21 1.

Goltz, Bernhard William, Baron von,
Prussian statesman (1730-95), 86.

Gottingen, university of, 39.

Gouvion-Saint-Cyr, Laurent, French
general (1764-1830), 275, App. iv.

Graham, sir Thomas, Lord Lyne-
doch, English general (1751-1843),

3M. 3 21 -
Grand Elector, proposed by Sieves

in 1799 but rejected by Bonaparte,

213.
Grand Livre, Cambon's creation of,

continued by Napoleon, 288.
Greece, 257.
Gregoire, Henri, French politician

(1750-1831), 53.
Grenelle, plot to attack the camp of

(1706), 181.

396

European History, 1789-1815

Grenville, Thomas, English diplo-
matist (1755-1846), 197.

William Wyndham, Lord,

English statesman (1759-1834),
Pitt's foreign secretary (1790-1801),
120, 166, 167, 169.

Grisons, republic of the, 41 ; occupied
by the Archduke Charles (1799),
202 ; Suv6rov in, 205 ; Macdonald
invades (1800), 218, 219; formed
into a canton of Switzerland by
Bonaparte (1803), 228; and re-
tained by the Congress of Vienna
(1815), 344.

Grodno, Diet of (24 Sept. 1793),
second partition of Poland agreed
to at, 122.

Gross- Beeren, battle of (23 Aug.
1813), 312.

Gross-Gorschen (Liitzen), battle of
(2 May 1813), 309.

Grouchy, Emmanuel, Marquis de,
French general (1766-1847), 353,
App. iv.

Guadeloupe, French West India
island, conquered by the English,
154; restored to France by treaty
of Amiens (1802), 232; reconquered
by the English (1810) 276; re-
turned to France by Sweden (1815),

347- /

Guadet, Marguerite Elie, French
politician (1758-94), 106, 129.

Guastalla, duchy of, granted to Pau-
line Bonaparte by Napoleon, 283 ;
granted with Parma to the Empress
Marie Louise (1815), 347.

Guerilla warfare against the French
in Spain, 268, 297.

Guiana, 155, 191, 223, 232, 348.

Gustavus 111., King of Sweden (1746-
92), a benevolent despot of the 18th
century, 4 ; his coup ditat of 1772
and reforms, 33; invades Russian
Finland (1788), 45 ; makes peace
with Denmark (1780), 46; over-
throws the power of the nobility,
46; sympathy with Marie Antoi-
nette, 67, 68 ; defeated by the Rus-
sians (1790), 95 ; makes treaty of
Verela with the Empress Catherine
(1790), 95, 96 ; proposes to rescue
the French royal family, 109 ; mur-
dered, no.

Gustavus iv., King of Sweden (1778-
1837), no, 243, 253, 254, 279.

Hague, the, the Stadtholder driven
from (1787), 31 ; congress at (1790),
93' 94 *> capital moved from, to
Amsterdam by Louis Bonaparte,

Hainault, Estates of, suppressed by
the Emperorjoseph (1789), 47.

Hamburg, a free city of the Holy
Roman Empire, 35 ; English trade
removed from Amsterdam to, 184 ;
retained its independence (1803),
226 ; annexed by Napoleon 1 1810),
282 ; taken by the Russians (1813),
308; recovered by Vandamme,
300; defended by Davout (1813-
14), 319, 320; a free city of the
Germanic Confederation (1815),

343-

Hanau granted to Dalberg, Grand
Duke of Frankfort (1806), 260;
battle of (30 Oct. 1813), 314.

Hanover, Electorate of, independ-
ently administered under the King
of England, 38, 39 ; bishopric of
Osnabriick merged in (1803), 227;
occupied by the French under Mor-
tier (1803), 233, 242 ; promised to
Prussia and offered to England by
Napoleon (1806), 247 ; part of,
merged in kingdom of Westphalia,
258 ; and part annexed by Napoleon
• (1810), 282 ; a state of the Ger-
manic Confederation (1815), 342.

Hanriot, Francois, French politician
(1761-94), 129, 147.

Hardenberg, Charles Augustus,
Count afterwards Prince von,
Prussian statesman (1750-1822),
negotiated treaty of Basle (1795),
157 ; opposed alliance with France
(1796), 170 ; became Minister for
Foreign Affairs (1803J, 234; and
State Chancellor (1807), 248 ; com-
pletes the work of Stein (1809),
303; accedes to the Proposals ot
Frankfort (1813), 316; signs Pro-
visional Treaty of Paris (1814), 332 ;
Prussian Plenipotentiary at the
Congress of Vienna (1814-15), 337.

William, Count von, Hano-
verian statesman (1754-1826), 337.

Harris, Sir James, Earl of Malmes-
bury. See Malmesbury.

Hassan Pasha, Turkish admiral, 45.

Hatry, Jacques Maurice, French
general (1740- 1802), 193.

Index

397

Haugwitz, Christian Henry Charles,
Count von, Prussian statesman,
(1752-1832) a partisan of France
and enemy of Austria, 11 1 ; ap-
pointed Foreign Minister (179a),
126; in favour of peace with the
French Republic, 153 ; but against
an alliance (1796), 170 ; advocated
a compromise, 179; dismissed as
too friendly to France (1803), 234;
signs treaty of Schonbrunn (1805),
247; finally dismissed (1807),
248.

Hebert, Tacques Rene\ French poli-
tician (i755-94). 141. I 4 2 -

He*bertists, the, 141, 142.

Heidelberg ceded to Baden, 227.

Heligoland, ceded by Denmark to
England (1815), 348.

Heliopolis, battle of (20 March 1800),
224.

Helvetian Republic founded (1798),
199 ; replaced by the Confedera-
tion of Switzerland (1803), 228.

Henry, Prince, of Prussia (1726-1802),
in.

HeYault-Sechelles, Marie Jean,
French politician (1760-94), 133.

Hercules in., Duke of Modena
(1727-1803), 25, 26, 174, 175, 192,
226.

Herder, Johann Gottfried, German
philosopher (1744-1803), 9, 38.

Herford, abbey of, merged in Prussia
(1803), 227.

Hermann, Russian general, defeated
at Bergenjf 1799),. 205.

Hertzberg, Ewald Frederick, Count
von, Prussian statesman (1725-
1795). 30. 3i. 85, 87, 88.

Hesse-Cassel, its condition in 1789,
38 ; made an electorate (1803),
225 ; increased in size, 227 ; merged
in the kingdom of Westphalia,
250, 258 ; a state of the Germanic
Confederation (1815), 342. See
William IX.

Hesse-Darmstadt, increased in size
(1803), 227; made a Grand
Duchy (1806), 259; a state of the
Confederation of the Rhine (1806),
260; of the Germanic Confedera-
tion (1815), 342. See Louis X.

Hesse-Homburg, a state of the Ger-
manic Confederation (1815), 343.

Hildesheim, Bishop of, an ecclesias-

tical Prince of the Holy Roman
Empire, 34.

Hildesheim, bishopric of, merged in
Prussia (1803), 227 ; in the king-
dom of Westphalia (1807), 2 58.

Hiller, John, Baron von, Austrian
general (1754 1819), 315.

Hoche, Lazare, French general
(1768-97), 140, 154, 180, 181, 185,
186, 189, 191, 193 194.

Hoensbroeck, Count Caesar Con-
stantine Francis de, Prince-Bishop
of Liege, 39, 49, 95.

Hofer, Andrew, Tyrolese patriot
(1767-1810), 273.

Hohenlinden, battle of (3 Dec 1800),
219.

Hohenlohe-Bartenstein, Prince of,
one of the chief Princes of the Em-
pire in Alsace, 79.

Hohenlohe-Kirchberg, Prince of,
Austrian general, 45.

Hohenzollern, two principalities of,
states of the Germanic Confedera-
tion (1815), 343.

Holland [the United Netherlands], a
member of the Triple Alliance, 13 ;
position in 1789, 31 ; revolution in
l 1 /^). 31 1 3 2 1 P u t down by Prus-
sia, 32 ; designs of Dumouriez on,
119, 120; France declares war
against (1793), 120; failure 01
Dumouriez to invade (1703), 126;
conquered by Pichegru (1794-95),
149 ; organised as the Batavian
Republic, 150; effect of its con-
quest on England, 184; Delacroix
sent as ambassador to, 190;
Hoche's scheme of invading Eng-
land from, 193 ; its fleet destroyed
at Camperdown (1797), 194; in-
vaded by English and Russians
(1799), 205 ; its changes of govern-
ment, 254 ; Louis Bonaparte, King
of (1806), 254, 255; colonies taken
by England, 264; annexed by
Napoleon (18 10), 282 ; rises against
the French (1813-14), 314. 320, 321 ;
joined to Belgium as the kingdom
of the Netherlands (1815), 344*

— kingdom of, formed for Louis
Bonaparte, 254 ; his administra-
tion (1806-18 10), 254, 255.

Holstein, duchy of, 34, 343.

Holstein-Gottorp, Prince Peter of,
Prince-Bishopof Lubeckini789, 39.

398

European History, 1789-18 15

Holy Alliance, the, 355.

Hondschoten, battle of (7 Sept. 1793),
14a

Hood, Samuel, Lord, English ad-
miral (1724-1816), 139.

Houchard, Jean Nicolas, French
general (1740-93), 138, 140.

Howe, Richard, Earl, English ad-
miral (1725-99). x 45-

Humbert, Jean Joseph Am able,
French general (1755-1823), 197.

Humboldt, William, Baron von,
Prussian statesman (1767-1835),
303, 304, 323 ; at the Congress of
Vienna (1814-15), 338.

Hundred Days, the (March -June
1815). 351-353- . , „

Hungary, opposition to the Emperor
Joseph's reforms in, 15, 16 ; aboli-
tion of serfdom, 16 ; Joseph's dying
concessions to, 66 ; policy of the
Emperor Leopold in, 90-92 ; looked
with favour on Napoleon, 270.

Huningen, foriress to be dismantled
by second treaty of Paris (18 15),

354-
Hutchinson, John, Lord, afterwards
Earl of Donoughmore, English
general (1757-1832), 224.

Igblstrom, Joseph, Count, Russian
general (t 1817), 151, 152.

Illyrian Provinces, Napoleon's, .
formed (1805), ruled by Marmont,
245. 256 ; the Ionian islands added
to (1807), 256; increased (1809),
274; given to Austria (1815),
347.

Income tax imposed in France (1800),

2i5-
India, Bonaparte's projects on (1798),

194 ; the Emperor Paul's plans for

invading, 220, 221.
'Infernal Columns' despatched to

La Vendee, 141.
• Infernal Machine,' plot of the (1800),

231.
Inquisition, the Holy, 21, 22, 25,

297. 358.
Ionian Islands belonged to Venice in
1789, 27 ; ceded to France (1797)1
192; taken by the Russians (1798),
207 ; ceded to France by the treaty
of Tilsit (1807), 250 ; added to the
Illyrian Provinces, 256; given to
England (1815), 348.

Ireland, Hoche's expedition to (1796),
185 ; Humbert's (1798), 197.

Iron crown of Italy assumed by
Napoleon (1805), 238.

Ismail, besieged by the Russians
(1789), 45 ; stormed (1790), 06.

Istria ceded to Austria (1797), 192;
annexed by Napoleon, 245.

Duke of. See Bessieres.

Italian unity, idea of, in the 18th
century, 22 ; promised by Bentinck
(1813), 322 ; defended by Murat
(1814), 344-

Italy, condition of, in 1789, 22-27;
Bonaparte's arrangements in North,
192; conquered by the French
(1798-99), 200 ; reconquered by
Bonaparte (1800), 218, 219; king-
dom of, Napoleon's, 238, 255;
rises against Napoleon (1813-14),

?;i4, 315 ; settlement of, at Vienna
1815), 345-347. See Genoa, Lom-
bardy, Lucca, Modena, Naples,
Parma, Rome, Sardinia, Sicily,
Tuscany, Venice.

Jablonowski, Ladislas, Polish
statesman (1769-1802), 87.

Jachvill, Prince, 221.

Jacobin Club, growth of its import-
ance in France, 100, 105 ; debates
on the war question in, 107 ;
H6bertists expelled from (1793),
142 ; the headquarters of Robes-
pierre's party, 147 ; closed (1794),
149.

Jaffa taken by Bonaparte (1799), 208.

Jahn, Frederick Louis, German
publicist (1778-1852), 291.

Janissaries, the, dethrone the Sultan
Selim in. (1807), 280 ; fight the new
militia in Constantinople, 281.

Janssens, John William, Dutch
general (1762-1835), 155.

Jassy, treaty of (9 Jan. 1792), 96.

Jaucourt, Arnail Francois, Marquis
de, French statesman (1757-1852),

330-
Java, taken by the English (1811),

264; restored to Holland (1815),

348.
Javogues, Claude, French politician

(1759-96), 139.
Jeanbon or Jean Bon (Andre*) called

Saint-Andre*. See Saint Andre\
Jehu, companies of, ravage the south

Index

399

of France in 1796, 181 ; in 1815,
356.

Jemmappes, battle of (6 Nov. 1792),
118.

Jena, university of, 38 ; battle of (14
Oct. 1806), 247.

Jerome Bonaparte, King of West-
phalia (1784-1860), 258, 259.

Jervis, Sir John, Earl St. Vincent,
English admiral (1734-1823), 183.

Jesuits expelled from Spain byAranda,
2i ; from Portugal by Pombal, 22 ;
from Naples by Tanucci, 23.

Jeunesse Dor6e or FreYonienne, im-
portant political part played by, in
Paris (1794-95). 155-

Jews, toleration to, insisted on by
Napoleon, 289.

John vi., King of Portugal (1769-
1826), 22, 120, 223, 252, 253.

Archduke, seventh son of the

Emperor Leopold (1782-1863), 219,
272, 275, 274.

Jomini, Henri, Baron, French general
(1779-1862), 312.

Joseph 11., Emperor (1741-90), typical
benevolent despot of the 18th cen-
tury, 4 ; preferred Russia to France,
12 ; position in 1789, 14-17 ; in-
ternal policy, 15, 16; abolition of
serfdom, 16; foreign policy, 16,
17 ; German policy, 17, 35 ; alli-
ance with Russia, 17 ; attacks the
Turks, 17 ; the Pope's visit to, 24 ;
defeated by the Turks (1788), 43 ;
prophecy in Jan. 1789, 44 ; policy
in Belgium, 46-48 ; death and
character, 66 ; why he failed, 67 ;
comparison between, and Louis
xvi. , 67, 68.

Joseph Bonaparte, elder brother of
Napoleon (1768-1844), King of
Naples (1806), his good administra-
tion, 256; King of Spain (1808),
267 ; his reforms, 289, 297 ; driven
from Madrid (1812), 306 ; returned,
307 ; finally retired from Madrid,
defeated at Vittoria(i8i3), 315.

Joseph, Archduke, fourth son of the
Emperor Leopold (1776 -1847),
270.

Josephine, the Empress, first wife of
Napoleon (1763-1814), 285, 293, 332.

Joubert, BartheUemy Catherine,
French general (1769-99), 186, 200,
204.

Jourdan, Jean Baptiste, Comte,
French general (1762-1833), 140,
144, 150, 172, 177, 178, 202, 315,
App. iv.

Journalists, rise of their importance
in Paris (1789), 61.

Jovellanos, Don Gaspar Melchior de,
Spanish statesman (1744-1811), 21.

Joyeuse Entree or Constitution of
Brabant, abrogated by the Em-
peror Joseph (1789), 47.

Junot, Andoche, Duke of Abrantes,
French general (1771-1813), 253,
265, 266, 296.

Kaiserslautern, battle of (19

Aug. 1794), 144.
Kalisch, ceded to Prussia in second

partition of Poland (1793), 122 ;

treaty of (27 Feb. 1813), 308.
Kalkreuth, Frederick Adolphus,

Count von, Prussian general (1737-

1818), 153.
Kant, Immanuel, German philo-
sopher (1724-1804), 9.
Katt, Lieutenant, Prussian officer,

attacked Magdeburg (1800), 293.
Katzbach, battle of the (25 Aug.

1813), 312.
Kaunitz, Wenceslas, Prince von,

Austrian statesman (1711-94), made

the treaty of 1756 with France, 19 ;

at the Congress of Reichenbach

(1790), 87 ; wrote the despatch and

letter which led to war with France,

108, 109 ; practically succeeded by

Thugut (1792), 126.
Keller, Dorotheus Louis Christopher,

Count, Prussian statesman (1757-

1827), 65, 93.
Kellerraann, Francois Christophe,

Duke of Valmy, French general

<I735-i82o), vs. App. iv.
Francois Etienne, French j

ral (1770-1835), 218.
Kerapten, Abbot of, an ecclesiastical

Prince of the Holy Roman Empire,

34-
Kiel, treaty of (14 Jan. 1814),

320.
Kioge, Danes defeated at, by the

English (1807), 252.
Klagenfurt, Joubert joins Bonaparte

at (1797), 186.
Kle*ber, Jean Baptiste, French general

(1753-1800), 150, 172, 208, 224.

gene-

400

European History, 1 789- 1 8 1 5

Knesebeck, Charles Frederick,
Baron von, Prussian general (1768-

1844). 33.

Knights of the Holy Roman Empire,
40; deprived of their sovereign
rights by Napoleon, 260.

Kolichev, Nicholas, Russian diplo-
matist (f 1813), 198, 217.

Kollontai, Hugh, Polish statesman
(1752-1812), 104, 122.

KBnigsberg, Estates of East Prussia
summoned at, by Stein (18x3),
308.

Kbrner, Charles Theodore, German
poet (1791-1813), 291.

Korsakov, Alexander Rymski, Rus-
sian general (1753-1840), 204.

Kosciuszko, Thaddeus, Polish patriot
(1746-1817), defeated by Suvdrov
at Dubienka (1792), 122; raises
standard of Polish independence
at Cracow, and takes Warsaw
(1794), 151; defeated by the Rus-
sians, wounded and taken prisoner
at Maciejowice (1795), 152; wel-
comed in Paris, 206.

Kray, Paul, Baron, Austrian general
(1735-1804), 202.

Kulm, capitulation of (1813), 313.

Kutuzov, Michael Larivonovitch
Golenitchev, Prince, Russian
general (1745-1813), 96, 281, 305 ;
death (1813), 309.

Labrador, Pedro Gomez Ravelo,
Count of, Spanish statesman (1775-

1850), 338, 347. „ t j T
Lacu£e de Cessac, Gerard Jean,
Comte, French administrator (1752-
1841), 241.
Lafayette, Marie Jean Paul Roch
Yves Gilbert Motier, Marquis de,
French general (1757- 1834), leads
the minority of the nobility in the
States-General to join the Tiers
Etat (June 1789), 54 ; commandant
of the National Guard of Paris,
59 ; brings Louis xvi. to Paris (6
Oct. 1789), 62; got Mirabeau's
proposition on ministers rejected,
72 ; most influential man in France
(1790), 73 ; fires on the people (17
July 1791). on the Champ de Mars,
101 ; placed in command of an
army on the frontier (1792), 107 ;

offers to help the king (July 1792),

112 ; deserts, 114.
Lagarde, Marie Jacques Martin,

French general (fi8is), 356.
La Harpe, Frederick Coesar de, Swiss

statesman (1754-1838), 234.
La Marck, Auguste Marie Raymond,

Comte de (i753" l8 33). 7». 73-
Lambesc, Charles Eugene de Lor-
raine, Prince de, French officer

(1751-1825), 57.
Lambrechts, Charles Joseph Mathieu,

Comte, French politician (1753-

1823), 191.
Lameth, Alexandre Theodore Victor,

Vicomte de, French politician

(1760- 1 829), 100.
Lampredi, Giovanni Maria, Italian

jurist (i73 2 -93)» 24.
Landau, siege of, relieved by Pichegru

(1793), 140.
Lanjunais, Jean Denis, Comte,

French politician (1753-1827), 154.
Lannes, Jean, Duke of Montebello,

French general (1769-1809), 218,

269, App. iv,
Laon, battle of (9 March 1814), 328.
La Place, Pierre Simon, French

astronomer (1749- 1827), 216.
La Tour du Pin Gouvernet, Fretteric,

Marquis de, French diplomatist

(1750-1837), 338.
Lauenburg, Duchy of, a state of the

Germanic Confederation, . granted

to the King of Denmark (1815),

347-
League of the Princes, formed by

Frederick the Great, 30* 35 ; joined

by the Archbishop-Elector of May-

ence, 39.
La Bon, Ghislain Joseph Francois,

French politician (1765-95), 139.
Le Brun, Charles Francois, Duke of

Piacenza, French statesman (1739-

1824), 214, 239, 287.
Lebrun-Tondu, Pierre Henri Helene,

French politician (1763-93), 114.
Le Chapelier, Isaac Gui Rene\ French

politician (1754-94), 52, 100.
Leclerc, Victor Emmanuel, French

general (1772-1802), 223, 232.
Lecourbe, Claude Joseph, Comte,

French general (1760-1815), 204.
Leeds, Francis Godolphin Osborne,

Duke of, English statesman (1751-

99). 28.

Index

401

Lefebvre, Francis Joseph, Duke of
Dantzic, French general (1755-
1820), 248, 329, A pp. iv.

Legations, the. See Bologna, Fer-
rara.

Leghorn, its prosperity promoted by
the Grand Duke Leopold, 27 ;
capital of a French department,
283.

Legion of Honour, the, 284.

Legislative Assembly, the, in France
(1791-92), 105, 106, 108, in, 113,
114.

Body, the (Corps Legislatif),

214, 240, 285, 322, 326.

Legislature, the French, under the
Constitution of the Year in. See
Council of Ancients, Council of
Five Hundred.

the French, under the Constitu-
tion of the Year vni. See Legis-
lative Body, Senate, Tribunate.

Leiningen, the Prince of, one of chief
princes holding fiefs of the Empire
in Alsace, 79.

Leipzig, battle of (16-19 Oct. 1813),

314.

Lenoir- Laroche, Jean Jacques, French
administrator (1749-1825), 190.

Leoben, the Preliminaries of, signed
171I1 April 1797, 186 ; arrangements
of, followed in the treaty of Campo-
Formio, 192.

Leopold n., Emperor (1747-92),
typical benevolent despot of the
18th century, 4; considered the
French the enemies of Austria, 12 ;
his administration as Grand Duke
of Tuscany (1765-90), 24, 25, 83 ;
implored by Marie Antoinette to
interfere in France, 81 ; succeeds
Joseph 11. (1790), 83 ; his internal
policy, 83, 84 ; position of Austria
84 ; appeals to England against
Prussia, 86 ; signs Convention of
Reichenbach (1790), 87, 88 ; makes
armistice with the Turks, 88 ; and
treaty of Sistova (1791), 89 ; elected
and crowned Emperor, 89 ; letter
to Louis xvi. on the rights of the
Princes of the Empire in Alsace,
89, 90; his policy towards Hungary,
90-92 ; crowned King of Hungary,
91 ; reconquers Belgium (1790), 94;
occupies Li6ge, 95 ; his position in
1 79 1, 97 ; promises to intervene in

PERIOD VII.

France, 99; issues Manifesto of
Padua, 102 ; signs Declaration of
Pilnitz, 103 ; his letter and despatch
to Louis xvi., 108, 109; makes
an alliance with Prussia against
France, 109 ; death (1 March 1792),
no.

Leopold, Archduke, fourth son of the
Emperor Leopold ( 1774-94}, 91.

Le Quesnoy, besieged by trie Aus-
trians (1793). 130-

Lessart, Antoine de Valdec de, French
statesman (1742-92), 109.

Letourneur, Charles Louis Francois
Honored French statesman (1751-
1817), 165, 182, 188.

Letourneux, Pierre, French adminis-
trator (1761-1805), 191.

' Liberum Veto,' the, in Poland, 18 ;
abolished by Polish Constitution of
1791, 104.

Lichtenstein, a state of the Germanic
Confederation (18x5), 343.

Liege, revolution in (Aug. 1789), 49 ;
occupied by the Prussians (1790),
63 ; by the Austrians (1791), 94,
95 ; by Dumouriez (1792), 118.

Ligne, Charles Joseph, Prince de,
Austrian general {1734-1814), 65.

Ligny, battle of (16 June 1815),

352-

Ligurian Republic founded by Bona-
parte (1797), 192 ; the Doge ap-
pointed by France (1801), 220 ;
annexed to Napo'eon's Empire,
243, 283.

Lille, besieged by the Austrians
(1792), 114, 118; conference at

(1797). 190-
Limburg, occupied by the Austrians

under Bender (1790), 93.
Count Augustus of, Prince-
Bishop of Spires in 1789, 39.
Limon, Geoffroi, Marquis de, French

e-migris (f 1799), 113.
Lindet, Jean Baptiste Robert, French

statesman (1743-1825), 132, 133,

148, 210.
Lippe, two principalities of, states of

the Germanic Confederation (1815),

343-
Lisbon, occupied by the French

under Junot (1807), 253.
Lithuania, conquered by Napoleon

(1812), 305; absorbed in Russia,

342.

2C

402

European History, 1789-1815

1805).
(1815). ;

Llanos, Don Juan Gomez, minister
of the Duke of Parma, 25.

Loano, battle of (24 Nov. 1795), I 5 I i
173-

Lobau, Napoleon in the island of
(1809), 273.

Locke, John, English philosopher
(1632-1704), 9.

Lodi, battle of (10 May 1796), 174.

Lombardy, belonged to Austria in
1789, its good administration, 26 ;
conquered by Bonaparte (1796),
174 ; formed part of the Cisalpine
Republic (1797), 192; occupied by
the Austrians (1799), 206; recon-
quered by Bonaparte (1800), 218;
formed part of the kingdom of Italy
255; restored to Austria

-,-• 347*

Lomenie de Brienne, £tienne
Charles, Cardinal de, French
statesman (1727-1794), 49, 51, 70.

Longwy, taken by the Prussians (27
Aug. 1792), 114.

Loudon, Gideon Ernest, Count, Aus-
trian general (1716-90), 43, 45, 88.

Louis xv., King of France (1710-

1774). 19-
xvi., King of France (1754-93),

20, 49. 54. 55. 56. 58. 59. 6l » 6a . 67.

68, 75, 76, 99, 100, 103, 106, 108,

in, 112, 113, 139.
xvii., de jure King of France

(1785-95). 168.
xviii., King of France (1755-

1824), 26, 102, 1 66, 167, 188, 206,

217. 332. 333. 340. 34i. 35°, 35 1 *

352, 353. 355, 356-35.8.
I., King of Etruna (1773- 1803),

220, 232.
Bonaparte, King of Holland

(1777- 1846), 254, 255, 282, 283.

x., Landgrave, afterwards

Grand Duke, of Hesse-Darmstadt
(i753- l8 3°). 79. 227, 259, 260,
342.

Philippe, Duke of Orleans,

afterwards King of the French
(1773-1850), 189.

Louis Dominique, Baron, French

statesman (i755- l8 37). 240, 331.
Louisa, Queen of Prussia (1776- 1 8 10),

246, 304.
Louisiana, ceded by Spain to France

(1801), 232; sold by Napoleon to

the United States, 242.

Loustalot, Elysee, French journalist
(1762-90), 61.

Louvain, 15, 48, 64.

Louverture, Joussaint (1743-1803),
232.

Louvet, Jean Baptiste, French poli-
tician (1760-97), 117, 154.

Lowenhielm, Gustavus Charles Frede-
rick, Count von, Swedish diplo-
matist (1771-1856), 338.

Ltibeck, a free city of the Holy
Roman Empire, 35 ; retained its
independence (1803), 226; annexed
by Napoleon (1810), 302 ; as a free
city member of the Germanic Con-
federation (1815), 343.

Lucca, Republic of, in 1789, 27 ;
annexed by Napoleon (1805), 243,
255 ; Elisa Bonaparte, Duchess of,
283 ; made a Grand Duchy for the
King of Etruria with reversion to
Tuscany (1815), 347.

Lucchesini, Jerome, Prussian diplo-
matist (1752-1825), 31, 85, 87, 88,

89. 153-
Lucerne, canton of Switzerland main-
tained by Bonaparte (1803), 228 ;

one of the three meeting-places of

the Helvetian Diet (1815), 345.
Ltlckner, Nicolas, Baron, French

general (1722-94), 107.
Ludovica, the Empress, third wife of

the Emperor Francis II. (1772-

1816), 271.
Lun^ville, treaty of (9 Feb. 1801),

219, 220.
Lusatia, annexed to Saxony (1806),

259 ; to Prussia (1815), 341.
Lutzen (Gross-Gorschen), battle of

(2 May 1813), 309.
Luxembourg, the Austrians retreat

to, from Belgium (1789), 64; made

into a Grand Duchy (1815), 343 ;

and given to the King of the

Netherlands, 344.
Lynedoch, Sir Thomas Graham,

Lord. See Graham.
Lyons rises in insurrection against

the Convention (1793), 131 ; taken,

140.

MACDONALD, Jacques £tienne
Joseph Alexandre, Duke of
Taranto, French general (1765-
1840), 203, 219, 273, 305, 306, 308,
312, 329, 331, 332.

Index

403

Maciejowice, battle of (12 Oct 1794),

152.
Mack, Charles, Baron, Austrian

general (1752-1828), 200, 243, 244.
Mackintosh, Sir James, English

statesman (1765-1832), 233.
Madame Royale. See Angouleme,

Duchess of.
Madeira, occupied by the English

(1801), 223, 224.
Maestricht, besieged by Miranda

( x 793)» ia6 ; taken by Kteber (1794),

150.
Magdeburg formed part of the king-
dom of Westphalia, 258; Katt's

attack on, 293 ; French garrison in,

besieged (1814), 319.
Magnano, battle of (5 April 1799), ao2 «
Mahmoud 11., Sultan of Turkey (1785-

1839), 281.
Maida, battle of (4 July 1806), 256.
Maillard, Stanislas, French politician

(1763-94), 62.
Maillebois, Yves Marie Desmarets,

Comte de, French general (1715-

1791). 31. 3*

Maitland, Sir Frederick Lewis, Eng-
lish captain (1779- 1839), 353.

Malet, Claude Francois, French
general (1754-1812), 306.

Malines, riots against Joseph's re-
forms at (1788), 47 ; abandoned to
the Belgian patriots, 64.

Malmaison, chateau of, settled on the
Empress Josephine, 293.

Malmesbury, Sir James Harris, Earl
of, English diplomatist (1746-1820),
32, 184, 190.

Malta, taken by Bonaparte (1798),
195 ; by the English (1800), 195,
204; the Emperor Paul Grand
Master of the Knights of, 207, 217;
a cause of the rupture of the treaty
of Amiens, 225 ; England refuses
to surrender, 233 ; granted to Eng-
land at the Congress of Vienna
(1815), 348.

Mamelukes defeated by Bonaparte at
the battle of the Pyramids (1798 J,
195 ; at the battle of Cairo (1799),
208.

Manifesto of Padua issued by the
Emperor Leopold (5 July I79i),i02.

Mannheim, university of, 37 ; taken
by Pichegru (1795), 17a ; given to
Baden (1803), 227.

Mantua, Leopold's interview with
Durfort at, 99 ; besieged by Bona-
parte (1796-97), 175, 176 ; part of
the Cisalpine Republic, 192 ; be-
sieged by Suvdrov (1799), 203.

Marat, Jean Paul, French statesman
(1744-93). 61. k>x, 107, 117, 155.

Marceau, Francois S£verin Desgra-
viers, French general (1769-96),
172 ; killed at Altenkirchen (1796),
178.

Marengo, battle of (14 June i8oo),2i8.

Maret, Hugues Bernard, Duke of
Bassano, French statesman (1763-
1839), 241, 316.

Maria 1., Queen of Portugal (1734-
18 16), 22, 253.

Beatrice of Este, heiress of

Modena, married to the Archduke
Ferdinand, 25, 26.

- Theresa, the Empress (1717-80),
19.

Marie, Grand Duchess of Saxe-
Weimar, sister of the Emperor
Alexander, present at the Congress
of Vienna, 337.

AmeMie, Duchess of Parma,

daughter of Maria Theresa, 25.

- Antoinette, Queen of France,
daughter of Maria Theresa (1755-
93), disliked in France as an Aus-
trian, 12 ; opposes Necker, 55 ;
urges Louis xv 1. to oppose the
Assembly, 61, 68 ; wishes her bro-
ther Leopold to interfere in France,
75, 80, 81 ; unpopularity increased
by Prussian intrigues, 86; admira-
tion of Gustavus in. of Sweden for,
95 ; demands Leopold's aid. 99 ;
escapes to Varennes, 99, 100 ; re-
veals French plan of campaign to
Austria, 112 ; ordered to be sent
before the Revolutionary Tribunal
for trial, 134 ; guillotined, 138.

Caroline, Queen of the Two

Sicilies, daughter of Maria Theresa.
See Caroline.

Louise, the Empress, Napoleon's

second wife (1791-1847), 294, 330,
332, 346. 347. . ,

— — Queen of Spain (1754-

18 19), 77, 267.

Marmont, Auguste Frederic Louis
Viesse de, Duke of Ragusa, French
general (1774-1852), 245, 256, 306,
329» 33 1 . App. iv.

404

European History, 1789-18 15

Marseillaise, the, 113.

Marseilles opposes the Convention

(i793). IS*-
Marshals, Napoleon's, 239 ; list of,

App. iv.
Martinique, French West India island,

taken by the English, 154 ; restored

to France (1802), 252 ; again taken

by the English ( 1809), 276 ; restored

to France (1815), 348.
Massa, Duke of. See Regnier.
Principality of, merged in the

Duchy of Modena, 25.
Massacres in the prisons of Paris

(Sept. 1792), 115.
Massena, Andre\ Duke of Rivoli,

Prince of Essling, French general

(1758-1817), 204, 218, 221, 244, 272,

296, 297, App. iv.
Matchin, battle of (9 July 1791), 96.
Maubeuge besieged Dy the Austrians

(i793). 140.
Mauprat, M. de, reforming minister

in Parma, 25.
Mauritius, the island of the, taken by

the English (1809), 264, 276 ; ceded

to England by tne first Treaty of

Paris (1814), 33a ; by the Congress

of Vienna (1815), 348.
Maximilian, Archduke, third son of

Maria Theresa, Elector-Archbishop

of Cologne in 1789, 40.
Joseph, Elector, afterwards King,

of Bavaria (1770-1825), his power

increased by the secularisations

(1803), 227 ; receives Swabia and
the Tyrol and takes the title of king
(1806), 245; receives Salzburg (1809),

257 ; marries a daughter to Eugene
de Beauharnais, 258; member of
the Confederation of the Rhine,
260; sends troops to serve under
Napoleon at Wagram, 274; signs
Treaty of Ried against Napoleon
(8 Oct. 1813), 313, 314; attacks
Napoleon and is defeated at Hanau,
314 ; opens the passes through the
Tyrol into Italy to the Austrians,
321 ; agrees to support Austria and
England against Russia and Prussia
(1815), 341 ; member of the Ger-
manic Confederation, 342 ; gives up
the Tyrol and Salzburg to Austria,
and receives Rhenish Bavaria(i8i5),

344-
Maximum, Law of the, in France,

128 ; an instrument of the Terror,
137; abolished by the Thermidori-
ans, 149; temporarily imposed by
Napoleon, 285.

Mayence, the Archbishop-Elector of,
Chancellor of the Holy Roman
Empire, and President of the Col-
lege of Prince, 54.

archbishopric-electorate of, con-
dition in 1789, 39 ; merged in
France (1801), 193 ; given to Bava-
ria (1815), 344.

city of, taken by the French

under Custine (1792), 118; by the
Prussians after a long siege (1793),
130 ; besieged by Kleber in vain
(1795), 172 ; taken by the French
under Hatry (1797), 193 ; capital
of a French department, 230; ceded
to Bavaria (1815), 344.

Mecklenburg, the duchies of, their
backward state in 1789, 38 ; made
grand ducjiies and members of the
Germanic Confederation (i8i5),342.

Medellin, battle of (28 March 1809),

275-

Medina del Rio Seco, battle of (14
July 1808J, 267.

Melas, Michael Baron von, Austrian
general (1730-1806), 175,204, 218.

Menou, Jacques Francois, Baron de,
French general (1750-1810), 156,
224.

Mercy-Argenteau, Florimond Claude,
Comte de, Austrian diplomatist
(1722-94), 93, 94, 99.

Merlin [de Douai], Philippe Antoine,
Comte, French statesman (1754-
1838), 80, 137, 148, 149, 156, 159,
166, 182, 191, 209, 357.

[de Thionville], Antoine Chris-

tophe, French politician (1762-1833),
117.

Methuen Treaty, its effect on Portugal,
14, 21, 252.

Metternich, Clement Wenceslas Lo-
thaire, Count, afterwards Prince,
von, Austrian statesman (1773-1859),
becomes State-Chancellor of Austria
(1809), ?75 I opposes Stein's idea
of rousing the national spirit of
Germany against Napoleon, 310,
311 ; brings terms agreed on at
Reichenbach to Napoleon at Dres-
den (1813), 311 ; lays down the
Proposals of Frankfort, 316 ; in-

Index

40S

trigues with Murat, 322 ; presses
terms offered" at Chatillon, 324;
becomes intimate with Castlereagh,
331 ; signs Provisional Treaty of
Paris, 332 ; Austrian representative
at the Congress of Vienna (1814-15),
338 ; signs treaty of alliance with
England and France against Russia
and Prussia (3 Jan. 1815), 340.

Middle classes in European the 18th
century, 7.

Milan, university of, 26 ; taken by
Bonaparte (1796), 174 ; meeting of
Lombard delegates at, 175 ; taken
by Suv6rov (1799), 203; by Bona-
parte (1800), 218 ; Napoleon
crowned King of Italy at (1805),
238 ; issues Decree of, establishing
the Continental Blockade against
England (1808), 251.

Milanese, the. See Lombardy.

Miles, William Augustus, English
diplomatist (1754-1817), 78.

Millesimo, battle of (13 April 1796),
174.

Mincio, battle of the (8 Feb. 1814),
322.

Ministers of the French Directory,
166, 182, 190, 191, 210 ; of the
Consulate, 216 ; of the Empire, 240,
241.

Minorca taken by the English (1798),
195, 264.

Minsk, province of, ceded to Russia
at the second partition of Poland
(1793), 122.

Miollis, Sextius Alexandre Francois,
Comte, French general (1759-1829),
277.

Miot de Melito, Andre" Francois,
Comte, French administrator (1762-
1841), 256.

Mirabeau, Honore" Gabriel Riqueti,
Comte de, French statesman (1749-
i79i). 54, S6. 60, 61, 72, 73, 75,
76, 78, 79, 80, 98, 99.

Mirabeau, Victor Riqueti, Marquis
de, French economist (1715-89), 25.

Miranda, Don Francisco, French
general (1750-1816), 126, 127.

Mirandola, principality of, united
with Modena in 1789, 25.

Mittau, Louis xvin. settled at, by
the Emperor Paul (1797), 206 ;
ordered to leave (1802), 217.

Modena, duchy of, condition in 1789,

25, 26 ; conquered by Bonaparte
(1796), 174 ; part of the Cisalpine
Republic, 192 ; of the kingdom of
Italy, 255; granted to Ferdinand
iv., 347.

Moeskirch, battle of (5 May 1800), 218.

Moldavia, conquered by the Austrians
(1789), 45 ; by the Russians (1810),
281 ; part of, ceded to Russia
(1812), 281.

Mollendorf, Richard Joachim Hein-
rich, Count von, Prussian general
(1725-1816), 153.

Moncey, Bon Adnen Jeannot de,
DukeofConegliano, French general
(1754-1842). 151, 275, 356, App. iv.

Mondovi, battle of (22 April 1796),

174.

Monge, Gaspard, Comte, French
mathematician (1746-1818), 114.

Montbe'iiard, ceded by Wlirtemburg
to France, 227 ; merged in the de-
partment of the Doubs, 230; se-
cured to France by the first treaty
of Paris, 333.

Mont Blanc, Savoy organised as the
French department of the, 230.

Cenis, 151.

Montebello, battle of (4 June 1800),
218.

Duke of. See Lannes.

Montenotte, battle of (12 April 1796),
174.

Montereau, battle of (18 Feb. 1814),

319.
Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat,

Baron de, French philosopher

(1689-1755), 9.
Montesquiou-Fezensac, Anne Pierre,

Marquis de, French general (1739-

98), 117.
— — Francois Nicolas, Abbe'-

Duc de, French politician (1757-

1832), 330.
Monte Video, English expedition to

(1806), 264.
Montgelas, Maximilian Joseph Gar-

nerin, Comte de, Bavarian states-
man (1759-1838), 289.
Montlucon, Bonaparte's treaty with

the Vende'an leaders at (1800), 215.
Montmirail, battle of (11 Feb. 1814),

3i9-
Montmorin - Saint - Herem , Armand
Marc, Comte de, French statesman
(17415-92), 78.

406

European History \ 1 789- 1815

Mont -Terrible, department of, merged
in the department of the Haut-
Rhin, 230.

Moore, Sir John, English general
(1761-1809), 254, 266, 269, 270.

Moreau, Jean Victor, French general
(1761-1813), 168, 178, 186, 193, 194,
203, 211, 218, 219, 234, 235, 312.

Moreaux, Jean Rene\ French general

(1758-95). '44. 150- . , „

Morkov, Arcadius Ivanovitch, Count,
Russian diplomatist, (f 1827), 243.

Mortier, Adolphe Edouard Casimir
Joseph, Duke of Treviso, French
general (1768-1835), 233,329, App. iv.

Moscow, occupied by Napoleon
(1812), 306.

Moskowa, Prince of the. See Ney.

Moulin, Jean Francois Auguste,
French general (1752-1810), 209.

Mounier, Jean Joseph, French states-
man (1758-1806), 51, 55.

Mountain, the French political party,
germs in the Jacobin Club (1792),
107 ; the party in the Convention.
116, 117 ; attacked by the Giron-
dins, 117; struggle with the Giron-
dins, 128, 129; as a party ceases
to exist (1795). x 5 6 -

Mount Tabor, battle of (16 April
1799), 208.

Mulhouse, Republic of, merged in
the Haut-Rhin, 230 ; secured to
France (1814), 333.

Miiller, Jacques Leonard, Baron,
French general (1749-1824), 140.

Johann von, German historian

(1752-1800), 259.

Munich, taken by the French under
Moreau (1800), 219.

Minister, Bishop of, an ecclesiastical
Prince of the Holy Roman Empire,
34.

bishopric of, part of, merged in

Prussia (1803), 227 ; in the Grand
Duchy of Berg (1806), 259 ; part of,
annexed by Napoleon (1810), 282.

city of, capital of a French de-
partment, 282.

Ernest Frederick, Count von,

Hanoverian diplomatist ( 1766-184 1),
337.

Murat, Joachim, Grand Duke of Berg,
King of Naples, French general
(1771-1815), 239, 259, 267, 283, 306,
3«2, 345, 346, App. iv.

Murbach, the Abbot of, one of the

chief Princes of the Empire in

Alsace, 79.
Murray, Sir John, English general

(t 1827), 307.
Musaeus, John Charles Augustus,

German author (1735-87), 38.
Mustapha iv., Sultan of Turkey

(1779-1808), 280, 281.
Mysticism in the i8ih century, 10.

Namur, riots against Joseph's re-
forms at (1789), 48.

Nancy, Bouille suppresses a military
mutiny at (Aug. 1790), 72, 97, 98.

Nangis, battle of (17 Feb. 1814), 319.

Nantes, Carrier's atrocities at (1793),

139. 141.

Naples, reforms of Tanucci in, 23 ;
occupied by the French (1798), and
the Parthenopean Republic founded,
200 ; evacuated by the French
( J 799)» a^d the revenge of Ferdi-
nand, 203 ; attacked by Napoleon
(1804), 242; Joseph Bonaparte's
rule in, 256 ; Murat king of, 283 ;
Ferdinand returns to (1814), 346,
359 ; behaves moderately, 359.

Napoleon (1769-1821), crowned Em-
peror, 238 ; his Court, 239 ; his
ministers, 240, 241 ; the camp at
Boulogne, 241 ; organises the
Grand Army, 241, 242; wins the
battle of Austerlitz, 244 ; crushes
Prussia at Jena, 247 ; defeats the
Russians at Eylau and Friedland,
248, 249 ; holds interview with
Alexander at Tilsit, 249, 250 ; the
Continental Blockade against Eng-
land, 251 ; his rearrangement of
Europe, 254-257 ; Protector of the
Confederation of the Rhine, 260 ;
his Polish policy, 261 ; the Con-
ference at Erfurt, 262 ; makes his
brother King of Spain, 267 ; takes
Madrid, 269 ; defeats the Austrians
(1809), 272-274; quarrel with the
Fope, 277, 278 ; greatest extension,
of his Empire (1810), 282, 283 ; his
administration, 283-285 ; belief in
heredity, 285, 286; aristocracy,
286, 287; reforms, 287, 288; divorces
Josephine, 293 ; marries Marie
Louise, 294; his differences with
Alexander, 299-301 ; invades Russia
(1812), 305 ; his retreat, 306 ; first

Index

407

campaign of 1813 in Saxony, 309 ;
refuses the terms offered him by
the allies, 311 ; second campaign
of 1813 in Saxony, 312, 313 ; de-
feated at Leipzig, 314 ; first defen-
sive campaign of 1814 in France,
319 ; rejects the terms offered by
the allies at Chatillon, 333, 324;
second defensive campaign of 1814
in France, 328, 329; abdicates,
331 ; leaves Elba and returns to
France (1815), 351; defeated at
Waterloo, 353 ; sent to St. Helena,
355. See Bonaparte.

Napoleon, King of Rome.birth of, 294;
granted succession to Parma by the
Provisional Treaty of Paris (1814),
332; but not by the Congress of
Vienna (1815), 347.

Narbonne-Lara, Comte Louis de,
French politician (1755-1813), 106,
107, 109.

Nassau, duchy of, increased in 1803,
227 ; merged in the Grand Duchy
of Berg (1806), 259 ; a state of the
Germanic Confederation (1815), 342.

Nassau-Siegen, Prince Charles Henry
Nicholas Otho of, Russian admiral
(1745-1809), 44, 95.

National Assembly. See Constituent
Assembly.

Guards formed in Paris, 57 ;

throughout France, 59.

Nationality, the principle of, 2, 3 ;
extinct in 18th-century Germany, 40;
made the French successful and the
Poles fail, 153 ; roused against
Napoleon in Spain, 298 ; in Ger-
many, 293, 314 ; rejected by the
Congress of Vienna, 360.

Natural limits of France, the Rhine
and the Alps, claimed at Basle
(1795), 157 ; demanded by the Di-
rectory, 170 ; recognised secretly by
Prussia, 179; by the Preliminaries
of Leoben, 186 ;' by the Treaty of
Campo-Formio, 192 ; by the Treaty
of LuneVille, 220 ; abandoned by
Napoleon's annexations, 282 ;
offered by the allies at Dresden, 311;
at Frankfort, 316; opposed by
Castlereagh, 318, 424.

Necker, Jacques, French statesman
(1732- 1804), 49, 51, 56, 58, 61, 74.

Neipperg, Albert Adam, Count (1774-
1829), 346, 347.

Nelson, Horatio, Viscount, English
admiral (1758-1805), 183, 195, 222,
242, 244, 245.

Nesselrode, Charles Robert, Count,
Russian statesman (1780-1863), 301,

Netherlands, Austrian. See Bel-
gium.

-~-The Protestant, or the United
Provinces. See Holland.

Kingdom of the, formed (1815),

344.

Neufchatel, belonged to Prussia in
1789, 41 ; Berthier created Prince-
Duke of, 283, 286 ; made a Canton
of Switzerland (1815), 345,

Neumarkt, battle of (20 March 1797),
186.

Neutral League of the North, the,
222.

Ney, Michel, Duke of Elchingen,
Prince of the Moskowa, French
general (1769- 18 15), 244, 296, 306,

3i3> 329. 33 2 » 351. 35a. 356,

App. iv.
Nice, port of, improved by Victor

Amadeus ill., 26 ; taken by the

French (1792), 117 ; annexed, 118 ;

formally ceded to France, 174 ;

formed into a department, 230;

restored to Sardinia (1814), 333.
Niebuhr, Barthold George, German

historian (1776-1831), 304.
Nile, battle of the (1 Aug. 1798),

Nimeguen, 149.

Nive, battle of the (9-13 Dec. 1813),
316.

Nivelle, battle of the (10 Nov. 1813),
316.

Noailles, Comte Alexis de, French
diplomatist (1783-1835), 338.

Nobility, the European, in the 18th
century, 7.

Nootka Sound, 77-9.

Nore, mutiny at the, 183, 193.

Normal School of Paris, founded by-
Napoleon, 288.

Normandy, the rising in, against the
Convention, suppressed, 132, 133.

Norway, 32, 302, 320, 347.

Novi (Bosnia) taken by Loudon (1788),

43-
(Italy), battle of (15 Aug. 1799

204.
Noyades at Nantes, 139.

408

European History, 1789-18 15

Nuremberg, a free city of the Holy
Roman Empire, 3* ; retained its
independence (1803), 226; granted
to Bavaria (1806), 257.

Oath of the Tennis Court (20 June

1789). 54-
Ocana, battle of (12 Nov. 1809), 276.
Ochakov (Oczakoff), 43, 44, 96.
Oldenburg, duchy of (1815), 282, 300,

342.
Olivenza ceded by Portugal to Spain

(1801), 223; left to Spain by the

Congress of Vienna, 348.
Oporto, rising against the French at

(1808), 265 ; taken by Soult, 270 ;

recaptured by Wellesley ( 1809), 275.
Orange, Prince of. See William v.,

William vl
Orleans, Louis Philippe Joseph, Duke

of (1747-93). 57. 138.
Orsova besieged by the Austnans

(1789), 45 ; taken by the Prince of

Coburg ( 1789), 88 ; ceded to Austria

(1791), 88.
Ortenau given to Baden (1807), 258.
Orthez, battle of (27 Feb. 1814), 321.
Osnabriick, the Duke of York bishop

of, in 1789, 39 ; merged in Hanover

(1803), 227 ; annexed by Napoleon

(1810), 282.
Ostend taken by the Belgian patriots

(1789), 64.
Otranto, Duke of. See Fouche\
Oudinot, Nicolas Charles, Duke of

Reggio, French general (1767-1847),

312, 329, App. iv.

Paciaudi, Paolo Maria, Italian

scholar (1710-85), 25.
Pacte de Famille, the, between France

and Spain, 14, 20, 77-79.
Pacy, the Norman ii.surgents against

the Convention defeated at (13

July 1793), 131-
Paderborn, Bishop of, an ecclesiasti-
cal Prince of the Holy Roman

Empire, 34.
bishopric of, merged in Prussia

(1803), 227; in the kingdom of

Westphalia (1807), 258.
Padua, Manifesto of, 102.
Pahlen, Peter, Count von der, Russian

general (t 1826), 221.
Palestine, conquered by Bonaparte

(1799), 208.

Palm, John Philip, German book-
seller (f 1806), 293.

Palmella, Pedro de Sousa-Holstein,
Count, afterwards Duke, of, Portu-
guese statesman (1786-1850). 338.

Pampeluna besieged and taken by
Wellington (1813), 315, 316.

Paoli, Pascal, Corsican patriot (1726-
1870), 27, 145. .

Papacy the, its temporal power in the
1 8th century, 24.

Paris, takes part in the Revolution,
56 ; riot of 12 July (1789), 57 ; the
taking of the Bastille, 57, 58 ; the
King brought to (6 Oct. 1789), 62 ;
keeps the King prisoner in the
Tuileries, 99 ; massacre of 17 July

• (1791), 101 ; invades the Tuileries
(20 June 1792), 112; takes the
Tuileries (10 Aug. 1792 ), 113;
massacres in (Sept. 1792), 115;
people of, refuse to support
Robespierre, 147 ; fights against
the Convention, 13 Vendemiaire,
164, 165; welcomes the Empire,
238; battle of (1814), 239; occu-
pied by the allies, 239; provi-
sional treaty of, 331, 332 ; return
of Louis xviii. to, 333 ; first treaty
of, 333, 334 ; return of Napoleon
to (1815), 351 ; reoccupied by the
allies, 353; second treaty of, 353,

Parker, Sir Hyde, English admiral
(1739-1807), 222.

Parma, city of, capital of a French
department, 283.

Duke of. See Cambaceres.

and Piacenza, Duchess of. See

Marie Louise.

, Duke of. See Ferdinand,

Louis.

, duchies of, well governed

in the 18th century, 25 ; conquered
by Bonaparte (1796), 174 ; ex-
changed for kingdom of Etruria
!i8oiJ, 220 ; annexed by Napoleon
1810), 283; granted to Marie
^ouise by the Provisional Treaty
of Paris (1814), 332; by the Con-
gress of Vienna (1815), 347.

Parthenopean Republic, founded
(1798), 200; overthrown (1799),
203.

Passau, bishopric of, merged in
Bavaria (1801), 227.

Index

409

Paul, Emperor, of Russia (1754-
1801), his accession (1796), 185 ; in-
clines to war with France, 198 ;
declares war against France (1798),
202; receives Louis xviii., 204;
withdraws his troops from the Con-
tinent, 206 ; becomes Grand Master
of the Knights of Malta, 207 ;
quarrels with Austria and England,
207; makes peace with France,
207 ; admiration for Bonaparte,
216, 217 ; schemes for an invasion
of India, 220, 221; forms Neutral
League of the North, 221, 222;
assassinated, -222.

Pavia, the university of, 26.

Peace, Prince of the. See Godoy.

Peltier, Jean Gabriel, French
journalist (1765-1825), 133.

Peninsular War : campaign of 1808,
265, 266; of 1809, 275, 276; of
1810, 296; of 181 1, 296, 297; of
1812, 306, 307 ; of 1813, 315.

Pere Duchesne, 142.

PeYignon, Dominique Catherine,
Comte, French general (1754-1818),
183, App. iv.

Pesth, 90, 91.

Pe'tiet, Claude, French administrator
(1749-1805), 182, 19a

Potion, Jerome, French politician
(1753-94). 78, 86.

Pfaffenhofen, treaty of (1796), 180.

Philosophers, the eighteenth century,

^ 4. 9. 17. 38.

Piacenza, Duchy of. See Parma*

Duke of. See Le Brun.

Pichegru, Charles, French general
(1761-1804), 140, 144, 149, 167, 17a,
188, 191, 234, 235.

Piedmont, part of the kingdom of
Sardinia in 1780, 26 ; left to Victor
Amadeus (1797), 192; occupied bv
the French under Joubert (1798),
200; occupied by the Austrians
(1799), 206; conquered by Bona-
parte (1800), 218; annexed to
France (1801), 220, 230, 255.

Pigot, Sir Henry, English general
(1752-1840), 195.

Pilnitz, Conference between the Em-
peror Leopold and King Frederick
William at (1791), 102; the De-
claration of, 103; its effect on
France, 106.

Pisa, the university of, 24, 200.

Pitt, William, English statesman

(1759-1806), 28, 45, 78, 86, 97, 120,

125, 126, 166, 167, 169, 184, 189,

190, 225, 243, 245. 264.
Pius vi., Giovanni Angelo Braschi,

Pope (1717-99). «4. 66. 76. I7S.

177, 200, 203, 217.
vii., Gregorio Barnabe* Luigi

Chiaramonti, Pope (1742-1834),

217, 220, 229, 230, 238, 277, 278,

347.
Plain, deputies of the Centre in the

Convention called the, 117, 129,

156.
PleswiU, armistice of (3 June 1813),

3°9-

Plettenberg, the Baron of, Prince-
Bishop of Minister in 1789, 39.

Pleville de Peley, Georges Rene\
French admiral (1726-1805), 190,
196.

Podolia, province of, taken by Russia
at the second partition of Poland

(1793). 122. ... „ .

Poland, its extinction impending m
1789, 14 ; Catherine's policy in the
first partition of, 18 ; Prussia's
share of, and aims on, 30 ; treaty
of Warsaw with Prussia, 85; re-
fuses to surrender Thorn and
Dantzic (1790), 87; attempts at
reform, 103, 104; the Constitution
of 1791, 104, 105 ; invaded by the
Russians (1792], 121; attacked by
the Prussians (1793), 122 ; second
partition of (1793). 122; causes of
the failure of the attempt at con-
stitutional reform, 123; insurrec-
tion in (1794), 151 ; victory of the
Russians, 151, im ; final partition
and extinction of Polish independ-
ence (1795), 152; comparison be-
tween French and Polish revolu-
tions, 152, 153 ; looked favourably
on by the Directory, 206; Napo-
leon's campaign in 1807, 248, 249 ;
Napoleon's Polish policy, 261 ;
creation of the Grand Duchy of
Warsaw, 261 ; serfdom abolished
in, 289 ; the Emperor Alexander's
ideas on (1814), 339 ; final re-
arrangement of (1815), 342.

Police, Ministry of General, estab-
lished in France (1796), 182 ;
abolished under the Consulate, but
restored under the Empire, 241.

4io

European History, 1789-1815

Polignac, Armand Jules Marie Hera-
clias, Comte, afterwards Due de,
French politician (1771-1847), 235.

Polish Legion formed for the service
of France (1797), 206.

Pombal, Sebastian Jose* de Carvalho-
Mello, Marquis of, Portuguese
statesman (1699-1782), 22.

Pomerania, Prussian, its backward
state in 1789, 29.

Swedish, possession of, gave the

King of Sweden a voice in the
Diet of the Empire, 34; occupied
by the French under Brune (1808),
250, 254, 279 ; exchanged for Nor-
way by the treaty of Kiel (1814),
320 ; given to Prussia by the Con-
gress of Vienna (1815), 347.

Pompadour, Jeanne Antoinette Pois-
son, Marquise de (1721-64), 19.

Poniatowski, Joseph, Prince, Polish
patriot, French general (1762-1813),
121, 122, App. iv.

Stanislas, King of Poland

(1732-98), 104, 122, 151, 152.

Ponte Corvo, principality of, be-
longed to the Pope in 1780, 24;
Bernadotte made Prince of (1806),
277.

Pontine marshes drained by Pope
Pius vi. , 24.

Popes. See Pius vi. , Pius vn.

Porentruy, district of, merged in the
department of the Haut-Rhin, 230.

Portalis, Jean Etienne Marie, French
statesman (1745-1807), 214, 215.

Portugal, its condition in 1789, 14,
21, 22; declares war against the
French Republic (1793), 120 ; treaty
of San Ildefonso (1796), 183 ; Eng-
land comes to the help of, 184 ;
attacked by Spain, and forced to
cede Olivenza by the treaty of
Badajoz (1801), 223; Napoleon's
schemes against, 252 ; to be divided
by treaty of Fontainebleau (1807),
252, 253 ; conquered by the French,
253; rises in insurrection against
the French, 265 ; English army sent
to, 265; freed from the French
by the Convention of Cintra, 266 ;
invaded by the French under
Masse'na (1810), 296; their repulse
(1811), 297; deserted by Castle-
reagh at the Congress of Vienna
(1815). 348.

Portuguese Legion, formed by Junot,
for the service of France, 253.

Posen, province of, taken by Prussia
in the second partition of Poland
(1793), 122 ; given back to Prussia
(1815), 342.

Potemkin, Gregory Alexandrovitch,
Prince, Russian statesman (1736-
1791), 43, 44, 45.9<>.

Potocki, Stanislas Felix, Polish states-
man (1745-1805), 121.

Potsdam, treaty of (3 Nov. 1805),
247.

Pozzo di Borgo, Charles Andrew,
Count, Russian diplomatist (1764-
1842), 301, 337.

Praga, suburb of Warsaw, stormed
by Suv6rov (4 Nov. 1794), 15*

Prague, congress of (1813), 311.

Prairial, the insurrection of 1st, in
Paris (179S). 155. J 5 6 - _ t

Prefectures, Bonparte s establishment
of, in France, 230.

Preliminaries of Leoben signed (17
April 1797), 186.

Pressburg, treaty of (26 Dec. 1805),
245-

Prieur [of the Cdte-d'Or], Claude
Antoine, French statesman (1763-
1832), 133. X34-

— [of the Marne], Pierre Louis,
French statesman (1760-1827), 133.

Prince-Bishops of the Holy Roman
Empire, 39, 40.

Profession de Foi du Vicaire Savoy-
ard, Rousseau's, 10.

Proposals of Frankfort (18x3), 3 l6 »
3*7-

Provera, John Nicholas, Baron, Aus-
trian general J1747-1801), 176.

Prussia, administrative decay in, 5 ;
serfdom in, 5; a member of the
Triple Alliance, 13; condition in
1789, 28-30 ; policy of, 30, 31 ; in-
tervention in Holland (1787), 32 ;
influence in the Diet of the Holy
Roman Empire, 34 ; position of, in
1789, 84 ; anti-Austrian policy,
84-86 ; alliance with Austria against
France (1792), 109; its share in
the second partition of Poland
(1793), I22 » m tne third partition
of Poland (1795), 1 S 2 * mor e anti-
Austrian than anti-French, 152 ;
makes treaty of Basle with the
French Republic (1795), 156, 157;

Index

411

becomes protector of North Ger-
many, by the conclusion of the
line of demarcation, 170, 171 ;
its great increase in importance
by the secularisations of 1803, 227 ;
neutrality violated by the French
(1805), 244; advantages obtained
by its policy of neutrality, 246 ;
desires to fight France, 246, 247;
crushed at Jena, and occupied by
the French, 247; deprived of its
Rhenish Westphalian and Polish
provinces (1807), 250; reorganisa-
tion of, under Stein and Scharn-
horst, 289-291 ; becomes the recog-
nised leadr r of the revived German
national spirit, 292 ; Stein's reforms
completed by Hardenberg, 303 ;
foundation of the University of
Berlin, 303, 304 ; obliged to allow
Napoleon to traverse it, and to
send him a contingent (1812), 304;
rises against the French, 308, 309 ;
receives part of Saxony (1815),
341 ; and part of Prussian Poland,
342; obtains large Rhenish pro-
vince, 344; gets Swedish Pomer-
ania, 347 ; as a result of the period
becomes the preponderant German
power, 359. See Frederick William
11. , Frederick William m.

Public Safety, Committee of. See
Committee.

Pyramids, battle of the (21 July 1798),

195-
Pyrenees, campaigns in the, 133, 140,
144, 150, 151, 315, 316.

Quatre Bras, battle of (16 June

1815), 352.
Quedlinburg, abbey of, merged in

Prussia (1803), 227.
Quiberon Bav, defeat of the French

emigres at (June 1794), 154.
Quinette, Nicolas Marie, Baron,

French administrator (1 762-1821),

210.

Raab, battle of (i# June 1809), 273.
Rabaut de Saint-Etienne, Jean Paul,

French politician (1743-93), 52.
Raclawice, battle of (4 April 1794),

Radet, £tienne, Baron, French gene-
ral (1762-1825), 278.
Ragusa, Duke of. See Marmont.

Ramel, Jean Pierre, French general

(1768-1815), 356.
de Nogaret, Jacques, French

politician (1760-1819), 182.
Rapinat, Jacques, French adminis-
trator (1750-1818), 199, 209.
Rasomovski, Andrew, Count, after-
wards Prince, Russian diplomatist

(1751-1836), 323, 337.
Rastadt, Congress at, 186, 192, 202.
Ratisbon, bishopric of, granted to

the Elector of Mayence (1803),

225 ; to the King of Bavaria (1805),

260.
a free city of the Holy Roman

Empire, where the Imperial Diet

met, 35, 225, 257.
Reason, the Worship of, in Paris,

141 ; attacked by Damon and

Robespierre, 142.
Receivers-general of taxes, their

establishment under the Consulate,

215.
Reden, Baron, Dutch diplomatist

(t 1799). 87.
Regency, Portuguese, formed (1808),

266.
Reggio, duchy of, belonged to the

Duke of Modena in 1789, 25 ;

merged in the Cisalpine Republic

(1797), 19a.

Duke of. See Oudinot.

Regnier, Claude Ambroise, Duke of

Massa, French statesman (1736-

1814), 216, 339, 240, 241.
Reichenbach, conference, Congress

and convention of (June 1790), 87,

88 ; treaty of (17 June 18 13), 310.
Reichskammergericht. See Tribunal,

Imperial.
Reichstag. See Diet, Imperial
Reign of Terror in France. See

Terror.
Reinhard, Charles Frecleric, Comte,

French diplomatist (1761-1837),

sio.
Renier, Paolo (fi789), Doge of

Venice in 1789, 27.
Repnin, Nicholas Vassilievitch,

Prince, Russian general (1734-

1801), 44, 96.
Retreats, famous military : Moreau's,

from Bavaria (1796), 178; Moore's,

from Salamanca (1808-09), 26 9»

370; Napoleon's, from Moscow

(1812), 306.

412

European History, 1789-1815

Reubell, Jean Francis, French
statesman (1747-1807), 150, 156,
165, 169, 179 181, 191, 209.

Reunion, island of (Isle of Bour-
bon), restored to France (1815),
348.

Reuss, the principalities of, states of
the Germanic Confederation (1815),

343-
Reuss, Prince Anton von (1738-96),

87.

Rebellion, Jean (1796), sack of his
house at Paris (June 1789), 56.

Revelliere-L^peaux, Louis Marie de
la, French statesman (1753-1824),
165, 171, 181, 182, 209.

Revolution, the reasons why it began
in France, 7, 8. See France.

Revolutionary Propaganda, decreed
by the Convention (18 Nov. 1792),
118 ; its effect on the character of
the war, 125 ; the decree repealed
(16 May 1793), 133; idea adopted
by the Htebertists, 141 ; formally
abandoned by the Thermidorian
Committee of Public Safety, 148,

159-

Tribunal. See Tribunal

•Revolutions de Paris, important
journal edited by Loustalot, 61.

Reynier, Jean Louis Ebenezer, Comte,
French general (1771-1814), 256,
296.

Rhine, the, declared the natural
boundary of France, 157 ; crossed
by Moreau (1796), 178 ; by Moreau
(1797), 186; byBlucher(i8i3), 318.

. Confederation of the, formed by

Napoleon (1806), 245 ; its members,
260, 261 ; replaced by the Germanic
Confederation (1815), 342, 343.

Ricci, Scipio de, Bishop of Pistoia,
Italian statesman (1741-1810), 24,

83.

Richelieu, Armand Emmanuel Sophie
Septimanie du Plessis, Due de,
French statesman (1766-1822), 357.

Ried, treaty of (8 Oct. 1813), 313,

314-
Riga, besieged by the French under

Macdonald (1812), 307.
Rivers, stipulations on the navigation

of. 349-
Riviere, Charles Francois de RifTar-
deau, Marquis, afterwards Due
de, French imigri (1763-1827), 235.

Rivoli, battle of (14 Jan. 1797), 1 7^-

Duke of. See Mass&ia.

Roberjot, Claude, French politician
(I7S3-99). 202.

Robespierre, Maximilien Marie Isi-
dore de, French statesman (1758-
1794)1 opposes intervention of
France on behalf of Spain (1790),
78 ; moves motion preventing elec-
tion of deputies of the Constituent
to the Legislative Assembly, 105 ;
opposes war with Austria, 105; a
leader in the Convention, 117;
attacked by Louvet, 117; views
on the King's trial, 119; his
struggle with the Girondins, 129;
member of the Committee of Public
Safety, 133 ; his position and
character, 134, 135 ; attacks the
H^bertists, 142; establishes the
Worship of the Supreme Being,
146; overthrown in Thermidor
(1794), 146, 147; guillotined, 147.

Rochambeau, Jean Baptiste Donatien
de Vimeur, Comte de, French
general (1725-1807), 107.

Rodt, Baron of, Prince-Bishop of
Constance in 1789, 39.

Roggenbach, Baron Joseph Sigis-
mund of, Prince-Bishop of Basle

in 1789 (f 1794). 39-

Roland de la Platiere, Jean Marie,
French administrator (1734-93),
no, 112, 114.

Manon Jeanne, Madame (1754-

93), her salon, 116.

Rolica, battle of (17 Aug. 1808), 265.

Romagna, the, part of the Cisalpine
Republic (1797), 192.

Roman Empire, the Holy. See Em-
pire.

Roman Republic, the, established
(1798), 200; overthrown (1799),
203.

Rome, administration of the Popes
at, 24 ; occupied by French troops
(1798), 200; evacuated by them,
203 ; annexed by Napoleon (1810),
255; declared the second city of
the Empire, 277, 278 ; capital of a
French department, 283 ; restored
to the Pope (1815), 347.

Rosas, taken by the French (3 Feb.
1795), 150, 151.

Rousseau, Jean Jacques, Genevese
philosopher (1712-78), 9, 10, 41,146.

Index

413

Roussillon, 130, 140.

Ruffo, Alvaro, Commander, after-
wards Prince, Neapolitan diplo-
matist (1*1825), 338, 346.

Rtigen, island of, belonged to Sweden
in 1789, 32. See Pomerania,
Swedish.

Rumford, Benjamin Thompson,
Count, Bavarian statesman (1753-
1814), 37-

Russia, condition and growth of,
under Catherine, 18, 19 ; invaded
by the Swedes (178S-90), 45, 95;
obtains increase of territory by the
treaty of Jassy ( 1792), 96 ; her share
in the second partition of Poland
( I 793). 122 '. in the third partition
(1795), 152 ; accession of Paul, 185,
198 ; her intervention in the war
with France and its results, 206,
207 ; disapproves of war with Eng-
land, 221 ; murder of Paul (1801),
221 ; trade of, 234 ; joins the coali-
tion against Napoleon (1805),
242, 243 ; defeated at Eylau, 248 ;
and Friedland, 249 ; results, 249 ;
cessions made to, by the treaty of
Tilsit, 249, 250, 261 ; grumbles at
the Continental Blockade, 261, 300;
attitude towards Austria (1809),
272; annexes Finland, 278, 299,
302 ; its cessions from the Turks in
1812, 281 ; incited by England to
war with France, 301 ; invaded by
Napoleon (1812), 305, 306 ; drives
out the French, 306; its share in
the overthrow of Napoleon, 334;
its annexations from Poland (1815),
341, 342 ; a result of the period its
taking a prominent place in Euro-
pean polity, 359, 360. See Alex-
ander, Catherine, Paul.

Russian Armament, the (1788), 45.

Rymnik, battle of the (12 Aug. 1789),
45-

Sacilio, battleof (16 April 1809), 273.
Safety, Public, Committee of. See

Committee.
Saint-Aignan, Paul Hippolyte de

Beauvilliers, Marquis de, French

diplomatist (1782-1831), 316.
Saint-Andre\ Andre* Jeanbon, called,

French administrator (1749-1813),

133-
Saint- Bernard, the Great, 218.

Saint-Bernard, the Little, 151.

Saint-Claude, abbey of, in the Jura, 6.

Saint-Cloud, the Councils removed to
from Paris, 210 ; Bonaparte's coup
Silat of 18 Brumaire (1799) at,
211.

Saint -Cyr, Laurent Gouvion de. See
Gouvion.

Saint-Gall, the canton of, created by
Bonaparte (1803), 228; recognised
by the Congress of Vienna (1815),

344-
Saint-Gothard, Suv6rov's passage of

the (1799), 204.
Saint-Helena, Napoleon deported to

Z$k 355 -

Saint-Helens, Alleyne Fitzherbert,

Lord. See Fitzherbert.
Saint-Just, Louis L£on Antoine Flor-

elle de, French politician (1767-94),

r 33- I 3S« 138.. 140. i4 2 . 147-
Saint-Lucia, island of.ceded to France
( 1783), 19 ; restored to England by
the first treaty of Paris (1814), 333 ;
by the Congress of Vienna (1815),
348.
Samt-Marsan, Filippo Antonio Maria
Asinari, Marquis de, Italian diplo-
matist (1761-1828), 338.
Saint-Ouen, Declaration of (2 May

1814), 332, 333-
iaint-P<

Saint- Petersburg, threatened by the

Swedes (1790), 95.
Saint-Priest, Guillaume Emmanuel

Guignard, Comte de, French

4migri % Russian general (1776-

1814), 328.
Saint- Vincent .battle of (14 Feb. 1797),

183.
Saint- Vincent, Sir John Jervis, EarL

See Jervis.
Salamanca, Moore's advance to

(1808), 269 ; battle of (22 July

1812), 306.
Saliceti, Christophe, French politician

(1757-1809), 256.
Salkief, circle of, in Poland, ceded to

Russia (1807), 261.
Salm, petty German principalities

(1789), 34; territories in Germany

annexed by Napoleon (1810),

282.
Salm, Constantine Alexander,

Prince of (1762-1828), 79.
Salomon, Gabriel Rene\ French poli-
tician (fi792), 60.

414

European History \ 1 789-181 5

Salzburg, the Archbishop of, alternate
president of the College of Princes
in 1789, 34.

Salzburg, archbishopric of, made
into an electorate for the Grand
Duke Ferdinand of Tuscany (1803),
225, 229; ceded to Bavaria (1809),
257, 274; restored to Austiia
(1815), 344.

San Domingo, Bonaparte s attempt
to reconquer (1802), 232.

Ildefonso, treaty of (19 Aug.

1796). 183.

Sebastian, threatened by the

French (1794), 144; taken by the
French (1795), X 57I stormed by
Wellington (1813), 315, 316.

Saorgio, battle of (29 April 1794),
144.

Saragossa, siege of (1809), 275.

Sardinia, kingdom of, condition in
1789, 26, 27, attacked by the
French (1792), 117; subsidised by
England, 126; restored to Victor
Emmanuel 1. , with the addition of
Genoa, 346; got back Savoy
(1815), 354. See Charles Emmanuel
in., Victor Amadeus iv., Victor
Emmanuel 1., also Nice, Piedmont,
Savoy.

Savigny, Frederick Charles von,
German jurist (1779-1861), 304.

Savona, Pope Pius vn. imprisoned
at, 278.

Savoy, part of the kingdom of Sar-
dinia in 1789, 26; conquered by
the French (1792), 117; annexed
to France, 118 ; ceded by the King
of Sardinia (1797), 174 ; made into
the department of Mont Blanc,
230; left to France (1814), 333;
restored to the King of Sardinia
(1815), 354.

Saxe-Coburg, duchy of, a state of the
Germanic Confederation (i8i5),342.

Saalfeld, Prince Francis

Josias of. See Coburg, Prince of.

Gotha, duchy of, a state of the

Germanic Confederation (1815),
343.

Hildburghausen, duchy of, a

state of the Germanic Confedera-

tion (1815), 343.

M<

Saxe-Teschen, Duke Albert of, Aus-
trian general (1738-1822), 113.

Saxe-Weimar, duchy of, 38 ; made a
Grand Duchy and a state of the
Germanic Confederation (18 15), 342.
See Charles Augustus.

Saxony, electorate of, its condition in
1789, 38 ; receives Lower Lusatia,
and made a kingdom (1806), 259 ;
a state of the Confederation of the
Rhine, 260; invaded bySchilHi8o9j,
293 ; occupied by Napoleon (18 13),
309 ; proposition to merge it in
Prussia rejected (1814), ^39, 340;
part of, ceded to Prussia (18 15),
341 ; a state of the Germanic Con-
federation (1815), 342. See Freder-
ick Augustus.

Schaffhausen, Thurgau, separated
from the canton of, by Bonaparte
(1803), 228.

Scharnhorst, Gerard David von, Prus-
sian general (1755-1813), reorgan-
ised the Prussian army, 290, 291,
308 ; mortally wounded at Ltitzen,

309-
Scheldt, navigation of the, declared

free by the National Convention,

118.
Schemer, Barthelemy Louis Joseph,

French general (1747-1804), 173,

190, 202, 203.
Schill, Friedrich, Prussian officer

(1773-1809), 293.
ichil"

Schiller, Johann Christoph Friedrich,
German poet ( 1759-1805), 9, 38.

Schimmelpenninck, Roger John,
Count, Dutch statesman (1761-
1825), 254.

Schleiermacher, Ernst Friedrich, Ger-
man philosopher (1779-1834), 304.

Schlieften, Friedrich

(t 1791).

von,
63,

Prussian
65. 94.

einingen, duchy of, a state of
the Germanic Confederation (1815),
343-

general

95-
Sch6nbrunn, treaty of (15 Feb. 1806),

247.
Schonfeld, Wilhelm Christoph von,

Prussian general (t 1797), 65, 93.
Schulenburg, Friedrich Wilhelm,

Count von, Prussian statesman

(1730-1802), 126.
Albert, Count von, Saxon

diplomatist (1772-1853), 338.
Schulz, pastor of Gielsdorf, the case

of, 10.
Schwartzberg, two principalities of.

Index

415

recognised as states of the Germanic
Confederation (1815), 343.
Schwartzenberg, Prince Charles Philip
von, Austrian general (1771-1820),

2 94. 3°5. 3 T2 » 3*3. 3 l8 » 3*9. 3 2 °»
328, 339, 350, 353.

Schweitz, canton of Switzerland, main-
tained by Bonaparte (1803), 228.

Seance Royale, held by Louis xvi. (23
June 1789), 54.

Sebastiani, Francois Horace Bastien,
Comte, French general (1772-1851),
275, 280.

Secularisation of the ecclesiastical
states of the Empire proposed by
France, 170 ; agreed to at LuneVille
(1801), 220; its tendency, 226;
carried out (1803), and its effects,
226, 227.

Security, General, Committee ol See
Committee.

Selim hi., Sultan of the Ottoman
Turks (1761-1808), 44, 88, 89, 96,
280, 281.

Senate of France, established by the
Constitution of the Year viii., its
functions, 214 ; given power to dis-
solve the Tribunate and Legislative
Body (1803), 232 ; offers the title of
Emperor to Napoleon (1804), 236 ;
its position under the Empire, 240,
284; appoints a Provisional Govern-
ment (1814), 330; declares Napo-
leon dethroned, 331.

Serfdom in Europe in the 18th cen-
tury, 5, 6 ; abolished in Hungary by
Joseph 11., 16 ; the Russian peasant
partly protected from, by his village
organisation, 19 ; prevalent in Prus-
sia, 29, 30; abolished in Denmark
(1788), 32; abolished in~Baden (1783),
37 ; its existence a cause of the fail-
ure of the Poles to maintain- their
independence, 152 ; disappeared
from Central Europe under the in-
fluence of the French Revolution
and Napoleon, 288, 289 ; abolished
in Prussia by Stein, 290 ; its general
abolition a permanent result of the
period, 361.

Senirier, Jean Mathieu Philibert,
French general (1742-1819), App. iv.

Servan, Joseph, French general (1741-
1808), 114.

Servia, conquered by the Austrians
under Loudon (1789), 45 ; indepen-

dence recognised by the Turks
(1812), 281.

Shumla, 281.

Sicily, not much affected by Tanucci's
reforms, 23; held by the English
for Ferdinand I v., 256, 264.

Sidmouth, Henry Addington, Vis-
count See Addington.

Sieges : Acre (1799), 208 ; Alessandria
( 1799), 203, 20d ; Alexandria (1801),
224 ; Almeida (181 1 ), 206 ; Antwerp
(1814), 321 ; Badajoz (1812), 306 ;
Bayonne (1814), 316, 321 ; Bender
(1789), 45; Burgos (1812), 307; Cadiz
(1810-12K 296, 297; Cairo (1801}, 224;
Ciudad Rodrigo (1812), 306 ; Cond6
(1793). x 3° I Dantzic (1806-7), 2 48,
249; Dantzic(i8i3-i4), 319; Dun-
kirk (1793), 130, 140 ; Gaeta (1807),
256 ; Genoa (1799-1800), 205, 206,
218 ; Giurgevo (1790), 88 ; Hamburg
(1813-14), 319, 370; Ismail (1789-
90). 45. 96; Landau (1793)' H°'»
LeQuesnoy(i793), 130; Lille (1792),
114, 118; Lyons (1793), I 3 I » J 40 I
Magdeburg (18 13-14), 319 ; Mantua
(1796-97), 175, 176 ; Mantua (1799).
203 ; Maubeuge (1793), 140 ; May-
ence (1793). *3Pl Mayence (1795),
172 ; Mayence (1797), 193; Ocha-
kov (1788), 43, 44 ; Orsova (1789-
90), 45, 88 ; Pampeluna (1813), 316;
Riga (1812), 307 ; San Sebastian
(1813), 315, 316 ; Saragossa (1809),
2 75 ; Stettin (1813-14), 319 ; Tarra-
gona (1812), 307 ; Toulon (1793),
140; Valenciennes (1793), 130;
Warsaw (1794), 151, 152.

Siena, 24, 283.

Sieves, Emmanuel Joseph, Comte,
French statesman (1748- 1836), 53,
54, 60, 150, 156, 159, 165, 166, 182,
197, 209, 219, 211, 213, 357.

Silesia, the Prussian Army of, formed
under BlUcher (1813), 309 ; defeated
the French at the fcatzbach, 319 ;
crosses the Rhine, 318 : cut to pieces

by Napoleon, 319.
281,

Silistria, taken by Kutuzov (1811),

Simeon, Joseph Jerome, Comte, French
administrator (1749-1842), 259.

Sistova, congress of (1790-91), 88;
treaty of (4 Aug. 1791), 89.

Slave trade, the Negro, condemned
by the Congress of Vienna at the

4i6

European History, 1789-1815

demand of Castlereagh (1815), 348,

349-

Smith, Sir William Sidney, English
admiral (1764-1840), 145, 208.

Smolensk, 305, 306.

Socialism opposed even by the Hdb-
ertists, 141.

Soleure, canton of Switzerland, main-
tained by Bonaparte (1803), 228.
. Soltikov, Ivan, Count, Russian general
(1736-1805), 43.

Somo Sierra, Napoleon forces the
pass of the (1808), 269.

Sotin de la Coindiere, Pierre, French
administrator (1764-1810), Minister
of Police (1797), 190.

Soult, Nicolas Jean de Dieu, Duke of
Dalmatia, French general (1769-
1851), 269, 270, 275. 296, 297, 315,
316, 321, 332, App. iv.

Sovereignty of the people, the doc-
trine of, 2.

Spain, allied to France by the Pacte
de Famille, 14; its condition in
1789, 20, 21; the reforms of Aranda,
21; demands the help of France
against England in the Nootka
Sound affair (1790), 78 ; declares
war against France (1793), 119;
subsidised by England, 126; in-
vades France, 130 ; defeated by the
French (1794), 140 ; invaded by the
French (1795), 144 ; weary of the
war with France, 154 ; makes peace
with France at Basle (1795), 157;
makes alliance with France at
San Ildefonso, and attacks Eng-
land, 183 ; fleet defeated off Cape
St. Vincent (1797), 183; Bonaparte's
communications with, 223 ; attacks
Portugal, and gets Olivenza by the
treaty of Badajoz (1801), 223 ; cedes
Louisiana to France, 232 ; agrees at
Fontainebleau for the partition of
Portugal, 252, 253 ; course of poli-
tics in, 266, 267 ; Napoleon makes
Joseph Bonaparte king of (1808),
267 ; the Spanish people rise
against the French, 267, 268 ;
Napoleon in Spain, 268-70; the
guerilla war against the French,
297 ; evacuated by the French (1813),
315 ; lost Trinidad, but kept Oliven-
za at the Congress of Vienna (1814-
*S)t 34 8 \ reactionary policy of Fer-
dinand VII. in (1815), 358. See

Charles iv. , Ferdinand vn. , Joseph,
Peninsular War.

Spanish Armament, the (1790), 78.

Spiel mann, Anton, Baron von, Aus-
trian diplomatist (+1738 - 1813),
Austrian representative at Reichen-
bach (1790), 87.

Spires, Bishop of, an ecclesiasti-
cal Prince of the Holy Roman
Empire, 34 ; and one of the Princes
holding largest fiefs in Alsace,

79-

— - bishopric of, the portion on the
right bank of the Rhine merged in
Baden (1803), 227.

city of, taken by Custine (1792),

118.

Spliigen pass, forced by Macdonald
(1800), 219.

Stablo, Abbot of, an ecclesiastical
Prince of the Holy Roman Empire,
34-

Stackelberg, Gustavus, Count von,
Russian diplomatist (fi825), 337.

Stadion, John Philip Charles Joseph,
Count, Austrian statesman (1763-
1824), tried to rouse Germany
against Napoleon, 270, 271 ; suc-
ceeded by Metternich (1809), 275;
inspired by Gentz, 292 ; Austrian
plenipotentiary at Chatillon (1814),
323.

Staps, Friedrich (1792-1809), schemed
to assassinate Napoleon, 293.

State, doctrine of the, 4, 292.

States of the Church. See Papal
States.

States-General of France, summoned
(1788), 43; a financial expedient,
49, 50 ; the elections to, 50, 51 ;
struggle between the Orders, 52,
53; declares itself the National
Assembly, 53. See Constituent
Assembly.

Stein, Henry Frederick Charles,
Freiherr vom, Prussian statesman
( I 7S7- 1 83 I )» a Knight of the Em-
pire, 40 ; his reforms in Prussia,
290 ; dismissed by Napoleon's
orders, 291 ; pressed Alexander to
war with Napoleon, 301 ; his work
completed by Hardenberg, 303 ; at
the Russian headquarters (1812),
304; summoned the Estates of
Prussia at Konigsberg, 308 ; his
idea of rousing a German national

Index

417

spirit abandoned by the allied
monarchs (1813), 310; present at
the Congress of Vienna, 337.

Stephanie Tascher de la Pagerie
(1789- 1 860) married to the Heredi-
tary Grand Duke of Baden (1806),
258.

Stettin, French garrison left in
(1813), 308 ; besieged (1813-14),

3*9-

Stewart, Hon. Sir Charles, afterwards
Lord, English general and diplo-
matist (1778-1854), 301, 323, 337.

Robert, Viscount Castlereagh.

See Castlereagh.

Stockach, battle of (25 March 1799),
202.

Stralsund, taken by the French
(1807), 250.

Strasbourg, Archishop of, an ecclesi-
astical Prince of the Holy Roman
Empire, 34 ; one of chief Princes
of the Empire in Alsace, 79.

archbishopric of, the portion on

the right bank of the Rhine ceded
to Baden (1803), 227.

Stuart, Hon. Sir Charles, English
general (1753-1801), 184, 195.

Sir John, English general (1762-

1810), 256.

Stuttgart, 37, 38, 178.

Suchet, • Louis Gabriel, Duke of
Albufera, French general (1770-
1826), 275, 297, 307, 315, App. iv.

Sudermania, Duke of. See Charles
XIII., King of Sweden.

Supreme Being, Worship of the,
established by Robespierre (1794),
146.

Suspects, Law of the, 137.

Suv6rov, Alexander Vassilivitch,
Count, afterwards Prince, Russian
general (1720-1800), gallantry at the
siege of OchakoW 1788), 44 ; defeats
the Turks at Foksany and the
Rymnik (1789), 45 ; stormed Ismail,
and served at Matchin (1790-91), 96;
defeated the Poles at Zielence and
Dubienka (1792), 121, 122; de-
feated Kosciuszko at Maciejowice,
and took Warsaw (1794), 152 ; de-
feats the French at Cass an o and
the Trebbia, and conquers North-
ern Italy (1799). 203; defeats
Joubert at Novi, and crosses the
Alps, 204 ; repulsed by the French,

PERIOD VII.

205; accuses the Austrians of
causing his failure, 207.
Svenska Sound, battle of (9 July

1790). 95-

Swabia, part ceded to Bavaria, 245 ;
part to Wtirtemburg, 258.

Sweden, its condition in 1789, 32,
33; at war with Russia and -Den-
mark, 45, 46; makes peace with
the Danes (1789,) 46; the coup
(Mat of Gustavus Hi. (1789), 46 ;
peace with Russia, 95, 96 ; death
of Gustavus in., no; neutral in
the war against France, 120, 124,
171 ; loses Pomerania and Finland,
250, 254 ; revolution in, and de-
thronement of Gustavus iv. (1809),
278, 279 ; Bernadotte elected Prince
Royal (1810), 279; exchanges
Pomerania for Norway by the
treaty of Kiel (1814), 320 ; cession
of Norway confirmed by the Con-
press of Vienna (1815), 347. See
Bernadotte, Charles xin., Gusta-
vus in., Gustavus iv.

Switzerland, its condition in 1789,
41 ; its neutrality in the war against
France, 120, 125, 171; headquar-
ters of French diplomacy, 156 ; and
of the imigris diplomacy, 166, 167 ;
revolution of 17981 198, 199; in-
vaded by the French and the
Helvetian Republic formed, 199 ;
Mass£na's campaign in (1799), 204,
205 ; reorganised Dy Bonaparte as
the Confederation of Switzerland
(1803), 228, 229; neutrality of,
violated by the allies (1814), 318 ;
independence and neutrality gua-
ranteed by the treaty of Paris
(1814), 334; reorganised, and
given a fresh constitution by the
Congress of Vienna (1815), 344,
345.

Syria, Bonaparte's campaign in
(1799), 208.

Tagliamento, Bonaparte forces the
passage of the (16 March 1797),
185, 186.

Talavera, battle of (27 July 1809),

*7S>
Talleyrand-Pe'rigord, Charles Maurice
de, Bishop of Autun, afterwards
Prince of Benevento, French states-
man (1754-1838), consecrates the

2 D

4i8

European History, 1719-1815

Constitutional bishops in France
(*79°)» 70 1 appointed Foreign
Minister (1797), and advocated the
couf ditat of 18 Fructidor, 190 ;
resigned (1799), 210 ; advised
Bonaparte to the coup ditat of 18
Brumaire, 210; Foreign Minister
under the Consulate, 216 ; Grand
Chamberlain of the Empire, 239 ;
Foreign Minister under the Empire,
241 ; created Prince of Benevento,
277 ; his policy after the defeat of
Napoleon in 18 14, 329, 330 ;
President of the Provisional Go-
vernment of France, 330 ; gets the
Bourbons accepted, 331 ; negotiates
the first treaty of Paris, 333 ;
French plenipotentiary at the Con-
gress of Vienna (1814-15), 338 ; his
masterly attitude, 338, 339 ; signs
treaty with Austria and England
against Russia and Prussia (3 Jan.
1815), 340; dismissed by Louis
xviii. (1815), 357.

Tallien, Jean Lambert, French poli-
tician (1769-1820), 166.

Talma, Francois Joseph, French
actor (1763-1826), 262.

Tanucci, Bernardo, Marquis, Italian
statesman (1698-1783), 4, 23.

Taranto, Duke of. See Macdonald.

Targovitsa, Confederation of, asks
Catherine's aid to overthrow the
Polish Constitution of 1791, 121.

Tarragona, English failure before
(1812), 307.

Tauroggen, convention of (1812), 308.

Temeswar, the Banat of, invaded by
the Turks (1788), 43.

Tennis Court, Oath of the (20 June

m 1789), 54.

Terror, the Reign of, weapons of/
forged, 128; Robespierre deemed
the author of, 135, 147 ; the system
of, 135-138 ; the deputies on mis-
sion, 136, 137; revolutionary tri-
bunal, 137, 138 ; the Terror in the
provinces, 138, 139 ; excused by
France because of the success of
the Committee of Public Safety
against the foreign foes, 141 ; Dan-
ton believed it too stringent, 143 ;
rose to its height (June- July 1794),
145, 146 ; system abandoned, 148.

the White, in France (1815),

3S6, 357.

Tetterborn, Baron von, Russian

general (1-1836), 308.
Teutonic Order, the, suppressed by

Hardenberg in Prussia, 303.
Texel, Dutch fleet in the, captured

by French hussars (1795), 149 ;

blockaded by the English fleet,

184, 193 ; defeated in the battle of

Camperdown (1797), 194; captured

by the English (1799), 205.
Theophilanthropy, new religion

started in France, 181, 182.
Thermidor, overthrow of Robespierre

on the 9th, 147.
Thermidorians, rule of the, 148, 149,

154-157; their foreign policy, 156,

157.

Thompson, Benjamin, Count Rum-
ford. See Rumford.

Thorn, promised to Prussia by the
Poles (1790), 85; but not surren-
dered (1791), 87 ; obtained by
Prussia at the second partition of
Poland (1793), 122; restored to
Prussia by the Congress of Vienna
(1815), 342.

Thouret, Jacques Guillaume, French
politician (1746-94), 100.

Thugut, Franz Maria, Baron, Aus-
trian statesman (1734-1818), be-
comes Austrian Foreign Minister,
126 ; his policy, 153, 154 ; in favour
of continuing the war with France,
169 ; delayed the treaty of Campo-
Formio as long as he could, 192;
retired from office, 220.

Thurgau, canton of, formed by Bona-
parte (1803), 228 ; recognised by
the Congress of Vienna (1815),
344.

Thuriot de la Roziere, Jacques Alexis,
French politician (1758-1829), 133.

Thurn and Taxis, Prince of, as Im-
perial Commissary, summoned the
Diet of the Empire (1792), 108.

Ticino, canton of, formed by Bona-
parte (1803), 22 8; recognised by
the Congress of Vienna (1815), 344.

Tiers -Etat, Order of the, in the
States - General, its struggle with
the privileged Orders, 51, 53 ; de-
clares itself the National Assembly,

S3-
Tillot, Guillaume Leon du, Marquis
of Felino, Italian statesman (1711-
1774). 25.

Index

419

Tilsit, the meeting of Napoleon and
Alexander at, 249, 250 ; the treaty
of (7 July 1807), 250.

Tirlemont, 48, 64.

Titles abolished in France by the
Constituent Assembly, 6a

Tloczow, circle of, ceded to Russia
(1807), 26.

Tobac, battle of (1789), 45.

Tobago, ceded by England to France
(1783), 19 ; ceded to England by
the treaty of Paris (1814), 333 ;
cession recognised by the Congress
of Vienna, 348.

Tolentino, treaty of (19 Feb. 1797),
177 ; battle of (3 May 1815),
346.

Toleration, Napoleon insists on re-
ligious, in Europe, 289.

Toplitz, treaty of (9 Sept. 1813),

3i3.
Torgau ceded by Saxony to Prussia

(1815), 341.
Torres Vedras, Mass^na repulsed

from the lines of (1810), 296.
Tortona, fortress of, built by Victor

Amadeus in. , 27.
Toulon, 139, 140.
Toulouse, battle of (10 April 1814),

332.
Trafalgar, battle of (21 Oct. 1805),

244, 245.
Trautmannsdorf, Count Albert von,

Austrian statesman (1749- 1817),

47. 64.
Treaties : Amiens (1802), 225 ; Bada-
joz (1801), 223; Bartenstein (1807),
248 ; Basle (1795), 156, 157 ; Bucha-
rest (1812), 281 ; Campo-Formio
(1797), 192, 193; Chaumont (1814),
327, 328 ; Fontainebleau (1807),

252,253; Ghent (1814), 341; Jassy
(1792J, 96; Kalisch (1813), 308;
Kiel (1814), 320 ; Luneville (1801),

219,220; Paris, Provisional (18 14),
33 1 . 332 ; Paris, First (181 A 333,
334; Paris, Second (181O, 353,
354 ; Pfaffenhofen (1796), 180 ;
Potsdam (1805), 247 ; Pressburg

(1805), 245 ; Reichenbach (1813),
310; Ried (1813), 313, 314; San
Ildefonso (1796), 183 ; Schonbrunn
(1806), 247 ; of 3 Jan. 1815, secret,
341; of 1756, 11, 12, 19; Sistova
(1791), 89; Tilsit (1807). »So;
Tolentino (1797), 177 ; Toplitz

(1813), 313; Verela (1790), 95. 9^;

Versailles (1783), 13, 19, 28 ;

Vienna (1809), 274 ; Vienna (18 15),

350 ; Warsaw (1790), 8?.
Trebbia, battle of the (17-19 June

1799). 203.
Treilhard, Jean Baptiste, Comte,

French statesman (1742-1810), 148,

166, 195, 209.
Trent, Macdonald joined by Brune

at (1800), 219.
bishopric of, granted to Austria

(1803), 226.
Treves, the Archbishop of, an Elector

in 1789, 34 ; one of the chief Princes

of the Empire, with fiefs in Alsace,

79; electorate abolished (1803),

225.
city of, taken by the French

(1795), 150; capital of a French

department, 230.
electorate of, well governed in

1789, 40 ; conquered by the French

under Moreaux (1795), 150 ; ceded

to France, 193, 225 ; given to Prussia

(1815), 344.
Treviso, Duke of. See Mortier.
Tribunal, the Imperial, of the Holy

Roman Empire (Reichskammer-

gericht), 35.
the Re

Revolutionary, of Paris,
established (March 1793), ia8 » * ts
powers and effect, 137 ; its system
of work, 138 ; its powers increased
(June 1794), 146, 147 ; condemns
Carrier, 149.

Tribunate, formed by the Constitu-
tion of the Year vm. , its functions,
214; reduced to fifty members
(1805), 240 ; suppressed (1808),
284.

Trieste ceded to Napoleon (1809),
274.

Trinidad, island of, taken by the
English (1797), 264; ceded to Eng-
land by the Congress of Vienna
(1815), 348.

Triple Alliance, the, of England,
Holland, and Prussia, formed 1788,
13. 32.

Tronchet, Francois Denis, French
jurist (1726-1806), 215.

Truguet, Laurent Jean Francois,
Comte, French admiral (1752-
1839), 166, 190.

Tudela, battle of (23 Nov. 1808), 269.

420

European History, 1789-1815

Tuileries, Palace at Paris, 62, 99,
ico, 112, 113, 129, 155, 164, 165.

Turin, observatory at, built by Victor
Amadeus in., 26; threatened by
Bonaparte (1796), 174; occupied
by Suv6rov (1799), 203.

Turkey, travelling to decay, 14 ;
Joseph declares war against, 17 ;
campaign of 1788 against the Rus-
sians and Austrians, 43, 44 ; acces-
sion of Sultan Selim (1789), 44 ;
campaign of 1789, 45; Prussia
negotiates with, 45, 85 ; campaign
of 1790 against the Austrians, 88 ;
treaty of Sistova (1791), 89 ; cam-
paign of 1790-91 against the Rus-
sians, 96 ; treaty of Jassy (1792),
96; looked with favour on the
French Revolution, 171; defeated
by Bonaparte in Syria and Egypt
(1799), 208 ; French army in Illyria
to threaten, 256 ; its general policy
(1796-1807), 280; revolution in,
and accession of Mahmoud (1807-
08), 280, 281; war with Russia
(1809-12), 281 ; treaty of Bucharest
(1812), 281. See Abdul Hamid,
Mahmoud, Mustapha, Selim.

Turreau, Louis Marie, Baron, French
general (1756-18 16), 141.

Tuscany, its prosperity under the
Grand Duke Leopold, 24, 25 ; de-
clares war against France (1793),
120; makes peace with France,
x 57» 17 1 1 occupied by the French
(1799), 200; evacuated by them,
203; restored to the Grand Duke
Ferdinand (1800), 206 ; made into
the kingdom of Etruria (1801), 220;
annexed to Napoleon's Empire
(1808), 255; Elisa Bonaparte, Grand
Duchess of, 283 ; restored to Fer-
dinand (1815), 347. See Ferdinand
11., Leopold.

Two Sicilies, kingdom of the. See
Naples.

Tyrol, the opposition to Joseph's re-
forms in, 15; Joseph suspends his
edicts, 66; pacified by Leopold
(1790), 84; invaded by Bonaparte
(1797), 186; by Macdonald (1800),
219 ; ceded to Bavaria (1805), 245 ;
Hofer's insurrection in (1809), 27 3,
274 ; restored to Austria by Bavaria
(1815), 344-

Ulm, 35, 243, 244.

United States of America, 145, 159,

160, 242, 341.
Universities : Berlin, 303, 304; Bonn,

40 ; Cracow, 105 ; Gottingen,

39 ; Jena, 38 ; Mannheim, 37 ;

Milan, 26 ; Parma, 25 ; Pavia, 26 ;

Pisa, 24 ; Siena, 24.
University of France founded by

Napoleon, its constitution, 288.
Unterwalden, canton of Switzerland

maintained by Bonaparte (1803),

228.
Unzmarkt, battle of (22 March 1797),

186.
Uri, a canton of Switzerland, 41,

228.

Vadier, Marc Guillaume Alexis,
French politician (1736-1828), 149,

Valais, the, declared an independent
Republic (1803), 228 ; annexed by
Napoleon (1810), 283; made a
canton of Switzerland by the Con-
gress of Vienna (1815), 345.

Valence, Pope Pius VI. dies at (1798),

*>3-
Valencia, taken by Moncey (1809),

275-
Valenciennes, taken by the English

Valsarno, battle of (26 Oct. 18 13),

3i5-
Vancouver Island, the affair of Nootka

Sound (1790), 77, 78 ; the Spaniards

claim, 79.
Vandamme, Dominique Rene\ Comte,

French general (1770-1830), 309,

312, 313.
Van der Mersch, John Andrew, Bel-
gian general (1734-92), 48, 64,

93-
Van der Noot, Henry Charles Nicho-
las, Belgian statesman (1735-1827),

48, 64, 65, 92, 93, 94.
Vandernootists or Statists, Belgian

political party, 47, 48, 92, 93.
Van der Spiegel, John, Baron, Dutch

statesman, Grand Pensionary of

Holland, 65, 93.
Varennes, the flight of Louis xvi. and

Marie Antoinette from Paris (June

1 791), stopped at, zoo.

Index

421

Vauchamps, battle of (14 Feb. 1814),

319.

Vaud, Pays de, revolts against Berne
(1798), 199 ; made an independent
canton of Switzerland by Bonaparte
(1803), 228; recognised by the
Congress of Vienna (1815), 344.

Venaissin, the county of the, 76, 333,
354.

Vendue, La, the insurrection in, 128,
130, 131, 141, 143, 180, 181,
215.

Vendemiaire, the insurrection of 13th
(5 Oct 1795), in Paris, 164,
165.

Venice, condition of the Republic in
1789, 27 ; remained neutral in the
war against the French Republic,
124 ; promised to Austria in ex-
change for Lombardy at Leoben,
186 ; occupied by Bonaparte (1797),
191, 192 ; ceded the Ionian Islands
to France, 192 ; ceded to Austria
by the Treaty of Campo-Formio
( x 797)» IO * ; conclave met at (1799),
206; occupied by Brune (1800),
219 ; ceded to Austria by the Treaty
of LuneVille (1801), 220 ; ceded to
the kingdom of Italy by the Treaty
of Pressburg (1805), 245, 255;
granted to Austria by the Congress
of Vienna (1815), 347.

Verdun, taken by the Prussians (1792),

"4. "5-

Verela, treaty of (14 Aug. 1790), 95,
96.

Vergniaud, Pierre Victurnien, French
politician (1753-93). 106, 114, 116,
129.

Verona, belonged to Venice in 1789,
27 ; punished by Bonaparte for the
murder of French soldiers (1796),
191 ; Scherer attacked at, 202.

Versailles, the States-General meets
at (May 1789), 51 ; invaded by the
women of Paris (5 Oct. 1789), 62.

the treaty of (1783), 13, 19, 28.

Veto, the question of the, in the Con-
stituent Assembly, 61.

Vicenza, Duke of. See Caulaincourt.

Victor Amadeus in., King of Sar-
dinia (1726-96), 26, 27, 63, 117, 126,

173. 174.
Emmanuel 1. , King of Sardinia

(1759-1824), 346, 354.
— Victor Claude Perrin, called,

French general (1764-1841), 269,
275, 276, 297, App. iv.
Vienna, the inscription on the Em-
peror Joseph's statue at, 66 ; Berna-
dotte insulted at (1798), 198 ; the
French approach (1801), 219 ; occu-
pied by Napoleon (1805), 244. ; and
(1809), 273 ; treaty of (1809), 274 ;
and (1815), 350.

the Congress of, 336, 350, 337,

338, 340, 34i» 342, 343. 344. 345.
347, 348, 349.

Vieux Cordelier, the, 142, 143.
Villeneuve, Pierre Charles Jean

Baptiste Silvestre de, French ad-
miral (1763-1806), 242, 244, 245.
Vimeiro, battle of (21 Aug. 1808),

265, 266.
Vins, Charles, Baron de, Austrian

general (f 1794). 88.
Virtue, Reign of, Robespierre's belief

in a, 146.
Visconti, Ennius Quirinus, Italian

antiquary (1751-1818), 24.
Vittoria, taken by the French (1795),

151 ; battle of (21 June 1813), 315.
Volhynia, province of, ceded to

Russia at the second partition of

Poland (1793), 122.
Volta, Alessandro, Italian man of

science (1745-1827), 26.
Voltaire, Francois Marie, Arouet de,

French philosopher (1694-1778), 6,

9-
Vonck, Francis, Belgian politician

(1752-1797). 48, 93-
Vonckists, Belgian political party,

48, 65, 92, 93.
Vyborg, the Swedish fleet blockaded

in the Gulf of (1790), 95.

WAGRAM, battle of (6 July 1809),

274.
Walcheren, the English expedition to

(1809), 276.
Waldeck, principality of, a state of

the Germanic Confederation (1815),

343.

Prince Christian Augustus of,

Austrian general (1744-98), 184.

Wallachia, invaded by the Austrians
(1789), 45; conquered by the Rus-
sians (1810), 281.

Warsaw, treaty made at, between the
Poles and Prussia (29 March 1790),
85 ; occupied by Kosciuszko (1794),

422

European History \ 1 789- 1 8 1 5

151 ; besieged by the Prussians,
151 ; taken by the Russians, 152 ;
ceded to Prussia (1795), 152 ;
Napoleon enters (1807), 24 8 *• given
to Russia by the Congress of
Vienna (1815), 34a.

Warsaw, Grand Duchy of, founded by
Napoleon (1807), 259, 261 ; West-
ern Galicia ceded to, by Austria
(1809), 274; dissolved (1815),
342.

Waterloo, battle of (18 June 1815),

353*

Watteville, Nicholas Rodolphe de,
Swiss statesman (1760- 1832), 228.

Wattignies, battle of (16 Oct. 1793),
140.

Weimar, headquarters of the German
literary movement, 38. See Saxe-
Weimar.

Wellesley, Hon. Sir Arthur, Duke of
Wellington. See Wellington.

Richard, Marquis, English

statesman (1760-1842), 295.

Wellington, Arthur Wellesley, Duke
of, English general (1769-1852),
defeated the Danish army at Kioge
(1807), 252 ; sent to Portugal
(1808), 265 ; defeats the French at
Rolica and Vimeiro, 265, 266 ; re-
called, 266 ; again sent to Portugal
(1809), 275 ; takes Oporto, 275 ;
defeats the French at Talavera,
275, 276 ; forms the Anglo-Portu-
guese army, 296 ; campaign of
1810, 181 1, 206, 297 ; campaign of
1812 and victory of Salamanca,
306 ; wins battle of Vittoria (1813),
315 ; invades France, and wins
battles of the Nivelle and the Nive
(1813), 316 ; wins battle of Orthez
(1814), 321 ; his attitude towards
the Due d'Angoulfime, 326, 327 ;
defeats Soult at Toulouse, 332 ;
succeeds Castlereagh as English
plenipotentiary at the Congress of
Vienna (1815), 341, 349 ; signs the
treaty of Vienna, 350 ; takes com-
mand of the allied armies in Bel-
gium, 352; defeats Napoleon at
Waterloo, 353.

Werden, abbey of, merged in Prussia
(1803), 227.

Wessenberg-Ampfingen, J oh an n
Phil»o, Baron von, Austrian diplo-
matist (i773-i8S 8 )» 337-

West India Islands, the French, taken
by the English, 154; restored at
the Peace of Amiens (1802), 232 ;
recaptured (1809), 2°4 *» restored
except Saint-Lucia and Tobago
(181$), 348.

Westphalia, kingdom of, formed by
Napoleon (1807), 250; its limits,
258 ; administration, 258, 259 ;
member of the Confederation of
the Rhine, 260.

Wetzlar, seat of the Imperial Tri-
bunal of the Empire, 35 ; taken by
Hoche (1796), 186 ; merged in the
electorate of Mayence (1803),
225.

White Terror in France in 1815, 356,

357-

Vickham, William, English diplo-
matist (1768-1845), 166, 167, 182.

Widdin, the Pasha of, defeated at
Foksany (1789). 45-

Wieland, Christoph Martin, German
poet (1733-1813), 38.

William v., Prince of Orange, and
Stadtholder of the United Nether-
lands (1748-1806), 31, 32, 149, 179,
227.

vi., Prince of Orange, and I.

King of the Netherlands (1772-

«fi

1843). 314. 320. 321. 344-
— Prince Ro

*oyal, afterwards King,
of WUrtemburg (1781-1864), 337.

ix., Landgrave, afterwards

Elector and Grand Duke of Hesse-
Cassel (1743-1821), 6, 38, 157, 225,
227, 250, 258, 337 ; made a Grand
Duke and member of the Germanic
Confederation (1815), 342.

Prince, of Prussia, afterwards

German Emperor (1797-1888),
337.

Wilson, Sir Robert Thomas, English

general (1777-1849). 30 1 -
Wintzingerode, Ferdinand, Baron,

Russian general (1770-1818), 319,

320, 328, 338.
Wissembourg, lines of, stormed by

the Austrians (1793), 139.
Wittenberg, ceded to Prussia by

Saxony (1815), 341.
Wittgenstein, Louis Adolphus Peter,

Prince of Sayn-, Russian general

(1769-1843), 309, 309.
Wolf, Frederick Augustus, German

scholar (1759-1824), 304.

Index

423

Wolkonski, Nicholas, Prince Repnin-

Russian general (1778-1845), 337.
Worms, Bishop of, an ecclesiastical

Prince of the Holy Roman Empire,

34 ; one of the chief princes in

Alsace, 79.
city of, headquarters of Condi's

army of French Emigre's, 106 ; taken

by Custine, 118.
Worship of Reason at Paris (1793),

411.

of the Supreme Being, 146.

Wrede, Charles Philip, Prince von,

Bavarian general (1767-1838), 338.
Wurmser, Dagobert Sigismund,

Count, Austrian general (1724-97),

40, 130. *39» x 4<>. 175. x 76.

Wiirtemburg, duchy of, condition in
1789, 37, 38; invaded by Moreau
(1796), 180; made an electorate
(1803), 225; receives extension of
territory, 227 ; invaded by Napoleon
(1805), 244 ; made a kingdom
(1806), 245 ; receives Austrian
Swabia, 258; state of the Con-
federation of the Rhine, 260; of
the Germanic Confederation (1815),
342. See Charles Euggne, Frede-
rick, Frederick Eugene.

Wiirtzburg, Bishop of, an ecclesias-

tical Prince of the Holy Roman
Empire, 35.

Wiirtzburg, bishopric of, merged in
Bavaria (1803), 227; exchanged for
Salzburg (1809), and made a Grand
Duchy, 260; a state of the Con-
federation of the Rhine, 260.

city of, taken by Jourdan (1796),

177.

YORK, Frederick, Duke of, English

general (1763-1827), 39, 127, 130,

140, 205.
von Wartenburg, John David

Louis, Count, Prussian general

(1759-1830), 308.

Zettin, taken by the Austrians
(i79o),«88.

Zielence, battle of (18 June 1792), 122.

Zubov, Prince Plato, Russian states-
man (1767-1822), 221.

Zug, canton of Switzerland, main-
tained by Bonaparte (1803), 228.

Zurich, battle of (26 Sept. 1799), 204.

canton of Switzerland, main-
tained by Bonaparte (1803), 228;
made one of the presiding cantons
of the Helvetian Diet (1815), 345. '

Zwei-briicken. See Deux-Ponts.

MAPS.

Map i. Europe in 1789.
„ 2. Europe in 1803.
„ 3. Europe in 18 10.
n 4. Europe in 18 15.

These maps are intended to show the limits of the principd
states of Europe at the beginning of 1789, after the rearrangemeit
in 1803, at the height of Napoleon's power in 18 10, and accoidirg
to the settlement made by the Congress of Vienna in 181 5.

The same colouring has been preserved through the series Df
maps in order that the boundaries of each country may be com-
pared at these different dates.

The red line in Map 1 marks the boundary of the Holy Roman
Empire.

The area in Germany left uncoloured— in all four maps — wss
occupied by various states too small in size to be indicated by
colours.

/**>

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